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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

169

Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia
University Press.
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.
MAGAZINES
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.

THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE
Marlene B a rt o s

It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,
records the performances of two plays in German; the one
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of
Slovak Literature.)

�170

SLOVAKIA

The 17th century marked dramatic development in
Latin at Slovak Jesuit schools, with performances of Seneca,
Sophocles, Plautus, and Terentius, among others. These
plays were also translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German,
and presented in the vernacular.
The Piarist Fathers were also active, although their
productions did not match the splendor of Jesuit productions in polish or costuming. Jesuit presentations were
costumed from Vienna and not infrequently from Venice.
Piarist productions, however, were more liberal in content,
dealing more with worldly issues, and thus contributed
notably to Slovak drama.
Original plays in Latin were presented at Slovak Protestant institutions. Isaac Caban (1638-1707), rector at
Brezno and later professor at the Presov and Levoca
lyceums, wrote a cycle of five Latin plays titled Labarum
Triumphale Victrici Palladi Fragariae Solenne (Triumphant
Standard of Presov's Victorious Minerva). The cycle was
presented in 1665 on five successive days and repeated
several times by popular demand.
Other original Latin plays by other professors-divines
soon appeared. One such play, titled Eleazar Constans, was
about a man who was steadfast in his faith. It was presented
in Bardejov, in 1668, by students on the anniversary of the
founding of their school.
This was followed, in 1669, by Papinianus Tetragonus ,
which met with tremendous success.
The nature of the play itself reflected the universal
European trend of that time. The protagonist was Papinianus Ictus, a Roman jurist who lived from 140 to 212,
"a man brave, steadfast, and honorable." He was executed
by Roman Emperor Caracalla because he would not condone the Emperor's fratricide.
Papinianus was translated into the prevalent vernaculars-Slovak, German, Magyar-and continued in popularity. A most interesting study for a thesis would be a
comparison of the play to the tragedies of Shakespeare,
who had been dead only fifty years at that time. Titus
Andronicus? Julius Ceasar? Timon of Athens? Anthony and
Cleopatra? Coriolanus?
Shakespeare drew heavily upon Plutarch's Parallel
Lives for the factual bases of his tragedies. Plutarch had

�SLOVAKIA

171

already been translated into English and had a profound
influence upon English literature; Plutarch was integral
to the classical scholarship of Slovakia; Plutarch was the
cultural denominator common to England and Slovakia and
could therefore serve as the prime basis for a comparative
study.
Thanks to the well-organized records keeping of the
religious orders, much information is available to us about
theatrical presentations. From 1601 to 1773, the Jesuits
staged over 10,000 plays in Hungary, most of them in
Slovakia. The themes of the plays dealt with the bible and
with oriental and classical history.
Slovak was used for the first time in Bratislava in
1628 as the language of a play entitled About the Sacrament
of the Altar. Performances were held every evening during
the Lenten season, and the response was so great that
more than a thousand tickets were sold every day. An
original play entitled Apollo Returned Heaven, by Rector
Paul ~uhaj, was performed in Slovak at Levoca, Spisska
Kapitula, and Skalica.
With the growth of a middle class by the early 1700's
came a burgeoning interest in the theater, reaching from
the nobility, through the middle-class and the working-class,
to the peasantry. The center of this activity in Slovakia
was Bratislava, which was also the seat of the Hungarian
Parliament.
Only a short drive by horse-coach from Vienna, Bratislava teemed with the nobility of the Austrian Imperial
Court and consequently that of Hungary and visitors from
the other monarchies of Europe. They brought to Bratislava
theatrical companies from Austria, Poland, Italy, and
Germany. Private theaters became the fashion among such
noble families as the Erdody, Eszterhazy, and Zichy, which
maintained residences in Bratislava.
The permanent theater in Bratislava, from 1741 on, was
at Rybarska Brana (Fisherman's Gate). A small summer
theater was established in 1760. To the sorrow of Slovak
culture, the situation among talented performers of that
time still exists today. Persons of outstanding talent would
move on to the larger cities of Europe-Budapest, Vienna,
Munich, Prague-and asswne a culture that was alien, if
not politically hostile, to their Slovak background. Although

�172

SLOVAKIA

their talents were genetically rooted in Slovakia, the theatrical dynasties they frequently founded were completely
alienated, both culturally and politically.
The Czech theater was enriched by two Slovaks, Paul
Kyrmezer of Banska stiavnica, and George Tesak of Mosovce. Both were refugees from the ravages of the Turks, who
held strategic fortresses in Slovakia at that time.
Kyrmezer was for a time pastor and school director
of various churches in Moravia, being dean in Uherske
Hradiste from 1576 until his death in 1589. He wrote several
plays and dramas in Old Slovak.
George Tesak, who died in Prague in 1617, wrote many
plays incorporating music and song, which are considered
early forms of the operetta.
Both Kyrmezer and Tesak are respected by the Czechs
as pioneers in Czech theatrical arts. Adaptations of their
works were performed as late as 1938 in Prague, Brno,
Olomouc, and other Czech and Moravian centers with great
success.
The theatrical arts moved ahead quickly in full force
in Bratislava, Budapest, and Vienna, which, of course, was
reflected in smaller, provincial communities. Music, at this
time, became compulsory in all intermediate and higher
schools. All professional theaters began to present operas
and operettas. Music became an indispensible factor in
social and cultural life. Artists-actors, singers, musicians,
composers, conductors, and directors-were subsidized by
the state and community. Indeed, if one did not attend
at least two performances a week, one was almost a social
outcast.
Many Slovak young men, even from the villages, who
came to the big cities to study medicine, pharmacy, law,
or philosophy, began to devote themselves to music. They
ultimately gave up their original ambitions and enrolled in
conservatories of music, undoubtedly causing their parents
considerable grief. In this sense they were not unlike our
modern youth.
·
Matthew Kamensky, born in sopron in 1734, composed
the first op~ra in Polish, Nedza Uszczesliwiona (Poverty
Made Fortunate). He died in Warsaw in 1821 as the popular
composer Ka:mi~nski. [Jan Fisher, Dejin,y hudby (History

�SLOVAKIA

173

of Music), Spolok sv. Vojtecha (Society of St. Adalbert),
Trnava, 1933 ) .
Slovakia's central location made the country an important crossing point in the musical lives of surrounding
countries. Slovakia was close to the Austrian music of
Vienna. But there were also strong Magyar influences.
Purely from a Slovak and Slavonic standpoint, the Abbey
at Budec was the guardian of liturgical music. The abbey
fostered the Cyrilo-Methodian Liturgy and produced many
outstanding musicians, composers, and teachers.
Bratislava is less than 20 miles, across the Danube,
from Rohrau in Austria, where Josef Haydn was born. As
a composer of world renown, Haydn contributed outstandingly to the development of the symphony. And as
such, he was a teacher of the German genius Ludwig van
Beethoven, who raised the symphonic form to its greatest
development. Both masters knew Bratislava.
Beethoven was only 22 years old when he made Vienna
his home in 1792. By 1796 he had already personally
endeared himself to Bratislava audiences, although his First
Symphony was received with mixed reactions, as elsewhere,
when it was first performed in 1800. There is a legend
that his Moonlight Sonata was inspired by his love for
an innkeeper's daughter in the Slovak spa of Piest'any.
Beethoven's fame and popularity brought him many
requests for his patronage. One such request, which was
fulfilled, came from a young student of music, Jozef
Koritansky, who went on to Vienna to become one of the
most outstanding of opera stars in Europe.
The great Franz Schubert also knew Slovakia. As music
teacher to a branch of the Eszterhazy family, he lived in
the palace at Zeliezovce. Here he composed his famous
Ave Maria, supposedly to express his love for one of the
Eszterhazy daughters, which is allegedly why the hymn was
banned from churches in some parts of Europe. He, too,
was a frequent visitor to Bratislava, where he is known
to have had many friends .
.Vienna as a cultural magnet, and because of its geographical proximity, drew countless numbers of Slovaks
over the centuries. Some went specifically to further their
studies. Others went merely to seek their fortunes. At the

�174

SLOVAKIA

outbreak of World War I, there were innumerable thousands of Slovaks in Vienna.
Budapest is an interesting example of Magyar acculturation of Slovaks. The first Magyar opera was composed
in 1823 by a Slovak, Jozef Chudy, born in Bratislava. The
world-famous composer Ernest Dohnany, was born in
Banska Bystrica in 1877. The primadona of the Royal
Magyar Theater, Maria Sarvasova, was born in Zvolen in
1894. The leading actress Ilona Bednar was born in Banska
stiavnica. Prima ballerina Anna suhaj was a Slovak. The
leading actors Jan Sklenar, Tomas Jakub, Pavol Rezar, and
Jozef Sedlak, as well as the singers Zoltan Kianicka, Andrej
Dvoran, and Jan Mastny, all considered Magyar, had Slovak
backgrounds. (Dejiny hudby, Trnava, 1933; Javisko, Turc.
Sv. Martin, 1940)
As Magyar chauvinism grew in intensity, the Slovak
theater in the Slovak highlands suffered, from harassment
to direct suppression. Slovak audiences, particularly in the
villages, delighted in plays that satirized the Magyarization
of the small-town Slovak gentry. Since Magyarization was
the planned program of the Budapest government, such
plays were considered subversive.
Suppression stimulated the growth of the Slovak folk
theater, and groups of devoted amateurs sustained the
Slovak character through long years of political and cultural oppression. The amateur theater became so ingrained
a tradition, that it was brought to the United States by early
immigrants, where, with the ubiquitous, multi-functional
Slovak choir, it became the fund raiser for most of the
Slovak churches, schools, and societies.
It would be a long list if one were to enumerate the
artists who gained fame on the stages of Budapest and
Vienna and whose talents stemmed from the highland
villages of Slovakia. It would be an extremely short list
to enumerate those artists whose Slovak identity was not
obliterated by the cultures of their new environments.
There are notable examples, however, of artists who
should be mentioned because they emerged as Slovaks
through the forces that brought about the fall of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and brought into being new
states, among them Czecho-Slovakia.

�SLOVAKIA

175

It was in 1916, a year before the United States entered
World War I and when the Austro-Hungarian Empire was
already tottering, that a Slovak artist of high professional
caliber appeared on the American stage as a Slovak, perhaps for the first time in history. It was Anica Fabry,
primadona of the Royal Opera at Budapest.
She presented several concerts in New York City,
which were favorably reviewed by such newspapers as The
New York Times, The Herald Tribune, and the Journal
American, among others. Noteworthy is the fact that in the
programs of songs Miss Fabry sang were those of a young
Slovak composer, Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky.
Following upon the end of the war and the emergence
of the states in Central and East Central Europe, the world
was able to know the young, talented Slovaks building
careers on the stages of Budapest and Vienna.
The handsome young Slovak actor-singer Frantisek
Kristof Vesely was brought from Vienna to Prague, where
he became a leading star in films. From Budapest there
returned such outstanding artists as Andrej Bagar, Hana
Melickova, and Jozef Kelo.
Bratislava was nationalistically awakening in quick
tempo. But it soon appeared that the Czechs wanted the
National Theater at Bratislava to be a bridge for politicizing
and for influencing a pan-Czech Slovak development. This
led to an internal struggle that lasted for years, during
which Slovaks were gradually beginning to supplant Czechs
m thA Slovak National Theater, particular as authors and
playwriters.Outstanding foreign plays were being translated
into Slovak and presented on the stage.
Many Slovaks, however, were applying their talents
to the Czech stage, as actors, singers, directors, and ballet
performers. They were exceptionally well paid for their
talents, it should be said, to prevent them from complementing the Slovak theaters at Bratislava and Kosice,
which were, through their high professional standards, too
dangerously competitive for the Czech theater at Prague
and Brno.
The year 1938 decided in favor of the Slovaks. The
theater in Bratislava was already on a high professional
level. The still relatively young, 39-year-old idol, Frantisek

�176

SLOVAKIA

Kristof Vesely, came home to Bratislava from Prague.
Opera star Belo Turba Nitrancan returned from Brno. New
strength arrived through the return of young Slovaks who
had been studying abroad. All enriched the Slovak stage.
Into this resurging theatrical environment entered the
ambitious and talented young Slovak, Gejza Dusik, who
in the course of a few years wrote dozens of operettas,
Turecky tabak (Turkish Tobacco), Modra ruza (Blue Rose),
Pozar na vlak (Watch Out for the Train), Pod cudzou
vlajkou (Under a Foreign Flag), to name the most popular.
These were received with so great and wide acclaim that
they were almost immediately translated into neighboring
languages - German, Magyar, Croat, Bulgar, and others.
Theaters were filled to standing-room-on ly whenever Dusik's operettas were performed.
The names Mayzes, Cikker, and Suchan are known
world-wide as contemporary composers of classical music,
symphonic and operatic. Their works are in the repertoire
of every major, internationally known symphony orchestra
and opera company. Mayzes' Janosik Suite musically recreates the legends of the popular Slovak hero-outlaw, who
"took from the rich and gave to the poor." Cikker's operas
are regularly performed in Germany and England, particularly one based on Dicken's Christmas Carol. Suchon's
opera Krutnava (Vortex), in purely Slovak setting and
theme, begins in tragedy and ends in happiness, contrary to
traditional operatic structure. Nevertheless, Krutnava has
established itself even in Italy, the birthplace and home
of opera.
As already stated, this presentation considers Slovak
theatrical and musical arts only in historical delineation.
Although the years 1938 to 1945 constitute, in a sense,
Slovak cultural risorgimento, those years and the years
following up to our time are still within the current
historical perspective. As such, they do not lend themselves
even to a superficial evaluation that can be objective. Such
evaluation is for the future.
What may be said today about this period of Slovak
risorgimento is that Bratislava surpassed Vienna in the
state of the arts. What must be asked today is, "Quo vadis,
Bratislava?"
( Second place - College)

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3673">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

169

Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia
University Press.
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.
MAGAZINES
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.

THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE
Marlene B a rt o s

It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,
records the performances of two plays in German; the one
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of
Slovak Literature.)

�170

SLOVAKIA

The 17th century marked dramatic development in
Latin at Slovak Jesuit schools, with performances of Seneca,
Sophocles, Plautus, and Terentius, among others. These
plays were also translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German,
and presented in the vernacular.
The Piarist Fathers were also active, although their
productions did not match the splendor of Jesuit productions in polish or costuming. Jesuit presentations were
costumed from Vienna and not infrequently from Venice.
Piarist productions, however, were more liberal in content,
dealing more with worldly issues, and thus contributed
notably to Slovak drama.
Original plays in Latin were presented at Slovak Protestant institutions. Isaac Caban (1638-1707), rector at
Brezno and later professor at the Presov and Levoca
lyceums, wrote a cycle of five Latin plays titled Labarum
Triumphale Victrici Palladi Fragariae Solenne (Triumphant
Standard of Presov's Victorious Minerva). The cycle was
presented in 1665 on five successive days and repeated
several times by popular demand.
Other original Latin plays by other professors-divines
soon appeared. One such play, titled Eleazar Constans, was
about a man who was steadfast in his faith. It was presented
in Bardejov, in 1668, by students on the anniversary of the
founding of their school.
This was followed, in 1669, by Papinianus Tetragonus ,
which met with tremendous success.
The nature of the play itself reflected the universal
European trend of that time. The protagonist was Papinianus Ictus, a Roman jurist who lived from 140 to 212,
"a man brave, steadfast, and honorable." He was executed
by Roman Emperor Caracalla because he would not condone the Emperor's fratricide.
Papinianus was translated into the prevalent vernaculars-Slovak, German, Magyar-and continued in popularity. A most interesting study for a thesis would be a
comparison of the play to the tragedies of Shakespeare,
who had been dead only fifty years at that time. Titus
Andronicus? Julius Ceasar? Timon of Athens? Anthony and
Cleopatra? Coriolanus?
Shakespeare drew heavily upon Plutarch's Parallel
Lives for the factual bases of his tragedies. Plutarch had

�SLOVAKIA

171

already been translated into English and had a profound
influence upon English literature; Plutarch was integral
to the classical scholarship of Slovakia; Plutarch was the
cultural denominator common to England and Slovakia and
could therefore serve as the prime basis for a comparative
study.
Thanks to the well-organized records keeping of the
religious orders, much information is available to us about
theatrical presentations. From 1601 to 1773, the Jesuits
staged over 10,000 plays in Hungary, most of them in
Slovakia. The themes of the plays dealt with the bible and
with oriental and classical history.
Slovak was used for the first time in Bratislava in
1628 as the language of a play entitled About the Sacrament
of the Altar. Performances were held every evening during
the Lenten season, and the response was so great that
more than a thousand tickets were sold every day. An
original play entitled Apollo Returned Heaven, by Rector
Paul ~uhaj, was performed in Slovak at Levoca, Spisska
Kapitula, and Skalica.
With the growth of a middle class by the early 1700's
came a burgeoning interest in the theater, reaching from
the nobility, through the middle-class and the working-class,
to the peasantry. The center of this activity in Slovakia
was Bratislava, which was also the seat of the Hungarian
Parliament.
Only a short drive by horse-coach from Vienna, Bratislava teemed with the nobility of the Austrian Imperial
Court and consequently that of Hungary and visitors from
the other monarchies of Europe. They brought to Bratislava
theatrical companies from Austria, Poland, Italy, and
Germany. Private theaters became the fashion among such
noble families as the Erdody, Eszterhazy, and Zichy, which
maintained residences in Bratislava.
The permanent theater in Bratislava, from 1741 on, was
at Rybarska Brana (Fisherman's Gate). A small summer
theater was established in 1760. To the sorrow of Slovak
culture, the situation among talented performers of that
time still exists today. Persons of outstanding talent would
move on to the larger cities of Europe-Budapest, Vienna,
Munich, Prague-and asswne a culture that was alien, if
not politically hostile, to their Slovak background. Although

�172

SLOVAKIA

their talents were genetically rooted in Slovakia, the theatrical dynasties they frequently founded were completely
alienated, both culturally and politically.
The Czech theater was enriched by two Slovaks, Paul
Kyrmezer of Banska stiavnica, and George Tesak of Mosovce. Both were refugees from the ravages of the Turks, who
held strategic fortresses in Slovakia at that time.
Kyrmezer was for a time pastor and school director
of various churches in Moravia, being dean in Uherske
Hradiste from 1576 until his death in 1589. He wrote several
plays and dramas in Old Slovak.
George Tesak, who died in Prague in 1617, wrote many
plays incorporating music and song, which are considered
early forms of the operetta.
Both Kyrmezer and Tesak are respected by the Czechs
as pioneers in Czech theatrical arts. Adaptations of their
works were performed as late as 1938 in Prague, Brno,
Olomouc, and other Czech and Moravian centers with great
success.
The theatrical arts moved ahead quickly in full force
in Bratislava, Budapest, and Vienna, which, of course, was
reflected in smaller, provincial communities. Music, at this
time, became compulsory in all intermediate and higher
schools. All professional theaters began to present operas
and operettas. Music became an indispensible factor in
social and cultural life. Artists-actors, singers, musicians,
composers, conductors, and directors-were subsidized by
the state and community. Indeed, if one did not attend
at least two performances a week, one was almost a social
outcast.
Many Slovak young men, even from the villages, who
came to the big cities to study medicine, pharmacy, law,
or philosophy, began to devote themselves to music. They
ultimately gave up their original ambitions and enrolled in
conservatories of music, undoubtedly causing their parents
considerable grief. In this sense they were not unlike our
modern youth.
·
Matthew Kamensky, born in sopron in 1734, composed
the first op~ra in Polish, Nedza Uszczesliwiona (Poverty
Made Fortunate). He died in Warsaw in 1821 as the popular
composer Ka:mi~nski. [Jan Fisher, Dejin,y hudby (History

�SLOVAKIA

173

of Music), Spolok sv. Vojtecha (Society of St. Adalbert),
Trnava, 1933 ) .
Slovakia's central location made the country an important crossing point in the musical lives of surrounding
countries. Slovakia was close to the Austrian music of
Vienna. But there were also strong Magyar influences.
Purely from a Slovak and Slavonic standpoint, the Abbey
at Budec was the guardian of liturgical music. The abbey
fostered the Cyrilo-Methodian Liturgy and produced many
outstanding musicians, composers, and teachers.
Bratislava is less than 20 miles, across the Danube,
from Rohrau in Austria, where Josef Haydn was born. As
a composer of world renown, Haydn contributed outstandingly to the development of the symphony. And as
such, he was a teacher of the German genius Ludwig van
Beethoven, who raised the symphonic form to its greatest
development. Both masters knew Bratislava.
Beethoven was only 22 years old when he made Vienna
his home in 1792. By 1796 he had already personally
endeared himself to Bratislava audiences, although his First
Symphony was received with mixed reactions, as elsewhere,
when it was first performed in 1800. There is a legend
that his Moonlight Sonata was inspired by his love for
an innkeeper's daughter in the Slovak spa of Piest'any.
Beethoven's fame and popularity brought him many
requests for his patronage. One such request, which was
fulfilled, came from a young student of music, Jozef
Koritansky, who went on to Vienna to become one of the
most outstanding of opera stars in Europe.
The great Franz Schubert also knew Slovakia. As music
teacher to a branch of the Eszterhazy family, he lived in
the palace at Zeliezovce. Here he composed his famous
Ave Maria, supposedly to express his love for one of the
Eszterhazy daughters, which is allegedly why the hymn was
banned from churches in some parts of Europe. He, too,
was a frequent visitor to Bratislava, where he is known
to have had many friends .
.Vienna as a cultural magnet, and because of its geographical proximity, drew countless numbers of Slovaks
over the centuries. Some went specifically to further their
studies. Others went merely to seek their fortunes. At the

�174

SLOVAKIA

outbreak of World War I, there were innumerable thousands of Slovaks in Vienna.
Budapest is an interesting example of Magyar acculturation of Slovaks. The first Magyar opera was composed
in 1823 by a Slovak, Jozef Chudy, born in Bratislava. The
world-famous composer Ernest Dohnany, was born in
Banska Bystrica in 1877. The primadona of the Royal
Magyar Theater, Maria Sarvasova, was born in Zvolen in
1894. The leading actress Ilona Bednar was born in Banska
stiavnica. Prima ballerina Anna suhaj was a Slovak. The
leading actors Jan Sklenar, Tomas Jakub, Pavol Rezar, and
Jozef Sedlak, as well as the singers Zoltan Kianicka, Andrej
Dvoran, and Jan Mastny, all considered Magyar, had Slovak
backgrounds. (Dejiny hudby, Trnava, 1933; Javisko, Turc.
Sv. Martin, 1940)
As Magyar chauvinism grew in intensity, the Slovak
theater in the Slovak highlands suffered, from harassment
to direct suppression. Slovak audiences, particularly in the
villages, delighted in plays that satirized the Magyarization
of the small-town Slovak gentry. Since Magyarization was
the planned program of the Budapest government, such
plays were considered subversive.
Suppression stimulated the growth of the Slovak folk
theater, and groups of devoted amateurs sustained the
Slovak character through long years of political and cultural oppression. The amateur theater became so ingrained
a tradition, that it was brought to the United States by early
immigrants, where, with the ubiquitous, multi-functional
Slovak choir, it became the fund raiser for most of the
Slovak churches, schools, and societies.
It would be a long list if one were to enumerate the
artists who gained fame on the stages of Budapest and
Vienna and whose talents stemmed from the highland
villages of Slovakia. It would be an extremely short list
to enumerate those artists whose Slovak identity was not
obliterated by the cultures of their new environments.
There are notable examples, however, of artists who
should be mentioned because they emerged as Slovaks
through the forces that brought about the fall of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and brought into being new
states, among them Czecho-Slovakia.

�SLOVAKIA

175

It was in 1916, a year before the United States entered
World War I and when the Austro-Hungarian Empire was
already tottering, that a Slovak artist of high professional
caliber appeared on the American stage as a Slovak, perhaps for the first time in history. It was Anica Fabry,
primadona of the Royal Opera at Budapest.
She presented several concerts in New York City,
which were favorably reviewed by such newspapers as The
New York Times, The Herald Tribune, and the Journal
American, among others. Noteworthy is the fact that in the
programs of songs Miss Fabry sang were those of a young
Slovak composer, Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky.
Following upon the end of the war and the emergence
of the states in Central and East Central Europe, the world
was able to know the young, talented Slovaks building
careers on the stages of Budapest and Vienna.
The handsome young Slovak actor-singer Frantisek
Kristof Vesely was brought from Vienna to Prague, where
he became a leading star in films. From Budapest there
returned such outstanding artists as Andrej Bagar, Hana
Melickova, and Jozef Kelo.
Bratislava was nationalistically awakening in quick
tempo. But it soon appeared that the Czechs wanted the
National Theater at Bratislava to be a bridge for politicizing
and for influencing a pan-Czech Slovak development. This
led to an internal struggle that lasted for years, during
which Slovaks were gradually beginning to supplant Czechs
m thA Slovak National Theater, particular as authors and
playwriters.Outstanding foreign plays were being translated
into Slovak and presented on the stage.
Many Slovaks, however, were applying their talents
to the Czech stage, as actors, singers, directors, and ballet
performers. They were exceptionally well paid for their
talents, it should be said, to prevent them from complementing the Slovak theaters at Bratislava and Kosice,
which were, through their high professional standards, too
dangerously competitive for the Czech theater at Prague
and Brno.
The year 1938 decided in favor of the Slovaks. The
theater in Bratislava was already on a high professional
level. The still relatively young, 39-year-old idol, Frantisek

�176

SLOVAKIA

Kristof Vesely, came home to Bratislava from Prague.
Opera star Belo Turba Nitrancan returned from Brno. New
strength arrived through the return of young Slovaks who
had been studying abroad. All enriched the Slovak stage.
Into this resurging theatrical environment entered the
ambitious and talented young Slovak, Gejza Dusik, who
in the course of a few years wrote dozens of operettas,
Turecky tabak (Turkish Tobacco), Modra ruza (Blue Rose),
Pozar na vlak (Watch Out for the Train), Pod cudzou
vlajkou (Under a Foreign Flag), to name the most popular.
These were received with so great and wide acclaim that
they were almost immediately translated into neighboring
languages - German, Magyar, Croat, Bulgar, and others.
Theaters were filled to standing-room-on ly whenever Dusik's operettas were performed.
The names Mayzes, Cikker, and Suchan are known
world-wide as contemporary composers of classical music,
symphonic and operatic. Their works are in the repertoire
of every major, internationally known symphony orchestra
and opera company. Mayzes' Janosik Suite musically recreates the legends of the popular Slovak hero-outlaw, who
"took from the rich and gave to the poor." Cikker's operas
are regularly performed in Germany and England, particularly one based on Dicken's Christmas Carol. Suchon's
opera Krutnava (Vortex), in purely Slovak setting and
theme, begins in tragedy and ends in happiness, contrary to
traditional operatic structure. Nevertheless, Krutnava has
established itself even in Italy, the birthplace and home
of opera.
As already stated, this presentation considers Slovak
theatrical and musical arts only in historical delineation.
Although the years 1938 to 1945 constitute, in a sense,
Slovak cultural risorgimento, those years and the years
following up to our time are still within the current
historical perspective. As such, they do not lend themselves
even to a superficial evaluation that can be objective. Such
evaluation is for the future.
What may be said today about this period of Slovak
risorgimento is that Bratislava surpassed Vienna in the
state of the arts. What must be asked today is, "Quo vadis,
Bratislava?"
( Second place - College)

�</text>
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                  <text>1974, Vol. 24</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
169&#13;
&#13;
Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule&#13;
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.&#13;
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.&#13;
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.&#13;
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.&#13;
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia&#13;
University Press.&#13;
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.&#13;
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.&#13;
MAGAZINES&#13;
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.&#13;
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.&#13;
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;&#13;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;&#13;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.&#13;
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS&#13;
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.&#13;
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes&#13;
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.&#13;
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know&#13;
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.&#13;
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE&#13;
Marlene B a rt o s&#13;
&#13;
It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy&#13;
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can&#13;
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt&#13;
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring&#13;
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and&#13;
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.&#13;
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation&#13;
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in&#13;
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have&#13;
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,&#13;
records the performances of two plays in German; the one&#13;
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and&#13;
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of&#13;
Slovak Literature.)&#13;
&#13;
170&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The 17th century marked dramatic development in&#13;
Latin at Slovak Jesuit schools, with performances of Seneca,&#13;
Sophocles, Plautus, and Terentius, among others. These&#13;
plays were also translated into Slovak, Magyar, and German,&#13;
and presented in the vernacular.&#13;
The Piarist Fathers were also active, although their&#13;
productions did not match the splendor of Jesuit productions in polish or costuming. Jesuit presentations were&#13;
costumed from Vienna and not infrequently from Venice.&#13;
Piarist productions, however, were more liberal in content,&#13;
dealing more with worldly issues, and thus contributed&#13;
notably to Slovak drama.&#13;
Original plays in Latin were presented at Slovak Protestant institutions. Isaac Caban (1638-1707), rector at&#13;
Brezno and later professor at the Presov and Levoca&#13;
lyceums, wrote a cycle of five Latin plays titled Labarum&#13;
Triumphale Victrici Palladi Fragariae Solenne (Triumphant&#13;
Standard of Presov's Victorious Minerva). The cycle was&#13;
presented in 1665 on five successive days and repeated&#13;
several times by popular demand.&#13;
Other original Latin plays by other professors-divines&#13;
soon appeared. One such play, titled Eleazar Constans, was&#13;
about a man who was steadfast in his faith. It was presented&#13;
in Bardejov, in 1668, by students on the anniversary of the&#13;
founding of their school.&#13;
This was followed, in 1669, by Papinianus Tetragonus ,&#13;
which met with tremendous success.&#13;
The nature of the play itself reflected the universal&#13;
European trend of that time. The protagonist was Papinianus Ictus, a Roman jurist who lived from 140 to 212,&#13;
"a man brave, steadfast, and honorable." He was executed&#13;
by Roman Emperor Caracalla because he would not condone the Emperor's fratricide.&#13;
Papinianus was translated into the prevalent vernaculars-Slovak, German, Magyar-and continued in popularity. A most interesting study for a thesis would be a&#13;
comparison of the play to the tragedies of Shakespeare,&#13;
who had been dead only fifty years at that time. Titus&#13;
Andronicus? Julius Ceasar? Timon of Athens? Anthony and&#13;
Cleopatra? Coriolanus?&#13;
Shakespeare drew heavily upon Plutarch's Parallel&#13;
Lives for the factual bases of his tragedies. Plutarch had&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
171&#13;
&#13;
already been translated into English and had a profound&#13;
influence upon English literature; Plutarch was integral&#13;
to the classical scholarship of Slovakia; Plutarch was the&#13;
cultural denominator common to England and Slovakia and&#13;
could therefore serve as the prime basis for a comparative&#13;
study.&#13;
Thanks to the well-organized records keeping of the&#13;
religious orders, much information is available to us about&#13;
theatrical presentations. From 1601 to 1773, the Jesuits&#13;
staged over 10,000 plays in Hungary, most of them in&#13;
Slovakia. The themes of the plays dealt with the bible and&#13;
with oriental and classical history.&#13;
Slovak was used for the first time in Bratislava in&#13;
1628 as the language of a play entitled About the Sacrament&#13;
of the Altar. Performances were held every evening during&#13;
the Lenten season, and the response was so great that&#13;
more than a thousand tickets were sold every day. An&#13;
original play entitled Apollo Returned Heaven, by Rector&#13;
Paul ~uhaj, was performed in Slovak at Levoca, Spisska&#13;
Kapitula, and Skalica.&#13;
With the growth of a middle class by the early 1700's&#13;
came a burgeoning interest in the theater, reaching from&#13;
the nobility, through the middle-class and the working-class,&#13;
to the peasantry. The center of this activity in Slovakia&#13;
was Bratislava, which was also the seat of the Hungarian&#13;
Parliament.&#13;
Only a short drive by horse-coach from Vienna, Bratislava teemed with the nobility of the Austrian Imperial&#13;
Court and consequently that of Hungary and visitors from&#13;
the other monarchies of Europe. They brought to Bratislava&#13;
theatrical companies from Austria, Poland, Italy, and&#13;
Germany. Private theaters became the fashion among such&#13;
noble families as the Erdody, Eszterhazy, and Zichy, which&#13;
maintained residences in Bratislava.&#13;
The permanent theater in Bratislava, from 1741 on, was&#13;
at Rybarska Brana (Fisherman's Gate). A small summer&#13;
theater was established in 1760. To the sorrow of Slovak&#13;
culture, the situation among talented performers of that&#13;
time still exists today. Persons of outstanding talent would&#13;
move on to the larger cities of Europe-Budapest, Vienna,&#13;
Munich, Prague-and asswne a culture that was alien, if&#13;
not politically hostile, to their Slovak background. Although&#13;
&#13;
172&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
their talents were genetically rooted in Slovakia, the theatrical dynasties they frequently founded were completely&#13;
alienated, both culturally and politically.&#13;
The Czech theater was enriched by two Slovaks, Paul&#13;
Kyrmezer of Banska stiavnica, and George Tesak of Mosovce. Both were refugees from the ravages of the Turks, who&#13;
held strategic fortresses in Slovakia at that time.&#13;
Kyrmezer was for a time pastor and school director&#13;
of various churches in Moravia, being dean in Uherske&#13;
Hradiste from 1576 until his death in 1589. He wrote several&#13;
plays and dramas in Old Slovak.&#13;
George Tesak, who died in Prague in 1617, wrote many&#13;
plays incorporating music and song, which are considered&#13;
early forms of the operetta.&#13;
Both Kyrmezer and Tesak are respected by the Czechs&#13;
as pioneers in Czech theatrical arts. Adaptations of their&#13;
works were performed as late as 1938 in Prague, Brno,&#13;
Olomouc, and other Czech and Moravian centers with great&#13;
success.&#13;
The theatrical arts moved ahead quickly in full force&#13;
in Bratislava, Budapest, and Vienna, which, of course, was&#13;
reflected in smaller, provincial communities. Music, at this&#13;
time, became compulsory in all intermediate and higher&#13;
schools. All professional theaters began to present operas&#13;
and operettas. Music became an indispensible factor in&#13;
social and cultural life. Artists-actors, singers, musicians,&#13;
composers, conductors, and directors-were subsidized by&#13;
the state and community. Indeed, if one did not attend&#13;
at least two performances a week, one was almost a social&#13;
outcast.&#13;
Many Slovak young men, even from the villages, who&#13;
came to the big cities to study medicine, pharmacy, law,&#13;
or philosophy, began to devote themselves to music. They&#13;
ultimately gave up their original ambitions and enrolled in&#13;
conservatories of music, undoubtedly causing their parents&#13;
considerable grief. In this sense they were not unlike our&#13;
modern youth.&#13;
·&#13;
Matthew Kamensky, born in sopron in 1734, composed&#13;
the first op~ra in Polish, Nedza Uszczesliwiona (Poverty&#13;
Made Fortunate). He died in Warsaw in 1821 as the popular&#13;
composer Ka:mi~nski. [Jan Fisher, Dejin,y hudby (History&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
173&#13;
&#13;
of Music), Spolok sv. Vojtecha (Society of St. Adalbert),&#13;
Trnava, 1933 ) .&#13;
Slovakia's central location made the country an important crossing point in the musical lives of surrounding&#13;
countries. Slovakia was close to the Austrian music of&#13;
Vienna. But there were also strong Magyar influences.&#13;
Purely from a Slovak and Slavonic standpoint, the Abbey&#13;
at Budec was the guardian of liturgical music. The abbey&#13;
fostered the Cyrilo-Methodian Liturgy and produced many&#13;
outstanding musicians, composers, and teachers.&#13;
Bratislava is less than 20 miles, across the Danube,&#13;
from Rohrau in Austria, where Josef Haydn was born. As&#13;
a composer of world renown, Haydn contributed outstandingly to the development of the symphony. And as&#13;
such, he was a teacher of the German genius Ludwig van&#13;
Beethoven, who raised the symphonic form to its greatest&#13;
development. Both masters knew Bratislava.&#13;
Beethoven was only 22 years old when he made Vienna&#13;
his home in 1792. By 1796 he had already personally&#13;
endeared himself to Bratislava audiences, although his First&#13;
Symphony was received with mixed reactions, as elsewhere,&#13;
when it was first performed in 1800. There is a legend&#13;
that his Moonlight Sonata was inspired by his love for&#13;
an innkeeper's daughter in the Slovak spa of Piest'any.&#13;
Beethoven's fame and popularity brought him many&#13;
requests for his patronage. One such request, which was&#13;
fulfilled, came from a young student of music, Jozef&#13;
Koritansky, who went on to Vienna to become one of the&#13;
most outstanding of opera stars in Europe.&#13;
The great Franz Schubert also knew Slovakia. As music&#13;
teacher to a branch of the Eszterhazy family, he lived in&#13;
the palace at Zeliezovce. Here he composed his famous&#13;
Ave Maria, supposedly to express his love for one of the&#13;
Eszterhazy daughters, which is allegedly why the hymn was&#13;
banned from churches in some parts of Europe. He, too,&#13;
was a frequent visitor to Bratislava, where he is known&#13;
to have had many friends .&#13;
.Vienna as a cultural magnet, and because of its geographical proximity, drew countless numbers of Slovaks&#13;
over the centuries. Some went specifically to further their&#13;
studies. Others went merely to seek their fortunes. At the&#13;
&#13;
174&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
outbreak of World War I, there were innumerable thousands of Slovaks in Vienna.&#13;
Budapest is an interesting example of Magyar acculturation of Slovaks. The first Magyar opera was composed&#13;
in 1823 by a Slovak, Jozef Chudy, born in Bratislava. The&#13;
world-famous composer Ernest Dohnany, was born in&#13;
Banska Bystrica in 1877. The primadona of the Royal&#13;
Magyar Theater, Maria Sarvasova, was born in Zvolen in&#13;
1894. The leading actress Ilona Bednar was born in Banska&#13;
stiavnica. Prima ballerina Anna suhaj was a Slovak. The&#13;
leading actors Jan Sklenar, Tomas Jakub, Pavol Rezar, and&#13;
Jozef Sedlak, as well as the singers Zoltan Kianicka, Andrej&#13;
Dvoran, and Jan Mastny, all considered Magyar, had Slovak&#13;
backgrounds. (Dejiny hudby, Trnava, 1933; Javisko, Turc.&#13;
Sv. Martin, 1940)&#13;
As Magyar chauvinism grew in intensity, the Slovak&#13;
theater in the Slovak highlands suffered, from harassment&#13;
to direct suppression. Slovak audiences, particularly in the&#13;
villages, delighted in plays that satirized the Magyarization&#13;
of the small-town Slovak gentry. Since Magyarization was&#13;
the planned program of the Budapest government, such&#13;
plays were considered subversive.&#13;
Suppression stimulated the growth of the Slovak folk&#13;
theater, and groups of devoted amateurs sustained the&#13;
Slovak character through long years of political and cultural oppression. The amateur theater became so ingrained&#13;
a tradition, that it was brought to the United States by early&#13;
immigrants, where, with the ubiquitous, multi-functional&#13;
Slovak choir, it became the fund raiser for most of the&#13;
Slovak churches, schools, and societies.&#13;
It would be a long list if one were to enumerate the&#13;
artists who gained fame on the stages of Budapest and&#13;
Vienna and whose talents stemmed from the highland&#13;
villages of Slovakia. It would be an extremely short list&#13;
to enumerate those artists whose Slovak identity was not&#13;
obliterated by the cultures of their new environments.&#13;
There are notable examples, however, of artists who&#13;
should be mentioned because they emerged as Slovaks&#13;
through the forces that brought about the fall of the&#13;
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and brought into being new&#13;
states, among them Czecho-Slovakia.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
175&#13;
&#13;
It was in 1916, a year before the United States entered&#13;
World War I and when the Austro-Hungarian Empire was&#13;
already tottering, that a Slovak artist of high professional&#13;
caliber appeared on the American stage as a Slovak, perhaps for the first time in history. It was Anica Fabry,&#13;
primadona of the Royal Opera at Budapest.&#13;
She presented several concerts in New York City,&#13;
which were favorably reviewed by such newspapers as The&#13;
New York Times, The Herald Tribune, and the Journal&#13;
American, among others. Noteworthy is the fact that in the&#13;
programs of songs Miss Fabry sang were those of a young&#13;
Slovak composer, Mikulas Schneider-Trnavsky.&#13;
Following upon the end of the war and the emergence&#13;
of the states in Central and East Central Europe, the world&#13;
was able to know the young, talented Slovaks building&#13;
careers on the stages of Budapest and Vienna.&#13;
The handsome young Slovak actor-singer Frantisek&#13;
Kristof Vesely was brought from Vienna to Prague, where&#13;
he became a leading star in films. From Budapest there&#13;
returned such outstanding artists as Andrej Bagar, Hana&#13;
Melickova, and Jozef Kelo.&#13;
Bratislava was nationalistically awakening in quick&#13;
tempo. But it soon appeared that the Czechs wanted the&#13;
National Theater at Bratislava to be a bridge for politicizing&#13;
and for influencing a pan-Czech Slovak development. This&#13;
led to an internal struggle that lasted for years, during&#13;
which Slovaks were gradually beginning to supplant Czechs&#13;
m thA Slovak National Theater, particular as authors and&#13;
playwriters.Outstanding foreign plays were being translated&#13;
into Slovak and presented on the stage.&#13;
Many Slovaks, however, were applying their talents&#13;
to the Czech stage, as actors, singers, directors, and ballet&#13;
performers. They were exceptionally well paid for their&#13;
talents, it should be said, to prevent them from complementing the Slovak theaters at Bratislava and Kosice,&#13;
which were, through their high professional standards, too&#13;
dangerously competitive for the Czech theater at Prague&#13;
and Brno.&#13;
The year 1938 decided in favor of the Slovaks. The&#13;
theater in Bratislava was already on a high professional&#13;
level. The still relatively young, 39-year-old idol, Frantisek&#13;
&#13;
176&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Kristof Vesely, came home to Bratislava from Prague.&#13;
Opera star Belo Turba Nitrancan returned from Brno. New&#13;
strength arrived through the return of young Slovaks who&#13;
had been studying abroad. All enriched the Slovak stage.&#13;
Into this resurging theatrical environment entered the&#13;
ambitious and talented young Slovak, Gejza Dusik, who&#13;
in the course of a few years wrote dozens of operettas,&#13;
Turecky tabak (Turkish Tobacco), Modra ruza (Blue Rose),&#13;
Pozar na vlak (Watch Out for the Train), Pod cudzou&#13;
vlajkou (Under a Foreign Flag), to name the most popular.&#13;
These were received with so great and wide acclaim that&#13;
they were almost immediately translated into neighboring&#13;
languages - German, Magyar, Croat, Bulgar, and others.&#13;
Theaters were filled to standing-room-on ly whenever Dusik's operettas were performed.&#13;
The names Mayzes, Cikker, and Suchan are known&#13;
world-wide as contemporary composers of classical music,&#13;
symphonic and operatic. Their works are in the repertoire&#13;
of every major, internationally known symphony orchestra&#13;
and opera company. Mayzes' Janosik Suite musically recreates the legends of the popular Slovak hero-outlaw, who&#13;
"took from the rich and gave to the poor." Cikker's operas&#13;
are regularly performed in Germany and England, particularly one based on Dicken's Christmas Carol. Suchon's&#13;
opera Krutnava (Vortex), in purely Slovak setting and&#13;
theme, begins in tragedy and ends in happiness, contrary to&#13;
traditional operatic structure. Nevertheless, Krutnava has&#13;
established itself even in Italy, the birthplace and home&#13;
of opera.&#13;
As already stated, this presentation considers Slovak&#13;
theatrical and musical arts only in historical delineation.&#13;
Although the years 1938 to 1945 constitute, in a sense,&#13;
Slovak cultural risorgimento, those years and the years&#13;
following up to our time are still within the current&#13;
historical perspective. As such, they do not lend themselves&#13;
even to a superficial evaluation that can be objective. Such&#13;
evaluation is for the future.&#13;
What may be said today about this period of Slovak&#13;
risorgimento is that Bratislava surpassed Vienna in the&#13;
state of the arts. What must be asked today is, "Quo vadis,&#13;
Bratislava?"&#13;
( Second place - College)&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>130

SLOVAKIA

Great Slovak Talent
Ethnic America is finally emerging from the cocoon
of silence about its hopes, successes and failures, progress
and achievements. This emergence is not, as some critics
charge, hyphenating the United States. On the contrary it is
a reemphasis and recounting of the very ideals which made
this country gloriously different from other nations.
Slovak-Americans are quick to tell you that in the past,
and even current history of Slovakia, success could not
have been easily achieved by Slovaks. Liberty was something they discovered only in the United States where even
failure is not hopeless.
The following article from the pen of the editor of
Slovakia was translated from Slovak into English as a
reminder that the fruition of the dreams of immigrants
are fulfilled by succeeding sons and daughters and grandchildren, thanks to the opportunity for education, liberty,
as well as the "stick-to-it-iveness" of each individual.
The translator therefore presents this article in that
spirit and with a hearty ...
BRAVO, CYRIL J. ZILKA
Among the talented artists justifiably highlighted by
Jednota is Cyril J. Zilka of Miami, Florida. Although only
18 years of age, Cyril is a member of the Philharmonic
Symphony Orchestra of Miami. It may therefore be a correct assumption that he is one of the youngest member
of a philharmonic symphony orchestra in America. Such
membership is acquired only through exceptional talent
and our Slovak-American, Cyril Zilka, possesses it. His
long series of performances testify to his mastership and
artistry.
It was not luck or mere chance that gave Zilka the
opportunity to participate in the All-American Youth
Orchestra at the John F. Kennedy Musical Center at Washington on May 9, 1972. Only the best musical talent in the
land was accepted for this orchestra. This opportunity
and success came about through Cyril's talent and performances in other cities.
In 1972 Cyril was the orchestral concert master of all

�SLOVAKIA

131

high schools in Florida, as well as of the Orchestral School
of Miami, and likewise for the past two years of the Youth
Orchestra of Greater Miami. Last year he was concert
master at the Conservatory of the University of Cincinnati
and he will continue in this capacity this summer.
Cyril has attended many music courses in which he
has always placed first. In 1971 he won a scholarship to
Tanglewood, renowned musical center, and he also won
a scholarship to the Eastern Musical Festival.
He is a member of the Carmen Nappo Quarted where
he plays first violin. For the past three years he has been
a member of the Symphonic Orchestra in North Miami
Beach in which he also plays first violin.
He has appeared in 90 public concerts in Miami and
the neighboring vicinity. Last year he won first prize,
competing against contestants of all the high schools of
the state of Florida - as soloist, in duet, and in chamber
orchestral performances. He played first violin in all of
these appearances.
In 1972 Cyril won a scholarship for an eight-week
music festival in Rome, Italy. He has received offers for
further studies from the University of Cincinnati, Peabody
Conservatory, Boston University, and the University of
Miami for his oustanding performances. Cyril selected the
University of Cincinnati.
He is the bearer of All-American awards for musical
performances - three Arion Awards - and innumerable
musical awards and trophies.
There is no doubt that Cyril Zilka has great talent.
His grandparents came from Slovakia and settled in
Monessen, Pa., where for many years they were members
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Branch 311. Cyril's
father, Cyril, Sr., was a teacher at the Slovak Benedictine
Boys High School at Cleveland, Ohio.
If we need any further nudge to have some means of
compiling data on our talented Slovak-Americans, the case
of Cyril J. Zilka should provide it. We need a SlovakAmerican "Who's Who" for without it we have no way of
knowing the progress and successes of our people or who
represents us in the advancement of the cultural, artistic,
military, professional, political or organizational life in the
United States.
Translated by Paul B e r i s h

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                    <text>130

SLOVAKIA

Great Slovak Talent
Ethnic America is finally emerging from the cocoon
of silence about its hopes, successes and failures, progress
and achievements. This emergence is not, as some critics
charge, hyphenating the United States. On the contrary it is
a reemphasis and recounting of the very ideals which made
this country gloriously different from other nations.
Slovak-Americans are quick to tell you that in the past,
and even current history of Slovakia, success could not
have been easily achieved by Slovaks. Liberty was something they discovered only in the United States where even
failure is not hopeless.
The following article from the pen of the editor of
Slovakia was translated from Slovak into English as a
reminder that the fruition of the dreams of immigrants
are fulfilled by succeeding sons and daughters and grandchildren, thanks to the opportunity for education, liberty,
as well as the "stick-to-it-iveness" of each individual.
The translator therefore presents this article in that
spirit and with a hearty ...
BRAVO, CYRIL J. ZILKA
Among the talented artists justifiably highlighted by
Jednota is Cyril J. Zilka of Miami, Florida. Although only
18 years of age, Cyril is a member of the Philharmonic
Symphony Orchestra of Miami. It may therefore be a correct assumption that he is one of the youngest member
of a philharmonic symphony orchestra in America. Such
membership is acquired only through exceptional talent
and our Slovak-American, Cyril Zilka, possesses it. His
long series of performances testify to his mastership and
artistry.
It was not luck or mere chance that gave Zilka the
opportunity to participate in the All-American Youth
Orchestra at the John F. Kennedy Musical Center at Washington on May 9, 1972. Only the best musical talent in the
land was accepted for this orchestra. This opportunity
and success came about through Cyril's talent and performances in other cities.
In 1972 Cyril was the orchestral concert master of all

�SLOVAKIA

131

high schools in Florida, as well as of the Orchestral School
of Miami, and likewise for the past two years of the Youth
Orchestra of Greater Miami. Last year he was concert
master at the Conservatory of the University of Cincinnati
and he will continue in this capacity this summer.
Cyril has attended many music courses in which he
has always placed first. In 1971 he won a scholarship to
Tanglewood, renowned musical center, and he also won
a scholarship to the Eastern Musical Festival.
He is a member of the Carmen Nappo Quarted where
he plays first violin. For the past three years he has been
a member of the Symphonic Orchestra in North Miami
Beach in which he also plays first violin.
He has appeared in 90 public concerts in Miami and
the neighboring vicinity. Last year he won first prize,
competing against contestants of all the high schools of
the state of Florida - as soloist, in duet, and in chamber
orchestral performances. He played first violin in all of
these appearances.
In 1972 Cyril won a scholarship for an eight-week
music festival in Rome, Italy. He has received offers for
further studies from the University of Cincinnati, Peabody
Conservatory, Boston University, and the University of
Miami for his oustanding performances. Cyril selected the
University of Cincinnati.
He is the bearer of All-American awards for musical
performances - three Arion Awards - and innumerable
musical awards and trophies.
There is no doubt that Cyril Zilka has great talent.
His grandparents came from Slovakia and settled in
Monessen, Pa., where for many years they were members
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Branch 311. Cyril's
father, Cyril, Sr., was a teacher at the Slovak Benedictine
Boys High School at Cleveland, Ohio.
If we need any further nudge to have some means of
compiling data on our talented Slovak-Americans, the case
of Cyril J. Zilka should provide it. We need a SlovakAmerican "Who's Who" for without it we have no way of
knowing the progress and successes of our people or who
represents us in the advancement of the cultural, artistic,
military, professional, political or organizational life in the
United States.
Translated by Paul B e r i s h

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              <text>130&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Great Slovak Talent&#13;
Ethnic America is finally emerging from the cocoon&#13;
of silence about its hopes, successes and failures, progress&#13;
and achievements. This emergence is not, as some critics&#13;
charge, hyphenating the United States. On the contrary it is&#13;
a reemphasis and recounting of the very ideals which made&#13;
this country gloriously different from other nations.&#13;
Slovak-Americans are quick to tell you that in the past,&#13;
and even current history of Slovakia, success could not&#13;
have been easily achieved by Slovaks. Liberty was something they discovered only in the United States where even&#13;
failure is not hopeless.&#13;
The following article from the pen of the editor of&#13;
Slovakia was translated from Slovak into English as a&#13;
reminder that the fruition of the dreams of immigrants&#13;
are fulfilled by succeeding sons and daughters and grandchildren, thanks to the opportunity for education, liberty,&#13;
as well as the "stick-to-it-iveness" of each individual.&#13;
The translator therefore presents this article in that&#13;
spirit and with a hearty ...&#13;
BRAVO, CYRIL J. ZILKA&#13;
Among the talented artists justifiably highlighted by&#13;
Jednota is Cyril J. Zilka of Miami, Florida. Although only&#13;
18 years of age, Cyril is a member of the Philharmonic&#13;
Symphony Orchestra of Miami. It may therefore be a correct assumption that he is one of the youngest member&#13;
of a philharmonic symphony orchestra in America. Such&#13;
membership is acquired only through exceptional talent&#13;
and our Slovak-American, Cyril Zilka, possesses it. His&#13;
long series of performances testify to his mastership and&#13;
artistry.&#13;
It was not luck or mere chance that gave Zilka the&#13;
opportunity to participate in the All-American Youth&#13;
Orchestra at the John F. Kennedy Musical Center at Washington on May 9, 1972. Only the best musical talent in the&#13;
land was accepted for this orchestra. This opportunity&#13;
and success came about through Cyril's talent and performances in other cities.&#13;
In 1972 Cyril was the orchestral concert master of all&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
131&#13;
&#13;
high schools in Florida, as well as of the Orchestral School&#13;
of Miami, and likewise for the past two years of the Youth&#13;
Orchestra of Greater Miami. Last year he was concert&#13;
master at the Conservatory of the University of Cincinnati&#13;
and he will continue in this capacity this summer.&#13;
Cyril has attended many music courses in which he&#13;
has always placed first. In 1971 he won a scholarship to&#13;
Tanglewood, renowned musical center, and he also won&#13;
a scholarship to the Eastern Musical Festival.&#13;
He is a member of the Carmen Nappo Quarted where&#13;
he plays first violin. For the past three years he has been&#13;
a member of the Symphonic Orchestra in North Miami&#13;
Beach in which he also plays first violin.&#13;
He has appeared in 90 public concerts in Miami and&#13;
the neighboring vicinity. Last year he won first prize,&#13;
competing against contestants of all the high schools of&#13;
the state of Florida - as soloist, in duet, and in chamber&#13;
orchestral performances. He played first violin in all of&#13;
these appearances.&#13;
In 1972 Cyril won a scholarship for an eight-week&#13;
music festival in Rome, Italy. He has received offers for&#13;
further studies from the University of Cincinnati, Peabody&#13;
Conservatory, Boston University, and the University of&#13;
Miami for his oustanding performances. Cyril selected the&#13;
University of Cincinnati.&#13;
He is the bearer of All-American awards for musical&#13;
performances - three Arion Awards - and innumerable&#13;
musical awards and trophies.&#13;
There is no doubt that Cyril Zilka has great talent.&#13;
His grandparents came from Slovakia and settled in&#13;
Monessen, Pa., where for many years they were members&#13;
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Branch 311. Cyril's&#13;
father, Cyril, Sr., was a teacher at the Slovak Benedictine&#13;
Boys High School at Cleveland, Ohio.&#13;
If we need any further nudge to have some means of&#13;
compiling data on our talented Slovak-Americans, the case&#13;
of Cyril J. Zilka should provide it. We need a SlovakAmerican "Who's Who" for without it we have no way of&#13;
knowing the progress and successes of our people or who&#13;
represents us in the advancement of the cultural, artistic,&#13;
military, professional, political or organizational life in the&#13;
United States.&#13;
Translated by Paul B e r i s h&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>112

SLOVAKIA

The Artful Dodgers: Directors
of Ethnic Studies Programs
By Paul F e n c h a k

In Dickens' novel Oliver Twist, Jack Dawkins, called
the Artful Dodger, is a teacher - albeit one who taught
the art of pickpocketing to innocent youngsters such as
Oliver Twist. His motive: personal gain.
The writer of this article is convinced that the counterparts of the Artful Dodger are today directing ethnic studies
programs in the public schools of the United States. Seemingly they are no more altruistic towards needful ethnic
groups in America than the Artful Dodger was toward the
welfare of Oliver Twist.
Formulators of ethnic studies programs dodge no small
number of ethnic groups as they label "minority groups"
to the Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and Orientals.
Frequently space is also given to Jews, Germans, Italians,
and Poles. Scholars who would talk of Ukrainians, Slovaks,
Croatians, Bulgarians, Lithuanians, Latvians, and Rumanians, among others, are judged to be divining in some dark,
mysterious regions, presided over by pagan gods who,
midst Gog and Magog, are all agog in exotic studies about
areas considered to be "powder kegs" and "tinderboxes"
- "balkanized" beyond comprehension to sensible people.
The powerful National Education Association boasts of
having a "strong program to improve the lot of minority
groups, including Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and
other bi-lingual groups." Often Croatians, Byelorussians,
Ukrainians, Slovaks, Lithuanians, Finns, et al., are more
bi-lingual than some groups cited by the NEA, yet the
amount of coverage given East European-Americ ans is
usually nil.
In 1972 the writer wrote the State Superintendents of
Schools of the fifty state education departments requesting
copies of curriculum guides, brochures, bulletins, etc.,

�SLOVAKIA

113

dealing with racial, cultural, multi-cultural, inter-cultural,
disadvantaged, etc., matters of ethnics in America. For
sundry reasons the responses were not rapid in arriving.
To date 24 of 50 state education departments have either
forwarded materials or have indicated that materials will
be forthcoming.
In summary of the vast amount of ethnic studies
promoted by state education departments, one conclusion
can easily be made: East European ethnics do not exist in
the United States. Even Pennsylvania, the most Slavic of
the fifty states, with fraternal, religious, and educational
institutions located throughout the commonwealth in large
numbers, is guilty of producing ethnic materials that are
absolutely ignominous to the mass of citizens of East
European ancestry living within the state. In Pennsylvania
one need just travel from town to town, stopping to examine
the names of those who served and those who died for
the United States in both World Wars, as registered on
community Honor Rolls. Seemingly then, the non-sense of
excluding East Europeans would end - and even the very
productive efforts of these peoples in the mines, mills, and
farms, in athletics, in scholarship, and in good citizenship
would then be recognized. The map of Pennsylvania already
recognizes these peoples: Mazeppa, Kossuth, Pulaski, Po1and Mines, Dalmatia, Zelienople, Gallitzin, Livonia, St.
Petersburg, and Slovan, among others.
The bulk of the state curriculum guides, with Texas
being a noteworthy exception, on ethnic and racial/cultural
studies focus on the groups cited by the National Education
Association: Blacks, Indians, and Spanish-Americans. Orientals and Jews are reasonably well-covered as are
Italians, Irish, English, Germans, and French.
It is always interesting to observe how state and local
education experts use the term "minority group." One
county in Maryland that contains thousands of Poles,
Slovaks, Ukrainians, Czechs, et al., admits having "5,603
black students and another 706 pupils from various other
minority groups." The thruth is that in most states the
term "minority groups" as presented in curriculum guides
excludes Americans of East European ancestry and consequently millions of Americans are being denied the

�114

SLOVAKIA

opportunity of studying their heritages. Likewise, they are
being denied opportunity in employment quests and, worst
of all, some Americans are being deprived of the opportunity of attaining optimum psychological and emotional
growth. Whereas the successful guidance counselor can
help students to correctly answer the important question,
"Whom am I?," counselors rarely talk about, or know
anything about, Slavic languages, Finno-Ugric languages,
Baltic languages, etc. But it is ever so fashionable in
American schools to talk about the pleasantries of French,
Spanish, German, and Latin.
Evidently one of the major problems in education re
ethnics is that the artful dodgers are not honest enough
to admit that they need re-trained in order to be able to
properly assemble the American mosaic.
How many Slavic-Americans live in Peoria, Illinois?
Frankly, the writer doesn't know, yet he assumes that in
an industrial area of ca. 150,000 some Croatians, Bulgarians,
Czechs, Poles, et al., do live and work. (All cities always
have Russans!) Given the resources of the Peoria educational system the writer could develop reasonably accurate
projections of the ethnic composition for Peoria; the same
could be done for Paducah, Kentucky, or Punxsutawney,
Pennsylvania. Why then the mystique about the manifold
ethnic groups that comprise America? It appears that our
ethnic directors are hiding and confusing issues. They
are run by a system that relegated East Europeans.
How negatively runs the cross-examination when an
East European scholar seeks to get more considerations
from librarians, curriculum directors, supervisors, administrators, editors, and other educators. Sooner or later the
question emerges: How many Ukrainians (Czechs, Finns, et.
al.) are then in Peoria? Yet these same specialists are able
to calculate that there are certain numbers of Blacks and
Spanish~speaking in their areas. How strange! The writer
has heard this tactic so many times that he refuses to dignify
such questions, presenting instead a general response that
there are many Slavs, Finno-Ugrics, Baltics, etc., in a
political sub-division, if such is the case. If the specialist is
persistent in wanting to know the exact number of Czechs
in Peoria, the writer usually asks .the specialist to secure

�SLOVAKIA

115

that data for him, using the resources of people who should
know.
It is patently obvious that ethnic analysts do not want
t o know how many East European-Americans live in various
communities, as there is absolutely nothing stopping them
from researching such data for East Europeans. The Texas
Education Agency is to be commended for having produced
an interesting curriculum guide: Czecho-Slovakia: Information Minimum. This booklet (71 pages) contains important
facts about Czecho-Slovakia, especially as they relate to
the history and culture of the United States. With its
excellent maps, drawings, alphabets, data summaries, etc.,
it is the type of guide needed by more groups in more
states. Unfortunately, of the 24 states that responded with
materials, only Texas submitted any recognizable booklet
doing justice to East Europeans.
The catty Polish jokes seem to have nine lives. In
years gone by the same tripe was slurred against Jews,
Italians, and Irish. Yet the time length of the ethnic joke
being in vogue was never so long. The Polish joke has been
in circulation so long now that it is possible that a student
my have entered kindergarten, completed grade school and
junior high school, and have been graduated from high
school while hearing no ethnic jokes other than the Polish
variety. The tragedy of this attitude is supported by the
extremely weak collection of literature available about
East European peoples in American schools. This despite
the fact that there are in America today some 35,000,000
Americans of East European ancestry.
A stigma of the Polish joke is that some Americans
who are not Poles also are labelled as Poles for purposes
of jibing, e.g., the writer's daughter who as a third grade
student was continually chided by her WASP classmates
as being "Polish." "No need to explain that you are a
Ukrainian-Slovak-American, Marcia! You're Polish! Ha! Ha!
Ha!" (Marcia learned how to counter such diatribes by
asking, "How many of you know Polish?" Response: "None
of us." "How does it feel to be dumber than a Pole?") This
is cited as the last Polish joke.
That "Russian" studies receive top billing in American

�116

SLOVAKIA

schools goes without saying. Soviet Life is the most popular
periodical in school libraries, so from such "reliable"
sources students learn how the Germans killed 10,000
Polish army officers in the Katyn Forest, as an article early
in 1971 indicated. After reading the Soviet account of how
the Germans killed the Polish officers, the author wrote
a letter to Soviet Life asking how accusations against the
Russians can be disproved. Nicholai Zhiltsov, managing
editor of Soviet Life, submitted the following reply on June
1, 1971: "Please excuse the delay in answering your letter
which we have forwarded to our Moscow Editorial Board
for their comments." Needless to say, by late 1973 a reply
has not yet arrived.
Barbara Mikulski, Polish-American and member of the
City Council of Baltimore, spoke clearly and honestly about
many situations when she stated, "When we ask for
something, we are either put off, put out, or put down."
Ask for books for the library and the librarian will write
off your requests as "Not in Books in Print." Ask that East
European specialists be invited to participate in social
studies workshops, and your letter goes unanswered. Suggest that an Ethnic Library be started, with coverage for
all ethnics, and again your letter is unanswered. Apply
for a position in human relations and you are told that the
emphasis is on black studies. Period.
A frequently used dodge by curriculum formulators is
the statement that they do not desire to approach East
European studies, as, if they do, then it will be necessary
to analyze all other ethnic groups in the United States. In
a sense this attitude translates as "East Europeans don't
burn, don't riot, don't act like rowdies ... so nobody pays
any attention to them." That deceit shows through current
ethnic analyses is obvious enough as in legal provisions
for the teaching about ethnic studies in most states, no
groups are expressly excluded.

When prices in America continue to skyrocket as a
result of expanded trade with East European nations,
a need for better understanding about East Europeans is
more imperative than ever. The current campaign by Jews
in America to identify the lack of liberties accorded their
brethre.n in the Soviet Union could in some ways be made

�SLOVAKIA

117

to appear rather miniscule if injustices perpetrated against
Slovaks, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, et. al.,
were similarly examined. Freedom still remains undebatable
despite the economic strategems of government and big
business. At home, one of principal educational problems
may be that big business is too much in the saddle in
influencing ethnic studies programs. No champions from
business arose to exhort the cause of ethnics when the
Schweiker ethnic studies bill was not approved for funding
by tlie White House, yet industrial support was hardly
lacking for both parties.
Michael Novak in The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics
speaks of the possibility of Blacks and ethnics forming
a coalition for mutual gain. It cannot be assumed that
because Blacks have been afforded study programs and
given some economic assistance, that power groups in
America are genuinely interested in their welfare. Nobody
volunteered any help to the Blacks and it can be reasonably
assumed that nothing will be given East Europeans unless
they demand considerations.
One of the greatest problems confronting East Europeans is that textbook purchasers know too little about
non-Russian-oriented publications; they buy primarily from
the big, conventional publishing houses. East European
publishers need to wage a campaign to bring their publications to the school systems throughout the country. The
fact is that numerous administrators know as much about
East Europeans as a dog knows about mathematics. An
example: The late Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki, when at
Marquette University, used to begin his classes with an
anonymous quiz, one of the questions of which was: List
the Slavic nationalities or peoples in Europe. The usual
answer ran like this: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Hungary, Rumania, Albania, Turkey, Austria, Russians,
Bavarians, Bolsheviks, "Lower Slobovia" (Li'l Abner's contribution) and "Carpathia" (Marilyn Monroe's contribution
from the movie, "The Prince and the Showgirl"). On July
11, 1954, the New York Times altered geography of Europe
with the following headline: Rising Danube Flood Hits
Prague.

The Baltimore Sun had an interesting article (some

�118

SLOVAKIA

reporters are more discerning than many of our educators)
on December 4, 1935, written by R. P. Harriss, "All Others."
Harriss states, "The official census for Baltimore is a
curious intensely interesting document, both for what it
reveals and for what it leaves out. It lists some 14,000 nonexistent Russians and contains vague hints of a polygenous
percentage which it does not bother to define." True enough.
In an article in the Baltimore Sun on February 13, 1967,
a native of Kazan, Russia, is quoted: "There are probably
not more than five or six families of true Russians in
Baltimore." Yet the article speaks of Russians from Galicia,
Byelorussia, Carpatho-Ukraine.
Seems that census officials and educators have in
America done a magician's job of creating 'Russians.'
How some of the mysteries regarding census data will
be clarified remains a monumental task for the artful
dodgers who have compiled the data thus far. Quoting again
the Harriss article of 1935: "Officially there are 1,637 Hungarians in Baltimore, 1,441 Ruman.ians, and no Ukrainians,
no Serbs." Harriss was candid enough to realize that by
1935 there were three Ukrainian churches, plus other
institutions, in the Baltimore area and he was smart enough
to see that the census data was akin to ethnic studies
programs of today. Surely nobody would suspect that the
Russians built the Ukrainian churches!
The situation in literary studies is not much better
than in the social sciences. To be sure "Russian Literature"
units are taught in many schools, yet in "World Literature"
courses very little is presented to develop the genius of
Slovak, Czech, Ukrainian, Finnish, Polish, et. al., writers.
Likewise the study of art and music suffer from non-coverage and from misconceptions.
Now is the time to clear the muddied waters. East Europeans must declare themselves. They need to write more,
question more, educate P.T.A. groups, civic organizations,
education councils (on which they are rarely represented),
etc. The "education crisis" should be recognized immediately. Forget about token appointments and honorary ethnic
banquets (which cost you $100) in Washington where ethnic
foods and cultural items are displayed. Begin a program
called "Operation Hometown." Organize East European

�SLOVAKIA

119

festivals as was done at Harpur College in Binghamton,
New York. Show films. Present books and audio-visual
aids to libraries. Request relevant books at your public
libraries. Have cultural groups perform at YMCA's, schools,
colleges, charity events, etc. It is important that school
book lists be examined and that books by and about East
Europeans be added.
Music departments should be exhorted to sound to
the tunes of rhapsodies, mazurkas, kolomajykas, polkas.
Home economic departments would win adherents by
presenting samplings of pirohy, halusky, makovnik, etc.
Courses of study need to be expanded to include information about the great contributions of East Europeans to
America, as, in the words of Michael Novak, "America is
becoming America."
The name of the game for East Europeans is "catch-up."
Don't wait for the artful dodgers to structure your ethnic
studies as you are excluded from their terminology. In
the words of Dickens " ... You must get up very early in
the morning, to win against the Dodger." "Morning!" said
Charley Bates; "you must put your boots on over-night,
and have a telescope at each eye, and a opera-glass between
your shoulders, if you want to come over him."

The U.S. flight crew for the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project
visited Russia for two weeks in November 1973 to familiarize themselves with the Soyuz spacecraft system that
will link up with their Apollo in 1975. Most of their activities
were conducted in the J . A. Gagarin Center of Cosmonaut
Training at Zvezdny Goroduk, or Star City, near Moscow.
Making the trip were the three Apollo crewmen, Brig. Gen.
Thomas P. Stafford, Vance D. Brand and Donald K. Slayton;
backup crewmen, Capt. Alan L. Bean, Capt. Ronald E.
Evans and Maj. Jack R. Lousma; support crewmen, Lt. Col.
Robert F. Overmyer and Lt. Col. Karol J. Bobko; and
Capt. Eugene A. Ceman, Special Assistant to the U.S. ASTP
Technical Director. Bobko and Cer:nan are Slovaks.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3716">
                    <text>112

SLOVAKIA

The Artful Dodgers: Directors
of Ethnic Studies Programs
By Paul F e n c h a k

In Dickens' novel Oliver Twist, Jack Dawkins, called
the Artful Dodger, is a teacher - albeit one who taught
the art of pickpocketing to innocent youngsters such as
Oliver Twist. His motive: personal gain.
The writer of this article is convinced that the counterparts of the Artful Dodger are today directing ethnic studies
programs in the public schools of the United States. Seemingly they are no more altruistic towards needful ethnic
groups in America than the Artful Dodger was toward the
welfare of Oliver Twist.
Formulators of ethnic studies programs dodge no small
number of ethnic groups as they label "minority groups"
to the Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and Orientals.
Frequently space is also given to Jews, Germans, Italians,
and Poles. Scholars who would talk of Ukrainians, Slovaks,
Croatians, Bulgarians, Lithuanians, Latvians, and Rumanians, among others, are judged to be divining in some dark,
mysterious regions, presided over by pagan gods who,
midst Gog and Magog, are all agog in exotic studies about
areas considered to be "powder kegs" and "tinderboxes"
- "balkanized" beyond comprehension to sensible people.
The powerful National Education Association boasts of
having a "strong program to improve the lot of minority
groups, including Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and
other bi-lingual groups." Often Croatians, Byelorussians,
Ukrainians, Slovaks, Lithuanians, Finns, et al., are more
bi-lingual than some groups cited by the NEA, yet the
amount of coverage given East European-Americ ans is
usually nil.
In 1972 the writer wrote the State Superintendents of
Schools of the fifty state education departments requesting
copies of curriculum guides, brochures, bulletins, etc.,

�SLOVAKIA

113

dealing with racial, cultural, multi-cultural, inter-cultural,
disadvantaged, etc., matters of ethnics in America. For
sundry reasons the responses were not rapid in arriving.
To date 24 of 50 state education departments have either
forwarded materials or have indicated that materials will
be forthcoming.
In summary of the vast amount of ethnic studies
promoted by state education departments, one conclusion
can easily be made: East European ethnics do not exist in
the United States. Even Pennsylvania, the most Slavic of
the fifty states, with fraternal, religious, and educational
institutions located throughout the commonwealth in large
numbers, is guilty of producing ethnic materials that are
absolutely ignominous to the mass of citizens of East
European ancestry living within the state. In Pennsylvania
one need just travel from town to town, stopping to examine
the names of those who served and those who died for
the United States in both World Wars, as registered on
community Honor Rolls. Seemingly then, the non-sense of
excluding East Europeans would end - and even the very
productive efforts of these peoples in the mines, mills, and
farms, in athletics, in scholarship, and in good citizenship
would then be recognized. The map of Pennsylvania already
recognizes these peoples: Mazeppa, Kossuth, Pulaski, Po1and Mines, Dalmatia, Zelienople, Gallitzin, Livonia, St.
Petersburg, and Slovan, among others.
The bulk of the state curriculum guides, with Texas
being a noteworthy exception, on ethnic and racial/cultural
studies focus on the groups cited by the National Education
Association: Blacks, Indians, and Spanish-Americans. Orientals and Jews are reasonably well-covered as are
Italians, Irish, English, Germans, and French.
It is always interesting to observe how state and local
education experts use the term "minority group." One
county in Maryland that contains thousands of Poles,
Slovaks, Ukrainians, Czechs, et al., admits having "5,603
black students and another 706 pupils from various other
minority groups." The thruth is that in most states the
term "minority groups" as presented in curriculum guides
excludes Americans of East European ancestry and consequently millions of Americans are being denied the

�114

SLOVAKIA

opportunity of studying their heritages. Likewise, they are
being denied opportunity in employment quests and, worst
of all, some Americans are being deprived of the opportunity of attaining optimum psychological and emotional
growth. Whereas the successful guidance counselor can
help students to correctly answer the important question,
"Whom am I?," counselors rarely talk about, or know
anything about, Slavic languages, Finno-Ugric languages,
Baltic languages, etc. But it is ever so fashionable in
American schools to talk about the pleasantries of French,
Spanish, German, and Latin.
Evidently one of the major problems in education re
ethnics is that the artful dodgers are not honest enough
to admit that they need re-trained in order to be able to
properly assemble the American mosaic.
How many Slavic-Americans live in Peoria, Illinois?
Frankly, the writer doesn't know, yet he assumes that in
an industrial area of ca. 150,000 some Croatians, Bulgarians,
Czechs, Poles, et al., do live and work. (All cities always
have Russans!) Given the resources of the Peoria educational system the writer could develop reasonably accurate
projections of the ethnic composition for Peoria; the same
could be done for Paducah, Kentucky, or Punxsutawney,
Pennsylvania. Why then the mystique about the manifold
ethnic groups that comprise America? It appears that our
ethnic directors are hiding and confusing issues. They
are run by a system that relegated East Europeans.
How negatively runs the cross-examination when an
East European scholar seeks to get more considerations
from librarians, curriculum directors, supervisors, administrators, editors, and other educators. Sooner or later the
question emerges: How many Ukrainians (Czechs, Finns, et.
al.) are then in Peoria? Yet these same specialists are able
to calculate that there are certain numbers of Blacks and
Spanish~speaking in their areas. How strange! The writer
has heard this tactic so many times that he refuses to dignify
such questions, presenting instead a general response that
there are many Slavs, Finno-Ugrics, Baltics, etc., in a
political sub-division, if such is the case. If the specialist is
persistent in wanting to know the exact number of Czechs
in Peoria, the writer usually asks .the specialist to secure

�SLOVAKIA

115

that data for him, using the resources of people who should
know.
It is patently obvious that ethnic analysts do not want
t o know how many East European-Americans live in various
communities, as there is absolutely nothing stopping them
from researching such data for East Europeans. The Texas
Education Agency is to be commended for having produced
an interesting curriculum guide: Czecho-Slovakia: Information Minimum. This booklet (71 pages) contains important
facts about Czecho-Slovakia, especially as they relate to
the history and culture of the United States. With its
excellent maps, drawings, alphabets, data summaries, etc.,
it is the type of guide needed by more groups in more
states. Unfortunately, of the 24 states that responded with
materials, only Texas submitted any recognizable booklet
doing justice to East Europeans.
The catty Polish jokes seem to have nine lives. In
years gone by the same tripe was slurred against Jews,
Italians, and Irish. Yet the time length of the ethnic joke
being in vogue was never so long. The Polish joke has been
in circulation so long now that it is possible that a student
my have entered kindergarten, completed grade school and
junior high school, and have been graduated from high
school while hearing no ethnic jokes other than the Polish
variety. The tragedy of this attitude is supported by the
extremely weak collection of literature available about
East European peoples in American schools. This despite
the fact that there are in America today some 35,000,000
Americans of East European ancestry.
A stigma of the Polish joke is that some Americans
who are not Poles also are labelled as Poles for purposes
of jibing, e.g., the writer's daughter who as a third grade
student was continually chided by her WASP classmates
as being "Polish." "No need to explain that you are a
Ukrainian-Slovak-American, Marcia! You're Polish! Ha! Ha!
Ha!" (Marcia learned how to counter such diatribes by
asking, "How many of you know Polish?" Response: "None
of us." "How does it feel to be dumber than a Pole?") This
is cited as the last Polish joke.
That "Russian" studies receive top billing in American

�116

SLOVAKIA

schools goes without saying. Soviet Life is the most popular
periodical in school libraries, so from such "reliable"
sources students learn how the Germans killed 10,000
Polish army officers in the Katyn Forest, as an article early
in 1971 indicated. After reading the Soviet account of how
the Germans killed the Polish officers, the author wrote
a letter to Soviet Life asking how accusations against the
Russians can be disproved. Nicholai Zhiltsov, managing
editor of Soviet Life, submitted the following reply on June
1, 1971: "Please excuse the delay in answering your letter
which we have forwarded to our Moscow Editorial Board
for their comments." Needless to say, by late 1973 a reply
has not yet arrived.
Barbara Mikulski, Polish-American and member of the
City Council of Baltimore, spoke clearly and honestly about
many situations when she stated, "When we ask for
something, we are either put off, put out, or put down."
Ask for books for the library and the librarian will write
off your requests as "Not in Books in Print." Ask that East
European specialists be invited to participate in social
studies workshops, and your letter goes unanswered. Suggest that an Ethnic Library be started, with coverage for
all ethnics, and again your letter is unanswered. Apply
for a position in human relations and you are told that the
emphasis is on black studies. Period.
A frequently used dodge by curriculum formulators is
the statement that they do not desire to approach East
European studies, as, if they do, then it will be necessary
to analyze all other ethnic groups in the United States. In
a sense this attitude translates as "East Europeans don't
burn, don't riot, don't act like rowdies ... so nobody pays
any attention to them." That deceit shows through current
ethnic analyses is obvious enough as in legal provisions
for the teaching about ethnic studies in most states, no
groups are expressly excluded.

When prices in America continue to skyrocket as a
result of expanded trade with East European nations,
a need for better understanding about East Europeans is
more imperative than ever. The current campaign by Jews
in America to identify the lack of liberties accorded their
brethre.n in the Soviet Union could in some ways be made

�SLOVAKIA

117

to appear rather miniscule if injustices perpetrated against
Slovaks, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, et. al.,
were similarly examined. Freedom still remains undebatable
despite the economic strategems of government and big
business. At home, one of principal educational problems
may be that big business is too much in the saddle in
influencing ethnic studies programs. No champions from
business arose to exhort the cause of ethnics when the
Schweiker ethnic studies bill was not approved for funding
by tlie White House, yet industrial support was hardly
lacking for both parties.
Michael Novak in The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics
speaks of the possibility of Blacks and ethnics forming
a coalition for mutual gain. It cannot be assumed that
because Blacks have been afforded study programs and
given some economic assistance, that power groups in
America are genuinely interested in their welfare. Nobody
volunteered any help to the Blacks and it can be reasonably
assumed that nothing will be given East Europeans unless
they demand considerations.
One of the greatest problems confronting East Europeans is that textbook purchasers know too little about
non-Russian-oriented publications; they buy primarily from
the big, conventional publishing houses. East European
publishers need to wage a campaign to bring their publications to the school systems throughout the country. The
fact is that numerous administrators know as much about
East Europeans as a dog knows about mathematics. An
example: The late Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki, when at
Marquette University, used to begin his classes with an
anonymous quiz, one of the questions of which was: List
the Slavic nationalities or peoples in Europe. The usual
answer ran like this: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Hungary, Rumania, Albania, Turkey, Austria, Russians,
Bavarians, Bolsheviks, "Lower Slobovia" (Li'l Abner's contribution) and "Carpathia" (Marilyn Monroe's contribution
from the movie, "The Prince and the Showgirl"). On July
11, 1954, the New York Times altered geography of Europe
with the following headline: Rising Danube Flood Hits
Prague.

The Baltimore Sun had an interesting article (some

�118

SLOVAKIA

reporters are more discerning than many of our educators)
on December 4, 1935, written by R. P. Harriss, "All Others."
Harriss states, "The official census for Baltimore is a
curious intensely interesting document, both for what it
reveals and for what it leaves out. It lists some 14,000 nonexistent Russians and contains vague hints of a polygenous
percentage which it does not bother to define." True enough.
In an article in the Baltimore Sun on February 13, 1967,
a native of Kazan, Russia, is quoted: "There are probably
not more than five or six families of true Russians in
Baltimore." Yet the article speaks of Russians from Galicia,
Byelorussia, Carpatho-Ukraine.
Seems that census officials and educators have in
America done a magician's job of creating 'Russians.'
How some of the mysteries regarding census data will
be clarified remains a monumental task for the artful
dodgers who have compiled the data thus far. Quoting again
the Harriss article of 1935: "Officially there are 1,637 Hungarians in Baltimore, 1,441 Ruman.ians, and no Ukrainians,
no Serbs." Harriss was candid enough to realize that by
1935 there were three Ukrainian churches, plus other
institutions, in the Baltimore area and he was smart enough
to see that the census data was akin to ethnic studies
programs of today. Surely nobody would suspect that the
Russians built the Ukrainian churches!
The situation in literary studies is not much better
than in the social sciences. To be sure "Russian Literature"
units are taught in many schools, yet in "World Literature"
courses very little is presented to develop the genius of
Slovak, Czech, Ukrainian, Finnish, Polish, et. al., writers.
Likewise the study of art and music suffer from non-coverage and from misconceptions.
Now is the time to clear the muddied waters. East Europeans must declare themselves. They need to write more,
question more, educate P.T.A. groups, civic organizations,
education councils (on which they are rarely represented),
etc. The "education crisis" should be recognized immediately. Forget about token appointments and honorary ethnic
banquets (which cost you $100) in Washington where ethnic
foods and cultural items are displayed. Begin a program
called "Operation Hometown." Organize East European

�SLOVAKIA

119

festivals as was done at Harpur College in Binghamton,
New York. Show films. Present books and audio-visual
aids to libraries. Request relevant books at your public
libraries. Have cultural groups perform at YMCA's, schools,
colleges, charity events, etc. It is important that school
book lists be examined and that books by and about East
Europeans be added.
Music departments should be exhorted to sound to
the tunes of rhapsodies, mazurkas, kolomajykas, polkas.
Home economic departments would win adherents by
presenting samplings of pirohy, halusky, makovnik, etc.
Courses of study need to be expanded to include information about the great contributions of East Europeans to
America, as, in the words of Michael Novak, "America is
becoming America."
The name of the game for East Europeans is "catch-up."
Don't wait for the artful dodgers to structure your ethnic
studies as you are excluded from their terminology. In
the words of Dickens " ... You must get up very early in
the morning, to win against the Dodger." "Morning!" said
Charley Bates; "you must put your boots on over-night,
and have a telescope at each eye, and a opera-glass between
your shoulders, if you want to come over him."

The U.S. flight crew for the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project
visited Russia for two weeks in November 1973 to familiarize themselves with the Soyuz spacecraft system that
will link up with their Apollo in 1975. Most of their activities
were conducted in the J . A. Gagarin Center of Cosmonaut
Training at Zvezdny Goroduk, or Star City, near Moscow.
Making the trip were the three Apollo crewmen, Brig. Gen.
Thomas P. Stafford, Vance D. Brand and Donald K. Slayton;
backup crewmen, Capt. Alan L. Bean, Capt. Ronald E.
Evans and Maj. Jack R. Lousma; support crewmen, Lt. Col.
Robert F. Overmyer and Lt. Col. Karol J. Bobko; and
Capt. Eugene A. Ceman, Special Assistant to the U.S. ASTP
Technical Director. Bobko and Cer:nan are Slovaks.

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              <text>112&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The Artful Dodgers: Directors&#13;
of Ethnic Studies Programs&#13;
By Paul F e n c h a k&#13;
&#13;
In Dickens' novel Oliver Twist, Jack Dawkins, called&#13;
the Artful Dodger, is a teacher - albeit one who taught&#13;
the art of pickpocketing to innocent youngsters such as&#13;
Oliver Twist. His motive: personal gain.&#13;
The writer of this article is convinced that the counterparts of the Artful Dodger are today directing ethnic studies&#13;
programs in the public schools of the United States. Seemingly they are no more altruistic towards needful ethnic&#13;
groups in America than the Artful Dodger was toward the&#13;
welfare of Oliver Twist.&#13;
Formulators of ethnic studies programs dodge no small&#13;
number of ethnic groups as they label "minority groups"&#13;
to the Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and Orientals.&#13;
Frequently space is also given to Jews, Germans, Italians,&#13;
and Poles. Scholars who would talk of Ukrainians, Slovaks,&#13;
Croatians, Bulgarians, Lithuanians, Latvians, and Rumanians, among others, are judged to be divining in some dark,&#13;
mysterious regions, presided over by pagan gods who,&#13;
midst Gog and Magog, are all agog in exotic studies about&#13;
areas considered to be "powder kegs" and "tinderboxes"&#13;
- "balkanized" beyond comprehension to sensible people.&#13;
The powerful National Education Association boasts of&#13;
having a "strong program to improve the lot of minority&#13;
groups, including Blacks, Indians, Spanish Americans, and&#13;
other bi-lingual groups." Often Croatians, Byelorussians,&#13;
Ukrainians, Slovaks, Lithuanians, Finns, et al., are more&#13;
bi-lingual than some groups cited by the NEA, yet the&#13;
amount of coverage given East European-Americ ans is&#13;
usually nil.&#13;
In 1972 the writer wrote the State Superintendents of&#13;
Schools of the fifty state education departments requesting&#13;
copies of curriculum guides, brochures, bulletins, etc.,&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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113&#13;
&#13;
dealing with racial, cultural, multi-cultural, inter-cultural,&#13;
disadvantaged, etc., matters of ethnics in America. For&#13;
sundry reasons the responses were not rapid in arriving.&#13;
To date 24 of 50 state education departments have either&#13;
forwarded materials or have indicated that materials will&#13;
be forthcoming.&#13;
In summary of the vast amount of ethnic studies&#13;
promoted by state education departments, one conclusion&#13;
can easily be made: East European ethnics do not exist in&#13;
the United States. Even Pennsylvania, the most Slavic of&#13;
the fifty states, with fraternal, religious, and educational&#13;
institutions located throughout the commonwealth in large&#13;
numbers, is guilty of producing ethnic materials that are&#13;
absolutely ignominous to the mass of citizens of East&#13;
European ancestry living within the state. In Pennsylvania&#13;
one need just travel from town to town, stopping to examine&#13;
the names of those who served and those who died for&#13;
the United States in both World Wars, as registered on&#13;
community Honor Rolls. Seemingly then, the non-sense of&#13;
excluding East Europeans would end - and even the very&#13;
productive efforts of these peoples in the mines, mills, and&#13;
farms, in athletics, in scholarship, and in good citizenship&#13;
would then be recognized. The map of Pennsylvania already&#13;
recognizes these peoples: Mazeppa, Kossuth, Pulaski, Po1and Mines, Dalmatia, Zelienople, Gallitzin, Livonia, St.&#13;
Petersburg, and Slovan, among others.&#13;
The bulk of the state curriculum guides, with Texas&#13;
being a noteworthy exception, on ethnic and racial/cultural&#13;
studies focus on the groups cited by the National Education&#13;
Association: Blacks, Indians, and Spanish-Americans. Orientals and Jews are reasonably well-covered as are&#13;
Italians, Irish, English, Germans, and French.&#13;
It is always interesting to observe how state and local&#13;
education experts use the term "minority group." One&#13;
county in Maryland that contains thousands of Poles,&#13;
Slovaks, Ukrainians, Czechs, et al., admits having "5,603&#13;
black students and another 706 pupils from various other&#13;
minority groups." The thruth is that in most states the&#13;
term "minority groups" as presented in curriculum guides&#13;
excludes Americans of East European ancestry and consequently millions of Americans are being denied the&#13;
&#13;
114&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
opportunity of studying their heritages. Likewise, they are&#13;
being denied opportunity in employment quests and, worst&#13;
of all, some Americans are being deprived of the opportunity of attaining optimum psychological and emotional&#13;
growth. Whereas the successful guidance counselor can&#13;
help students to correctly answer the important question,&#13;
"Whom am I?," counselors rarely talk about, or know&#13;
anything about, Slavic languages, Finno-Ugric languages,&#13;
Baltic languages, etc. But it is ever so fashionable in&#13;
American schools to talk about the pleasantries of French,&#13;
Spanish, German, and Latin.&#13;
Evidently one of the major problems in education re&#13;
ethnics is that the artful dodgers are not honest enough&#13;
to admit that they need re-trained in order to be able to&#13;
properly assemble the American mosaic.&#13;
How many Slavic-Americans live in Peoria, Illinois?&#13;
Frankly, the writer doesn't know, yet he assumes that in&#13;
an industrial area of ca. 150,000 some Croatians, Bulgarians,&#13;
Czechs, Poles, et al., do live and work. (All cities always&#13;
have Russans!) Given the resources of the Peoria educational system the writer could develop reasonably accurate&#13;
projections of the ethnic composition for Peoria; the same&#13;
could be done for Paducah, Kentucky, or Punxsutawney,&#13;
Pennsylvania. Why then the mystique about the manifold&#13;
ethnic groups that comprise America? It appears that our&#13;
ethnic directors are hiding and confusing issues. They&#13;
are run by a system that relegated East Europeans.&#13;
How negatively runs the cross-examination when an&#13;
East European scholar seeks to get more considerations&#13;
from librarians, curriculum directors, supervisors, administrators, editors, and other educators. Sooner or later the&#13;
question emerges: How many Ukrainians (Czechs, Finns, et.&#13;
al.) are then in Peoria? Yet these same specialists are able&#13;
to calculate that there are certain numbers of Blacks and&#13;
Spanish~speaking in their areas. How strange! The writer&#13;
has heard this tactic so many times that he refuses to dignify&#13;
such questions, presenting instead a general response that&#13;
there are many Slavs, Finno-Ugrics, Baltics, etc., in a&#13;
political sub-division, if such is the case. If the specialist is&#13;
persistent in wanting to know the exact number of Czechs&#13;
in Peoria, the writer usually asks .the specialist to secure&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
115&#13;
&#13;
that data for him, using the resources of people who should&#13;
know.&#13;
It is patently obvious that ethnic analysts do not want&#13;
t o know how many East European-Americans live in various&#13;
communities, as there is absolutely nothing stopping them&#13;
from researching such data for East Europeans. The Texas&#13;
Education Agency is to be commended for having produced&#13;
an interesting curriculum guide: Czecho-Slovakia: Information Minimum. This booklet (71 pages) contains important&#13;
facts about Czecho-Slovakia, especially as they relate to&#13;
the history and culture of the United States. With its&#13;
excellent maps, drawings, alphabets, data summaries, etc.,&#13;
it is the type of guide needed by more groups in more&#13;
states. Unfortunately, of the 24 states that responded with&#13;
materials, only Texas submitted any recognizable booklet&#13;
doing justice to East Europeans.&#13;
The catty Polish jokes seem to have nine lives. In&#13;
years gone by the same tripe was slurred against Jews,&#13;
Italians, and Irish. Yet the time length of the ethnic joke&#13;
being in vogue was never so long. The Polish joke has been&#13;
in circulation so long now that it is possible that a student&#13;
my have entered kindergarten, completed grade school and&#13;
junior high school, and have been graduated from high&#13;
school while hearing no ethnic jokes other than the Polish&#13;
variety. The tragedy of this attitude is supported by the&#13;
extremely weak collection of literature available about&#13;
East European peoples in American schools. This despite&#13;
the fact that there are in America today some 35,000,000&#13;
Americans of East European ancestry.&#13;
A stigma of the Polish joke is that some Americans&#13;
who are not Poles also are labelled as Poles for purposes&#13;
of jibing, e.g., the writer's daughter who as a third grade&#13;
student was continually chided by her WASP classmates&#13;
as being "Polish." "No need to explain that you are a&#13;
Ukrainian-Slovak-American, Marcia! You're Polish! Ha! Ha!&#13;
Ha!" (Marcia learned how to counter such diatribes by&#13;
asking, "How many of you know Polish?" Response: "None&#13;
of us." "How does it feel to be dumber than a Pole?") This&#13;
is cited as the last Polish joke.&#13;
That "Russian" studies receive top billing in American&#13;
&#13;
116&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
schools goes without saying. Soviet Life is the most popular&#13;
periodical in school libraries, so from such "reliable"&#13;
sources students learn how the Germans killed 10,000&#13;
Polish army officers in the Katyn Forest, as an article early&#13;
in 1971 indicated. After reading the Soviet account of how&#13;
the Germans killed the Polish officers, the author wrote&#13;
a letter to Soviet Life asking how accusations against the&#13;
Russians can be disproved. Nicholai Zhiltsov, managing&#13;
editor of Soviet Life, submitted the following reply on June&#13;
1, 1971: "Please excuse the delay in answering your letter&#13;
which we have forwarded to our Moscow Editorial Board&#13;
for their comments." Needless to say, by late 1973 a reply&#13;
has not yet arrived.&#13;
Barbara Mikulski, Polish-American and member of the&#13;
City Council of Baltimore, spoke clearly and honestly about&#13;
many situations when she stated, "When we ask for&#13;
something, we are either put off, put out, or put down."&#13;
Ask for books for the library and the librarian will write&#13;
off your requests as "Not in Books in Print." Ask that East&#13;
European specialists be invited to participate in social&#13;
studies workshops, and your letter goes unanswered. Suggest that an Ethnic Library be started, with coverage for&#13;
all ethnics, and again your letter is unanswered. Apply&#13;
for a position in human relations and you are told that the&#13;
emphasis is on black studies. Period.&#13;
A frequently used dodge by curriculum formulators is&#13;
the statement that they do not desire to approach East&#13;
European studies, as, if they do, then it will be necessary&#13;
to analyze all other ethnic groups in the United States. In&#13;
a sense this attitude translates as "East Europeans don't&#13;
burn, don't riot, don't act like rowdies ... so nobody pays&#13;
any attention to them." That deceit shows through current&#13;
ethnic analyses is obvious enough as in legal provisions&#13;
for the teaching about ethnic studies in most states, no&#13;
groups are expressly excluded.&#13;
&#13;
When prices in America continue to skyrocket as a&#13;
result of expanded trade with East European nations,&#13;
a need for better understanding about East Europeans is&#13;
more imperative than ever. The current campaign by Jews&#13;
in America to identify the lack of liberties accorded their&#13;
brethre.n in the Soviet Union could in some ways be made&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
117&#13;
&#13;
to appear rather miniscule if injustices perpetrated against&#13;
Slovaks, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, et. al.,&#13;
were similarly examined. Freedom still remains undebatable&#13;
despite the economic strategems of government and big&#13;
business. At home, one of principal educational problems&#13;
may be that big business is too much in the saddle in&#13;
influencing ethnic studies programs. No champions from&#13;
business arose to exhort the cause of ethnics when the&#13;
Schweiker ethnic studies bill was not approved for funding&#13;
by tlie White House, yet industrial support was hardly&#13;
lacking for both parties.&#13;
Michael Novak in The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics&#13;
speaks of the possibility of Blacks and ethnics forming&#13;
a coalition for mutual gain. It cannot be assumed that&#13;
because Blacks have been afforded study programs and&#13;
given some economic assistance, that power groups in&#13;
America are genuinely interested in their welfare. Nobody&#13;
volunteered any help to the Blacks and it can be reasonably&#13;
assumed that nothing will be given East Europeans unless&#13;
they demand considerations.&#13;
One of the greatest problems confronting East Europeans is that textbook purchasers know too little about&#13;
non-Russian-oriented publications; they buy primarily from&#13;
the big, conventional publishing houses. East European&#13;
publishers need to wage a campaign to bring their publications to the school systems throughout the country. The&#13;
fact is that numerous administrators know as much about&#13;
East Europeans as a dog knows about mathematics. An&#13;
example: The late Prof. Roman Smal-Stocki, when at&#13;
Marquette University, used to begin his classes with an&#13;
anonymous quiz, one of the questions of which was: List&#13;
the Slavic nationalities or peoples in Europe. The usual&#13;
answer ran like this: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,&#13;
Hungary, Rumania, Albania, Turkey, Austria, Russians,&#13;
Bavarians, Bolsheviks, "Lower Slobovia" (Li'l Abner's contribution) and "Carpathia" (Marilyn Monroe's contribution&#13;
from the movie, "The Prince and the Showgirl"). On July&#13;
11, 1954, the New York Times altered geography of Europe&#13;
with the following headline: Rising Danube Flood Hits&#13;
Prague.&#13;
&#13;
The Baltimore Sun had an interesting article (some&#13;
&#13;
118&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
reporters are more discerning than many of our educators)&#13;
on December 4, 1935, written by R. P. Harriss, "All Others."&#13;
Harriss states, "The official census for Baltimore is a&#13;
curious intensely interesting document, both for what it&#13;
reveals and for what it leaves out. It lists some 14,000 nonexistent Russians and contains vague hints of a polygenous&#13;
percentage which it does not bother to define." True enough.&#13;
In an article in the Baltimore Sun on February 13, 1967,&#13;
a native of Kazan, Russia, is quoted: "There are probably&#13;
not more than five or six families of true Russians in&#13;
Baltimore." Yet the article speaks of Russians from Galicia,&#13;
Byelorussia, Carpatho-Ukraine.&#13;
Seems that census officials and educators have in&#13;
America done a magician's job of creating 'Russians.'&#13;
How some of the mysteries regarding census data will&#13;
be clarified remains a monumental task for the artful&#13;
dodgers who have compiled the data thus far. Quoting again&#13;
the Harriss article of 1935: "Officially there are 1,637 Hungarians in Baltimore, 1,441 Ruman.ians, and no Ukrainians,&#13;
no Serbs." Harriss was candid enough to realize that by&#13;
1935 there were three Ukrainian churches, plus other&#13;
institutions, in the Baltimore area and he was smart enough&#13;
to see that the census data was akin to ethnic studies&#13;
programs of today. Surely nobody would suspect that the&#13;
Russians built the Ukrainian churches!&#13;
The situation in literary studies is not much better&#13;
than in the social sciences. To be sure "Russian Literature"&#13;
units are taught in many schools, yet in "World Literature"&#13;
courses very little is presented to develop the genius of&#13;
Slovak, Czech, Ukrainian, Finnish, Polish, et. al., writers.&#13;
Likewise the study of art and music suffer from non-coverage and from misconceptions.&#13;
Now is the time to clear the muddied waters. East Europeans must declare themselves. They need to write more,&#13;
question more, educate P.T.A. groups, civic organizations,&#13;
education councils (on which they are rarely represented),&#13;
etc. The "education crisis" should be recognized immediately. Forget about token appointments and honorary ethnic&#13;
banquets (which cost you $100) in Washington where ethnic&#13;
foods and cultural items are displayed. Begin a program&#13;
called "Operation Hometown." Organize East European&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
119&#13;
&#13;
festivals as was done at Harpur College in Binghamton,&#13;
New York. Show films. Present books and audio-visual&#13;
aids to libraries. Request relevant books at your public&#13;
libraries. Have cultural groups perform at YMCA's, schools,&#13;
colleges, charity events, etc. It is important that school&#13;
book lists be examined and that books by and about East&#13;
Europeans be added.&#13;
Music departments should be exhorted to sound to&#13;
the tunes of rhapsodies, mazurkas, kolomajykas, polkas.&#13;
Home economic departments would win adherents by&#13;
presenting samplings of pirohy, halusky, makovnik, etc.&#13;
Courses of study need to be expanded to include information about the great contributions of East Europeans to&#13;
America, as, in the words of Michael Novak, "America is&#13;
becoming America."&#13;
The name of the game for East Europeans is "catch-up."&#13;
Don't wait for the artful dodgers to structure your ethnic&#13;
studies as you are excluded from their terminology. In&#13;
the words of Dickens " ... You must get up very early in&#13;
the morning, to win against the Dodger." "Morning!" said&#13;
Charley Bates; "you must put your boots on over-night,&#13;
and have a telescope at each eye, and a opera-glass between&#13;
your shoulders, if you want to come over him."&#13;
&#13;
The U.S. flight crew for the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project&#13;
visited Russia for two weeks in November 1973 to familiarize themselves with the Soyuz spacecraft system that&#13;
will link up with their Apollo in 1975. Most of their activities&#13;
were conducted in the J . A. Gagarin Center of Cosmonaut&#13;
Training at Zvezdny Goroduk, or Star City, near Moscow.&#13;
Making the trip were the three Apollo crewmen, Brig. Gen.&#13;
Thomas P. Stafford, Vance D. Brand and Donald K. Slayton;&#13;
backup crewmen, Capt. Alan L. Bean, Capt. Ronald E.&#13;
Evans and Maj. Jack R. Lousma; support crewmen, Lt. Col.&#13;
Robert F. Overmyer and Lt. Col. Karol J. Bobko; and&#13;
Capt. Eugene A. Ceman, Special Assistant to the U.S. ASTP&#13;
Technical Director. Bobko and Cer:nan are Slovaks.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>156

SLOVAKIA

Famous Slovak Inventors
Long before the arrival of the Slovaks in central Europer
the Celts who inhabited the area, mined iron-ore, silver,
gold and lead and utilized these minerals in making various
instruments, ornaments and utensils.
As newcomers, the Slovaks continued to use these
minerals centuries before the coming of the Turkish-Mongol
tribes. Technically, both the mining and metal industries
remained rather primitive until modern times. New methods and techniques which were developed outside the·
country were not introduced until quite recently.
Modernization of the mining industry in Slovakia,
though of recent data, was preceded in the 17th and 18th
centuries by several notable processes. In 1627, for example,
it was K. Wendler, a Tyrolean explosive expert, who detonated the first black-powder charge in the Banska stiavnica
mines in Slovakia; incidentally, the first of its kind in
mining history. Then, J. A. Born (1742-1791), a Saxon from
Transylvania, in the latter half of the 18th century introduced the quicksilver (mercury) amalgamation process of
refining gold, silver and lead.
At the end of the 17th century most of the Slovak mines
were flooded because continual warfare caused them to be
neglected. Primitive methods of pumping out the water
proved inefficient and expensive. They required an outlay
of money for wood, men-power and horses. The cost was
prohibitive. Water-wheels proved unsatisfactory and mining
engineers decided to try the new atmospheric-fire invention
of Newcombe. Potter, an Englishman, came to install the
new machinery in the Nova Ban.a mine. It was put into
operation in 1724. But when it proved to be a failure it
was dismantled. In 1733 a series of modified methods were
introduced but all proved inadequate.
Finally, J. K. Hell (1713-1789), a native Slovak engineer
and machinist, installed his own machinery at the entrance
of the mine in Banska stiavnica in 1749. It proved successful, and soon afterwards he installed his invention in a

�SLOVAKIA

157

number of deep mine shafts. Later Hell developed a better
atmospheric type of mine-pump.

Mining methods for gold, silver and lead remained
primitive and time consuming. It was Born's amalgamation
process, developed and adapted from the Spanish types
employed in the mines of South America, which reduced
the time of processing silver from six weeks to approximately twelve hours. Moreover, wood was reduced to a
minimum and lead was saved in the process.
A silver metallurgical plant was built in Sklene Teplice,
Slovakia, in 1785, and a lead mill or foundry was constructed
in Ulmanka, near Stare Hory, in 1788.
Sometime in the 14th century the manufacture of glass
was introduced into Slovakia, most likely from the Czech
plants in Bohemia. At first, ordinary glass was made, and
only later quality glassware was produced for use in the
metal and chemical plants in the country.
We present a brief summary of the life-work of the
following Slovak pioneers in technology. Some of these
early scientific technicians are known, some but little
known, but their work has all been at least partially
evaluated.
STEFAN A. JEDLfK
Among the earliest inventors in Slovakia was Stefan
Ananian Jedlik (1800-1896), who came from the village of
Zemne, near Kollarovo, Slovakia. A talented youth he
chose the priesthood as a life's vocation. In 1831 he was
assigned as a teacher to the Gymnasium ( Junior College )
in Bratislava. Soon his work in Physics won the attention
of the administration at the University of Budapest, where
he was destined to teach for the next four decades. That
is why the Magyars claim him as a Hungarian scientist
although he stoutly maintained he was a Slovak.
As an electro-technician Jedlik won wide acclaim when
electricity was still in its infancy. As early as 1829 in his
research in electro-magnetism, he hit upon the theory that
an electro-magnet must oscillate simultaneously around
another electro-magnet once the current is turned on. His
experiments proved the theory true and his primitive motor
was the forerunner of the induction motor.

�158

SLOVAKIA

Although Arag, a French physicist, is credited with the
discovery of the theory of electro-magnetism , Jedlik's first
motor was certainly closer to the idea of the induction
motor than Arag's ideas in theoretical form. Unfortunately,
the Slovak scientific genius did not publicize his discovery
because he dismissed the motor as economically impractical
because it depended on power from an expensive source
he himself developed, and which a railroad firm adopted
not merely for its own use for its telegraph system but
actually put it on the market for general use later.
In the late 1850's Jedlik discovered the principle of the
self-generating dynamo in which a spark at the magnetic
pole is sufficient to give it the initial impetus and gradually
the electric current generated will attain maximum power.
Werner Siemens, a German pioneer in this field, is
given credit for the discovery of the dynamo-electric principle which he patented in 1866 despite the fact that Jedlik
and others had actually made the discovery before Siemens
registered his patent rights.
So far it has been ascertained that Jedlik patented
approximately eighty (80 ) patents, mostly in the electromagnetic field.
Atoms, Jedlik declared, could be split by a high electric
current. Matter, he said, consisted of a radio-active primate,
later confirmed by the discovery of radium.
AUREL STODOLA
World renown was won by another Slovak, namely,
Aurel Stodola (1859-1942) in the field of electro-technology
indirectly, for he developed the idea of the extensive industrial use of electricity by inventing the steam and gas
turbines. He always made it quite clear that he was a Slovak
who was born in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Slovakia. His first
studies in Levoca were supplemented at the technological
institute in Budapest. Here he won a scholarship to study
at the technological school in Zilrich, Switzerland. After
two years of work on the railways of Hungary, Stodola
went for further study at the technical college in Charlotteburg in Germany, and then in Paris. He returned to his
native homeland where he remained only a short time

�SLOVAKIA

159

because his services were required by the Rustanka firm
in Prague.
In the 1880's Parsons and Laval's steam turbines caught
the interest of Stodola who now began concentrating upon
perfecting their theoretical ideas and putting them into
practical use. His success won him a professorship at the
Technological Institute in Ztirich, Switzerland in 1892. Here
he remained until 1929. During this period he trained
hundreds of experts of two generations in the field of
steam and gas turbines. Stodola's life-work in the design
and manufacture of turbine engines, which he continued
to perfect constantly, remains unique in the scientific world.
He won the Watt medal and the Nobel prize in science.
JOZEF MURGAS
Jozef Murgas (1864-1929), world famous pioneer in
wireless telegraphy, was born in Tajov, near Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. He was born of a peasant family and early
in life was destined to study for the priesthood. His talents
were many, however, particularly in art. Soon after ordination he was sent by his bishop to study at the Academy of
Art in Munich. For some reason shortly before completing
his course of study at the Academy, he was recalled to
Slovakia for pastoral work. Because of his ardent patriotism
he incurred the hostility of the pro-Magyar ecclesiastical
authorities. Upon hearing of the need for priests for Slovak
immigrant communities, he immediately applied for this
apostolate. Accordingly, he was sent to the anthracite city
of Wilkes-Barre in northeastern Pennsylvania.
Father Murgas' apostolate as pastor of a thriving Slovak
parish was marked by devoted service to his Slovak people.
In his spare time he did some painting, but his experiments
in wireless teiegraphy began to take up most of his leisure
moments. In his scientific laboratory, which he built himself at one end of the parsonage, the priest-scientist
experimented in attempts to send messages by air. At first
he used the Morse code but later replaced it with a tone
system, which he patented in 1904. By 1911 he obtained
about a dozen additional patents.
Private speculators and syndicates sensed that his
experiments were on the right track to revolutionize the
communications' system, and they bombarded Father Mur-

�160

SLOVAKIA

gas with offers. Finally, the inventor accepted the bid from
a Philadelphia syndicate, the Aether or Ether Telegraph
Company, which furnished him with a new laboratory in
return for his patent rights. But he had to erect the necessary towers for transmitting and receiving the messages.
This Father Murgas did by constructing twin towers, each
60 meters in height, one near his home in Wilkes-Barre
and the other about ten miles distant near Scranton, Pa.
It is a matter of historical record that in 1905 Father

Murgas succeeded in sending a message from his hometower to Scranton. Before he could pursue his experimentation further, however, a violent storm damaged the wooden
towers and destroyed the antenas. His company refused
to advance the money necessary for repairs and soon after
the syndicate was dissolved.
Apparently, Father Murgas was unable to raise enough
money to make the repairs himself. Moreover, he became
embroiled in a patent suit with Marconi (who was subsequently to be credited with the invention of modern
radio) and Fessenden. Although Father Murgas won the
law-suit, the government controls imposed on all means of
communicati on at the outbreak of World War I prevented
him from following up his initial success. Thus ended the
scientific career of the great Slovak pioneer in wireless
telegraphy. From this time until his death in 1929 he
devoted all his time exclusively to pastoral service and
patriotic work among his Slovak people.
JOZEF M. PETZVAL
Jozef Maximilian Petzval (Pecval)-180 7-1895-was a
Slovak despite claims by Magyars and Austrians to the
contrary. He was born in Spisska Bela in Slovakia. After
completing his schooling in Podolinec, Levoca and the Lyceum in Kosice (in Slovakia) he attended the polytechnical
institute at the University of Budapest. He paid his own
way from his salary as a city engineer. After receiving his
doctorate in mathematics he obtained a professorship at
the University of Vienna in 1836.
Petzval secured living quarters in an abandoned monastery on Kahlenberg hill above the city. Here he established
his own mechanical laboratory where he began producing

�SLOVAKIA

161

special optical lens of such quality so that soon they were
in demand in all parts of the world.
When the daguerrotype photo apparatus appeared on
the scene in the 1830's Petzval opened his own studio where
he made invaluable contributions to modern photography.
By 1840 he developed a photo lens that increased the degree
of light ten-fold, thereby considerably decreasing the time
of exposure.
Voigtlander, an optician in Vienna, became the recipient
of a real windfall when Petzval surrendered his formulas
in the science of optics to him in return for a contract.
Voigtlander refused to live up to the agreement. Accordingly, Petzval became so bitterly involved in litigation that this
caused him to become a recluse . .. a final outcome of his
misanthropic tendencies.
Petzval developed the basics for the production of lens
for people afflicted with astigmatism, and his process was
adopted in the 1880's by the great Zeiss corporation in Jena.
From Petzval's laboratories came the first high-power
telescopes and fieldglasses, super electric spotlights and
other improvements in the field of optics, as well as new
developments in the mathematical sciences.
It was only during World War II that Petzval's name
was discovered inscribed (in German) on a memorial tablet
in his birthplace in Spisska Bela, Slovakia.

STEFAN BANIC
stefan Banic, the inventor of the parachute, emigrated
from his native Slovakia in search of a job in the U.S. He
worked at odd jobs and tinkered with an invention that
resulted in the making of the first real, workable parachute
for which he obtained patent rights from the U.S. Patent
Office in 1914.
Banic sold the patent rights to a company for a mere
pittance and the company made millions on government
orders from the U.S. Army Air force during the first World
War.
(A. A. Hoch, Vyndlezy, ktore zmenili svet (Inventions
which changed the world). Published by Mlade Leta, Bratislava, 1959).

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3687">
                    <text>156

SLOVAKIA

Famous Slovak Inventors
Long before the arrival of the Slovaks in central Europer
the Celts who inhabited the area, mined iron-ore, silver,
gold and lead and utilized these minerals in making various
instruments, ornaments and utensils.
As newcomers, the Slovaks continued to use these
minerals centuries before the coming of the Turkish-Mongol
tribes. Technically, both the mining and metal industries
remained rather primitive until modern times. New methods and techniques which were developed outside the·
country were not introduced until quite recently.
Modernization of the mining industry in Slovakia,
though of recent data, was preceded in the 17th and 18th
centuries by several notable processes. In 1627, for example,
it was K. Wendler, a Tyrolean explosive expert, who detonated the first black-powder charge in the Banska stiavnica
mines in Slovakia; incidentally, the first of its kind in
mining history. Then, J. A. Born (1742-1791), a Saxon from
Transylvania, in the latter half of the 18th century introduced the quicksilver (mercury) amalgamation process of
refining gold, silver and lead.
At the end of the 17th century most of the Slovak mines
were flooded because continual warfare caused them to be
neglected. Primitive methods of pumping out the water
proved inefficient and expensive. They required an outlay
of money for wood, men-power and horses. The cost was
prohibitive. Water-wheels proved unsatisfactory and mining
engineers decided to try the new atmospheric-fire invention
of Newcombe. Potter, an Englishman, came to install the
new machinery in the Nova Ban.a mine. It was put into
operation in 1724. But when it proved to be a failure it
was dismantled. In 1733 a series of modified methods were
introduced but all proved inadequate.
Finally, J. K. Hell (1713-1789), a native Slovak engineer
and machinist, installed his own machinery at the entrance
of the mine in Banska stiavnica in 1749. It proved successful, and soon afterwards he installed his invention in a

�SLOVAKIA

157

number of deep mine shafts. Later Hell developed a better
atmospheric type of mine-pump.

Mining methods for gold, silver and lead remained
primitive and time consuming. It was Born's amalgamation
process, developed and adapted from the Spanish types
employed in the mines of South America, which reduced
the time of processing silver from six weeks to approximately twelve hours. Moreover, wood was reduced to a
minimum and lead was saved in the process.
A silver metallurgical plant was built in Sklene Teplice,
Slovakia, in 1785, and a lead mill or foundry was constructed
in Ulmanka, near Stare Hory, in 1788.
Sometime in the 14th century the manufacture of glass
was introduced into Slovakia, most likely from the Czech
plants in Bohemia. At first, ordinary glass was made, and
only later quality glassware was produced for use in the
metal and chemical plants in the country.
We present a brief summary of the life-work of the
following Slovak pioneers in technology. Some of these
early scientific technicians are known, some but little
known, but their work has all been at least partially
evaluated.
STEFAN A. JEDLfK
Among the earliest inventors in Slovakia was Stefan
Ananian Jedlik (1800-1896), who came from the village of
Zemne, near Kollarovo, Slovakia. A talented youth he
chose the priesthood as a life's vocation. In 1831 he was
assigned as a teacher to the Gymnasium ( Junior College )
in Bratislava. Soon his work in Physics won the attention
of the administration at the University of Budapest, where
he was destined to teach for the next four decades. That
is why the Magyars claim him as a Hungarian scientist
although he stoutly maintained he was a Slovak.
As an electro-technician Jedlik won wide acclaim when
electricity was still in its infancy. As early as 1829 in his
research in electro-magnetism, he hit upon the theory that
an electro-magnet must oscillate simultaneously around
another electro-magnet once the current is turned on. His
experiments proved the theory true and his primitive motor
was the forerunner of the induction motor.

�158

SLOVAKIA

Although Arag, a French physicist, is credited with the
discovery of the theory of electro-magnetism , Jedlik's first
motor was certainly closer to the idea of the induction
motor than Arag's ideas in theoretical form. Unfortunately,
the Slovak scientific genius did not publicize his discovery
because he dismissed the motor as economically impractical
because it depended on power from an expensive source
he himself developed, and which a railroad firm adopted
not merely for its own use for its telegraph system but
actually put it on the market for general use later.
In the late 1850's Jedlik discovered the principle of the
self-generating dynamo in which a spark at the magnetic
pole is sufficient to give it the initial impetus and gradually
the electric current generated will attain maximum power.
Werner Siemens, a German pioneer in this field, is
given credit for the discovery of the dynamo-electric principle which he patented in 1866 despite the fact that Jedlik
and others had actually made the discovery before Siemens
registered his patent rights.
So far it has been ascertained that Jedlik patented
approximately eighty (80 ) patents, mostly in the electromagnetic field.
Atoms, Jedlik declared, could be split by a high electric
current. Matter, he said, consisted of a radio-active primate,
later confirmed by the discovery of radium.
AUREL STODOLA
World renown was won by another Slovak, namely,
Aurel Stodola (1859-1942) in the field of electro-technology
indirectly, for he developed the idea of the extensive industrial use of electricity by inventing the steam and gas
turbines. He always made it quite clear that he was a Slovak
who was born in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Slovakia. His first
studies in Levoca were supplemented at the technological
institute in Budapest. Here he won a scholarship to study
at the technological school in Zilrich, Switzerland. After
two years of work on the railways of Hungary, Stodola
went for further study at the technical college in Charlotteburg in Germany, and then in Paris. He returned to his
native homeland where he remained only a short time

�SLOVAKIA

159

because his services were required by the Rustanka firm
in Prague.
In the 1880's Parsons and Laval's steam turbines caught
the interest of Stodola who now began concentrating upon
perfecting their theoretical ideas and putting them into
practical use. His success won him a professorship at the
Technological Institute in Ztirich, Switzerland in 1892. Here
he remained until 1929. During this period he trained
hundreds of experts of two generations in the field of
steam and gas turbines. Stodola's life-work in the design
and manufacture of turbine engines, which he continued
to perfect constantly, remains unique in the scientific world.
He won the Watt medal and the Nobel prize in science.
JOZEF MURGAS
Jozef Murgas (1864-1929), world famous pioneer in
wireless telegraphy, was born in Tajov, near Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. He was born of a peasant family and early
in life was destined to study for the priesthood. His talents
were many, however, particularly in art. Soon after ordination he was sent by his bishop to study at the Academy of
Art in Munich. For some reason shortly before completing
his course of study at the Academy, he was recalled to
Slovakia for pastoral work. Because of his ardent patriotism
he incurred the hostility of the pro-Magyar ecclesiastical
authorities. Upon hearing of the need for priests for Slovak
immigrant communities, he immediately applied for this
apostolate. Accordingly, he was sent to the anthracite city
of Wilkes-Barre in northeastern Pennsylvania.
Father Murgas' apostolate as pastor of a thriving Slovak
parish was marked by devoted service to his Slovak people.
In his spare time he did some painting, but his experiments
in wireless teiegraphy began to take up most of his leisure
moments. In his scientific laboratory, which he built himself at one end of the parsonage, the priest-scientist
experimented in attempts to send messages by air. At first
he used the Morse code but later replaced it with a tone
system, which he patented in 1904. By 1911 he obtained
about a dozen additional patents.
Private speculators and syndicates sensed that his
experiments were on the right track to revolutionize the
communications' system, and they bombarded Father Mur-

�160

SLOVAKIA

gas with offers. Finally, the inventor accepted the bid from
a Philadelphia syndicate, the Aether or Ether Telegraph
Company, which furnished him with a new laboratory in
return for his patent rights. But he had to erect the necessary towers for transmitting and receiving the messages.
This Father Murgas did by constructing twin towers, each
60 meters in height, one near his home in Wilkes-Barre
and the other about ten miles distant near Scranton, Pa.
It is a matter of historical record that in 1905 Father

Murgas succeeded in sending a message from his hometower to Scranton. Before he could pursue his experimentation further, however, a violent storm damaged the wooden
towers and destroyed the antenas. His company refused
to advance the money necessary for repairs and soon after
the syndicate was dissolved.
Apparently, Father Murgas was unable to raise enough
money to make the repairs himself. Moreover, he became
embroiled in a patent suit with Marconi (who was subsequently to be credited with the invention of modern
radio) and Fessenden. Although Father Murgas won the
law-suit, the government controls imposed on all means of
communicati on at the outbreak of World War I prevented
him from following up his initial success. Thus ended the
scientific career of the great Slovak pioneer in wireless
telegraphy. From this time until his death in 1929 he
devoted all his time exclusively to pastoral service and
patriotic work among his Slovak people.
JOZEF M. PETZVAL
Jozef Maximilian Petzval (Pecval)-180 7-1895-was a
Slovak despite claims by Magyars and Austrians to the
contrary. He was born in Spisska Bela in Slovakia. After
completing his schooling in Podolinec, Levoca and the Lyceum in Kosice (in Slovakia) he attended the polytechnical
institute at the University of Budapest. He paid his own
way from his salary as a city engineer. After receiving his
doctorate in mathematics he obtained a professorship at
the University of Vienna in 1836.
Petzval secured living quarters in an abandoned monastery on Kahlenberg hill above the city. Here he established
his own mechanical laboratory where he began producing

�SLOVAKIA

161

special optical lens of such quality so that soon they were
in demand in all parts of the world.
When the daguerrotype photo apparatus appeared on
the scene in the 1830's Petzval opened his own studio where
he made invaluable contributions to modern photography.
By 1840 he developed a photo lens that increased the degree
of light ten-fold, thereby considerably decreasing the time
of exposure.
Voigtlander, an optician in Vienna, became the recipient
of a real windfall when Petzval surrendered his formulas
in the science of optics to him in return for a contract.
Voigtlander refused to live up to the agreement. Accordingly, Petzval became so bitterly involved in litigation that this
caused him to become a recluse . .. a final outcome of his
misanthropic tendencies.
Petzval developed the basics for the production of lens
for people afflicted with astigmatism, and his process was
adopted in the 1880's by the great Zeiss corporation in Jena.
From Petzval's laboratories came the first high-power
telescopes and fieldglasses, super electric spotlights and
other improvements in the field of optics, as well as new
developments in the mathematical sciences.
It was only during World War II that Petzval's name
was discovered inscribed (in German) on a memorial tablet
in his birthplace in Spisska Bela, Slovakia.

STEFAN BANIC
stefan Banic, the inventor of the parachute, emigrated
from his native Slovakia in search of a job in the U.S. He
worked at odd jobs and tinkered with an invention that
resulted in the making of the first real, workable parachute
for which he obtained patent rights from the U.S. Patent
Office in 1914.
Banic sold the patent rights to a company for a mere
pittance and the company made millions on government
orders from the U.S. Army Air force during the first World
War.
(A. A. Hoch, Vyndlezy, ktore zmenili svet (Inventions
which changed the world). Published by Mlade Leta, Bratislava, 1959).

�</text>
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              <text>156&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Famous Slovak Inventors&#13;
Long before the arrival of the Slovaks in central Europer&#13;
the Celts who inhabited the area, mined iron-ore, silver,&#13;
gold and lead and utilized these minerals in making various&#13;
instruments, ornaments and utensils.&#13;
As newcomers, the Slovaks continued to use these&#13;
minerals centuries before the coming of the Turkish-Mongol&#13;
tribes. Technically, both the mining and metal industries&#13;
remained rather primitive until modern times. New methods and techniques which were developed outside the·&#13;
country were not introduced until quite recently.&#13;
Modernization of the mining industry in Slovakia,&#13;
though of recent data, was preceded in the 17th and 18th&#13;
centuries by several notable processes. In 1627, for example,&#13;
it was K. Wendler, a Tyrolean explosive expert, who detonated the first black-powder charge in the Banska stiavnica&#13;
mines in Slovakia; incidentally, the first of its kind in&#13;
mining history. Then, J. A. Born (1742-1791), a Saxon from&#13;
Transylvania, in the latter half of the 18th century introduced the quicksilver (mercury) amalgamation process of&#13;
refining gold, silver and lead.&#13;
At the end of the 17th century most of the Slovak mines&#13;
were flooded because continual warfare caused them to be&#13;
neglected. Primitive methods of pumping out the water&#13;
proved inefficient and expensive. They required an outlay&#13;
of money for wood, men-power and horses. The cost was&#13;
prohibitive. Water-wheels proved unsatisfactory and mining&#13;
engineers decided to try the new atmospheric-fire invention&#13;
of Newcombe. Potter, an Englishman, came to install the&#13;
new machinery in the Nova Ban.a mine. It was put into&#13;
operation in 1724. But when it proved to be a failure it&#13;
was dismantled. In 1733 a series of modified methods were&#13;
introduced but all proved inadequate.&#13;
Finally, J. K. Hell (1713-1789), a native Slovak engineer&#13;
and machinist, installed his own machinery at the entrance&#13;
of the mine in Banska stiavnica in 1749. It proved successful, and soon afterwards he installed his invention in a&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
157&#13;
&#13;
number of deep mine shafts. Later Hell developed a better&#13;
atmospheric type of mine-pump.&#13;
&#13;
Mining methods for gold, silver and lead remained&#13;
primitive and time consuming. It was Born's amalgamation&#13;
process, developed and adapted from the Spanish types&#13;
employed in the mines of South America, which reduced&#13;
the time of processing silver from six weeks to approximately twelve hours. Moreover, wood was reduced to a&#13;
minimum and lead was saved in the process.&#13;
A silver metallurgical plant was built in Sklene Teplice,&#13;
Slovakia, in 1785, and a lead mill or foundry was constructed&#13;
in Ulmanka, near Stare Hory, in 1788.&#13;
Sometime in the 14th century the manufacture of glass&#13;
was introduced into Slovakia, most likely from the Czech&#13;
plants in Bohemia. At first, ordinary glass was made, and&#13;
only later quality glassware was produced for use in the&#13;
metal and chemical plants in the country.&#13;
We present a brief summary of the life-work of the&#13;
following Slovak pioneers in technology. Some of these&#13;
early scientific technicians are known, some but little&#13;
known, but their work has all been at least partially&#13;
evaluated.&#13;
STEFAN A. JEDLfK&#13;
Among the earliest inventors in Slovakia was Stefan&#13;
Ananian Jedlik (1800-1896), who came from the village of&#13;
Zemne, near Kollarovo, Slovakia. A talented youth he&#13;
chose the priesthood as a life's vocation. In 1831 he was&#13;
assigned as a teacher to the Gymnasium ( Junior College )&#13;
in Bratislava. Soon his work in Physics won the attention&#13;
of the administration at the University of Budapest, where&#13;
he was destined to teach for the next four decades. That&#13;
is why the Magyars claim him as a Hungarian scientist&#13;
although he stoutly maintained he was a Slovak.&#13;
As an electro-technician Jedlik won wide acclaim when&#13;
electricity was still in its infancy. As early as 1829 in his&#13;
research in electro-magnetism, he hit upon the theory that&#13;
an electro-magnet must oscillate simultaneously around&#13;
another electro-magnet once the current is turned on. His&#13;
experiments proved the theory true and his primitive motor&#13;
was the forerunner of the induction motor.&#13;
&#13;
158&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Although Arag, a French physicist, is credited with the&#13;
discovery of the theory of electro-magnetism , Jedlik's first&#13;
motor was certainly closer to the idea of the induction&#13;
motor than Arag's ideas in theoretical form. Unfortunately,&#13;
the Slovak scientific genius did not publicize his discovery&#13;
because he dismissed the motor as economically impractical&#13;
because it depended on power from an expensive source&#13;
he himself developed, and which a railroad firm adopted&#13;
not merely for its own use for its telegraph system but&#13;
actually put it on the market for general use later.&#13;
In the late 1850's Jedlik discovered the principle of the&#13;
self-generating dynamo in which a spark at the magnetic&#13;
pole is sufficient to give it the initial impetus and gradually&#13;
the electric current generated will attain maximum power.&#13;
Werner Siemens, a German pioneer in this field, is&#13;
given credit for the discovery of the dynamo-electric principle which he patented in 1866 despite the fact that Jedlik&#13;
and others had actually made the discovery before Siemens&#13;
registered his patent rights.&#13;
So far it has been ascertained that Jedlik patented&#13;
approximately eighty (80 ) patents, mostly in the electromagnetic field.&#13;
Atoms, Jedlik declared, could be split by a high electric&#13;
current. Matter, he said, consisted of a radio-active primate,&#13;
later confirmed by the discovery of radium.&#13;
AUREL STODOLA&#13;
World renown was won by another Slovak, namely,&#13;
Aurel Stodola (1859-1942) in the field of electro-technology&#13;
indirectly, for he developed the idea of the extensive industrial use of electricity by inventing the steam and gas&#13;
turbines. He always made it quite clear that he was a Slovak&#13;
who was born in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, Slovakia. His first&#13;
studies in Levoca were supplemented at the technological&#13;
institute in Budapest. Here he won a scholarship to study&#13;
at the technological school in Zilrich, Switzerland. After&#13;
two years of work on the railways of Hungary, Stodola&#13;
went for further study at the technical college in Charlotteburg in Germany, and then in Paris. He returned to his&#13;
native homeland where he remained only a short time&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
159&#13;
&#13;
because his services were required by the Rustanka firm&#13;
in Prague.&#13;
In the 1880's Parsons and Laval's steam turbines caught&#13;
the interest of Stodola who now began concentrating upon&#13;
perfecting their theoretical ideas and putting them into&#13;
practical use. His success won him a professorship at the&#13;
Technological Institute in Ztirich, Switzerland in 1892. Here&#13;
he remained until 1929. During this period he trained&#13;
hundreds of experts of two generations in the field of&#13;
steam and gas turbines. Stodola's life-work in the design&#13;
and manufacture of turbine engines, which he continued&#13;
to perfect constantly, remains unique in the scientific world.&#13;
He won the Watt medal and the Nobel prize in science.&#13;
JOZEF MURGAS&#13;
Jozef Murgas (1864-1929), world famous pioneer in&#13;
wireless telegraphy, was born in Tajov, near Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. He was born of a peasant family and early&#13;
in life was destined to study for the priesthood. His talents&#13;
were many, however, particularly in art. Soon after ordination he was sent by his bishop to study at the Academy of&#13;
Art in Munich. For some reason shortly before completing&#13;
his course of study at the Academy, he was recalled to&#13;
Slovakia for pastoral work. Because of his ardent patriotism&#13;
he incurred the hostility of the pro-Magyar ecclesiastical&#13;
authorities. Upon hearing of the need for priests for Slovak&#13;
immigrant communities, he immediately applied for this&#13;
apostolate. Accordingly, he was sent to the anthracite city&#13;
of Wilkes-Barre in northeastern Pennsylvania.&#13;
Father Murgas' apostolate as pastor of a thriving Slovak&#13;
parish was marked by devoted service to his Slovak people.&#13;
In his spare time he did some painting, but his experiments&#13;
in wireless teiegraphy began to take up most of his leisure&#13;
moments. In his scientific laboratory, which he built himself at one end of the parsonage, the priest-scientist&#13;
experimented in attempts to send messages by air. At first&#13;
he used the Morse code but later replaced it with a tone&#13;
system, which he patented in 1904. By 1911 he obtained&#13;
about a dozen additional patents.&#13;
Private speculators and syndicates sensed that his&#13;
experiments were on the right track to revolutionize the&#13;
communications' system, and they bombarded Father Mur-&#13;
&#13;
160&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
gas with offers. Finally, the inventor accepted the bid from&#13;
a Philadelphia syndicate, the Aether or Ether Telegraph&#13;
Company, which furnished him with a new laboratory in&#13;
return for his patent rights. But he had to erect the necessary towers for transmitting and receiving the messages.&#13;
This Father Murgas did by constructing twin towers, each&#13;
60 meters in height, one near his home in Wilkes-Barre&#13;
and the other about ten miles distant near Scranton, Pa.&#13;
It is a matter of historical record that in 1905 Father&#13;
&#13;
Murgas succeeded in sending a message from his hometower to Scranton. Before he could pursue his experimentation further, however, a violent storm damaged the wooden&#13;
towers and destroyed the antenas. His company refused&#13;
to advance the money necessary for repairs and soon after&#13;
the syndicate was dissolved.&#13;
Apparently, Father Murgas was unable to raise enough&#13;
money to make the repairs himself. Moreover, he became&#13;
embroiled in a patent suit with Marconi (who was subsequently to be credited with the invention of modern&#13;
radio) and Fessenden. Although Father Murgas won the&#13;
law-suit, the government controls imposed on all means of&#13;
communicati on at the outbreak of World War I prevented&#13;
him from following up his initial success. Thus ended the&#13;
scientific career of the great Slovak pioneer in wireless&#13;
telegraphy. From this time until his death in 1929 he&#13;
devoted all his time exclusively to pastoral service and&#13;
patriotic work among his Slovak people.&#13;
JOZEF M. PETZVAL&#13;
Jozef Maximilian Petzval (Pecval)-180 7-1895-was a&#13;
Slovak despite claims by Magyars and Austrians to the&#13;
contrary. He was born in Spisska Bela in Slovakia. After&#13;
completing his schooling in Podolinec, Levoca and the Lyceum in Kosice (in Slovakia) he attended the polytechnical&#13;
institute at the University of Budapest. He paid his own&#13;
way from his salary as a city engineer. After receiving his&#13;
doctorate in mathematics he obtained a professorship at&#13;
the University of Vienna in 1836.&#13;
Petzval secured living quarters in an abandoned monastery on Kahlenberg hill above the city. Here he established&#13;
his own mechanical laboratory where he began producing&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
161&#13;
&#13;
special optical lens of such quality so that soon they were&#13;
in demand in all parts of the world.&#13;
When the daguerrotype photo apparatus appeared on&#13;
the scene in the 1830's Petzval opened his own studio where&#13;
he made invaluable contributions to modern photography.&#13;
By 1840 he developed a photo lens that increased the degree&#13;
of light ten-fold, thereby considerably decreasing the time&#13;
of exposure.&#13;
Voigtlander, an optician in Vienna, became the recipient&#13;
of a real windfall when Petzval surrendered his formulas&#13;
in the science of optics to him in return for a contract.&#13;
Voigtlander refused to live up to the agreement. Accordingly, Petzval became so bitterly involved in litigation that this&#13;
caused him to become a recluse . .. a final outcome of his&#13;
misanthropic tendencies.&#13;
Petzval developed the basics for the production of lens&#13;
for people afflicted with astigmatism, and his process was&#13;
adopted in the 1880's by the great Zeiss corporation in Jena.&#13;
From Petzval's laboratories came the first high-power&#13;
telescopes and fieldglasses, super electric spotlights and&#13;
other improvements in the field of optics, as well as new&#13;
developments in the mathematical sciences.&#13;
It was only during World War II that Petzval's name&#13;
was discovered inscribed (in German) on a memorial tablet&#13;
in his birthplace in Spisska Bela, Slovakia.&#13;
&#13;
STEFAN BANIC&#13;
stefan Banic, the inventor of the parachute, emigrated&#13;
from his native Slovakia in search of a job in the U.S. He&#13;
worked at odd jobs and tinkered with an invention that&#13;
resulted in the making of the first real, workable parachute&#13;
for which he obtained patent rights from the U.S. Patent&#13;
Office in 1914.&#13;
Banic sold the patent rights to a company for a mere&#13;
pittance and the company made millions on government&#13;
orders from the U.S. Army Air force during the first World&#13;
War.&#13;
(A. A. Hoch, Vyndlezy, ktore zmenili svet (Inventions&#13;
which changed the world). Published by Mlade Leta, Bratislava, 1959).&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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covers Štefan A. Jedlík, Aurel Stodola, Jozef Murgaš, Jozef M. Petzval, Štefan Banič&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 156-161</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

181

,J.. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D.:

Noted Slovak Jubilarians
Andrej Z a r n o v
"Les elites emigrees vivent tragiquement. Elles
sont contraintes a une vie hasardeuse, solitaire,
humiliee. Elles sont amenees par l'exil
a l'epreuve a reviser leurs valeurs, et a en
connaitre ou a en creer d'autres ... "
Albert Thibaudet, Histoire de la litterature
fra~aise de 1780 a nos jours, Paris, 1936.

Since 1945, when Slovakia was overrun by the Soviet
armies and subject to communist rule, a number of poets
and writers left their native land in protest against political
oppression in their homeland and with the intention of
working in the free world for freedom and independence
of their country. This political mission is especially true
with regard to the emigre writers and poets who left
Slovakia in 1945-1949 among whom were several of the
leading Slovak writers and poets.
A similar example can be found mutatis mutandis only
in 19th century Poland, when after the revolution of 1830
the best Polish poets (Mickiewicz, Krasinski, Slowacki) and
a number of writers and intellectuals escaped the Russians
and made Paris the center of Polish literature.
The fate of Slovak poets and writers was, of course,
not as favorable as that of Polish "grande emigration."
Some of the more prominent Slovak writers were soon
captured in Austria and brought back to Slovakia and
imprisoned (Milo Urban, A. zarnov, Tido J. Gaspar) while
others had to fight against false denunciations and other
pressures, in order to survive and create.
In spite of this, "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living
on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak
culture burning while they were out of their native country.
This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad
truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in
Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years
indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak
literature." 1

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Slovak poets and writers in exile continued to play
especially the role of the "conscience of the nation" and
that of interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people,
traditionally assumed by Slovak poets and writers. More
than in any other nation, not only the national rebirth was
the work of Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle
for political rights and social justice; the first national
rebellion was led by them, and they kept the national spirit
alive in time of despair. Since the time when the poet Jan
Holly (1785-1849) awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by
unveiling to them the glorious past of Slovak ancestors in
the Great Moravian period, and by giving them hope for
a better future, Slovak poetry was an instrument of the
national struggle, an expression of the national ideals and
hopes, of national sufferings and joy. The poets and writers
were the heralds and prophets of a new and better world,
often being also social revolutionary leaders. This tradition
was cultivated in Slovak literature over the past one
hundred and fifty years and was even strengthened during
the crucial years of Slovakia's national struggle in this
century.
Slovak poets and writers in exile have not considered
themselves exempt from this special mission. On the contrary, exile made them more patriotic and the sufferings
of the Slovak people more conscious of their duty to be
the "conscience" of their nation and the interpreters of
the aspiration of the Slovak people.
In the countryside of New York State, one of the best
contemporary Slovak poets, Andrej zarnov (by his own
name Prof. Frantisek subik), attained on November 19,
1973 the prestigous age of 70. If the present Slovak
generations owe a tribute to any poet for his participation
in the struggle for national rights and equality with other
nations, Andrej zarnov deserves such recognition from
Slovaks abroad as well as in Slovakia.
Born in 1903 in the village of Kuklov in Western Slovakia, zarnov remained proud of his rural heritage even
when he achieved the position of University Professor of
Pathology and high recognition from critics and readers
for his literary work. He made his secondary studies in
Skalica and Trnava and his study of medicine in Bratislava
where he was active in student organizations and became

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well-known for his fiery verses already during his university
years. In 1926, :2:arnov accompanied Msgr. Andrej Hlinka
on the triumphant journey around the United States. At
that time neither zarnov nor the American Slovaks could
expect that after the dramatic events of the Second World
War, he would return to the United States as an exile,
persecuted for his patriotism and his part in the International Red Cross Commission which examined during
the Second World War the brutal massacre of 10,000 Polish
officers by the Soviets in Katyn. zarnov left Slovakia in
1945, but he was forcibly "repatriated" from Austria,
arrested and jailed. In 1952 he left Slovakia in a dramatic
flight and settled first near Washington and later at Wingdale, N. Y. where he lives presently with his family. 2
ZARNOV'S WORK AND PLACE
IN SLOVAK LITERATURE
Perhaps to no other country more than to Slovakia is
the statement of historians applicable, that in Central and
Eastern European national movements were the concern of
poets, writers and scholars and that they created the
nationalities. Not only was the national rebirth the work of
Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle for political
rights and social justice; the first national rebellion was
led by them, and they kept the national spirit alive in time
of despair.
Since the first great Slovak poet, Jan Holly (1785-1849)
awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by unveiling to them the
glorious past of Slovak ancestors and by giving them
a strong faith in a better future of the Slovak people, Slovak
poetry was an instrument of national struggle, an expression of the national idea, national sufferings, joys, and
hopes. The poets and writers were the heralds and prophets
of a new and better world; they were social revolutionaries
and national leaders.
This tradition was respected in Slovak literature over
the past one hundred years, and during the crucial years
of Slovak national struggle in this century the role was
played by Andrej :2:arnov more prominently than by any
other Slovak poet, except for Martin Razus.
Andrej :2:arnov appeared in Slovak literature in a period
when the Slovak people fought their harsh struggle (against

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the Czech assimilatory tendencies) for preserving their
language, national identity and cultural heritage. It was
the period of the 20's and 30's of this century, when on one
hand Slovakia experienced a strong cultural development,
but was at the same time forced into an uneven struggle
for her national future, for social justice and political and
economic equality. The danger of this situation was not
only in the preponderance of means and political power
or in the fact that Slovaks were far outnumbered by Czechs,
but also in the fact that the masses of the Slovak people
were going through the final phase of the process of
maturing politically and the Slovak intelligentsia was in
cultural and ideological ferment.
In this national struggle Zarnov came with his fiery
verses full of faith in the Slovak people and his vitality,
adYocating national solidarity and protesting against the
Czech attempts to rule, exploit and denationalize the Slovak
people. At the same time, his poetry dared Slovaks to
defend themselves, to stand firmly on their feet and not
bow, not to yield. It was a revolutionary call for political
and social justice, for national pride and honor which very
soon found a favorable echo among the young Slovak
intelligentsia and made Zarnov, since he identified himself
with his nation's aspirations, sorrows and sufferings, the
poet of the Slovak national struggle, and of Slovak patriotism. There was an outburst of poetic production in Slovakia
between the two wars, but only Zarnov (besides M. Razus)
stood on the barricades of Slovak national struggle with his
patriotic poems, his forceful indignation, with his spiritual
roots in the national tradition and fervent belief in the
victory of the Slovak cause.
Zarnov's fiery poetry, after being largely recited and
published in periodicals and dailies, had been edited in
several volumes. The first one, Strdz pri Morave (The Guard
on Morava, 1925) was composed of verses expressing the
poet's and his generation's political and spiritual orientation
and provoked even the political censors to intervene. The
second volwne Brdzda cez uhory (The Furrow Through
Fallows, 1929) contained rather meditative and lyrical
poetry enquiring into the spiritual ferment and restlessness
of the poet's generation. While in the first volwne Zarnov
created of his poetry an effective instrument for Slovak

�SLOVAKIA

185

national struggle, in the second volume he turned his eyes
to the soul of the people he inflamed to struggle and
bitterly analyzed its conscience. The third volume Hlas krvi
(The Call of the Blood, 1932) and the following volume
stit (The Shield, 1940) still contained verses of patriotic
inspirations; his last volume Mftvy (The Dead, 1941) contains, however, poetry of deep personal sorrow and refine
lyrics inspired by the untimely death of his young son. The
profile of a patriotic revolutionary and interpreter of the
nation's aspirations and struggle was thus completed in
z arnov's last volume by poetry of deep human feelings and
meditations.
In all his volumes, zarnov preferred rather simple
poetic forms, including the free verse. The rhythm of his
poetry and his vocabulary were of great effectiveness and
from the very beginning it indicated a strong talent. His
books are, of course, on the index in Slovakia, but some of
his verses are among the most recited by Slovaks in the
free world, in which zarnov found refuge after the Communists seized power in Slovakia.
ZARNOV'S TRANSLATIONS
FROM WORLD LITERATURES
zarnov enriched, however, Slovak literature also by
many masterful translations of lyrics, epics and dramas.
His first translations go back to 1933-34 at which time
zarnov published in Slovak dailies and periodicals his
version of Przerwa-Tetmajer Jdnosikove motivy (Janosik's
Motives). In 1936 zarnov translated for the Slovak National
Theatre the well-known play from the life of F. Chopin and
Georges Sand Leto v Nohante (The Summer in Nohant) by
J. Iwaszkiewicz. A year after, Matica slovenska published
Sophocles' Antigona in zarnov's translation and in 1941
King Oedipus. The same year zarnov translated for the
Slovak National Theatre the libretto of the opera Rusalka
and in 1943 his translation of Zygmunt Krasinski's Nebozskd komedia (The Undivine Comedy) was published by
Matica slovenska.
After the Second World War, in the oppressive atmosphere of the Communist and Czech domination of Slovakia,
zarnov was not allowed to publish his own poetry, but he
did not cease creating and talking to his countrymen. In

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1949 the Society of St. Adalbert published his translation
of Murphy's novel on Mary Magdalene The Scarlet Lily,
in 1950 appeared the volume of translations from Adam
Mickiewicz Poeezia, and in 1951 Hymny (The Hymns) of
Jan Kasprowicz. The Communist regime did not, however,
allow zarnov to use his pen-name on Kasprowicz's Hymns.
They were published as translations by Francis ~ubik.
Before his dramatic flight from Slovakia, zarnov prepared for publication his translation of Dante's Peklo (The
Hell) and selections of poems by Leopold Staff Vyber
z poezie (Selected Poems), but they remained in manusscript.
zarnov's masterful translations were highly regarded
by Slovak literary critics and by the readers and contributed
especially to useful cultural relations of Slovakia with
Poland. He received a Silver wreath from the Polish Academy of Literature for his pre-war translation U pol'sk'!}ch
b&lt;isnikov ( Among Polish Poets) and during the Second
World War he prepared an entire book of translations
from Adam Mickiewicz's works. 3 The volume was published
"in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil
and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood
in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature
there are only a few great poets who in the work of their
genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly,
and magnificently the history of the efforts, failures and
spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam
Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and all-Slavic poet." The
book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic
cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert."
We can say without exaggeration that zarnov has
been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best
prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's most
beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with
great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also
Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother,
To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of
Masters, Flight and Out of My Sight, thus presenting some
valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about

his fatherland.
The Crimean Sonnets in zarnov's translation remain

�SLOVAKIA

187

"a wonder," since he has preserved to a great degree the
richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always
takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity
of thought and the moral courage which produce the special
splendor of this collection. zarnov's poetic language is,
naturally, modern, his verse and rhythm vivid, and the
whole translation audacious. zarnov found in his own rich
poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to
express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images.
The translation of Konrad Wallenrod is a poetical and
genuine interpretation, equalling in beauty Mickiewicz's
own work. zarnov is certainly no romantic in the pattern
of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who
sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming
its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated
his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone
else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic
work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many
and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry
ranks highest."
zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My
Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for
brilliance of translation ( which could be demonstrated
only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also
for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The
volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences
with the Russian occupation of Slovakia. zarnov, to whom
the national cause has always been a question of honor and
personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant
verses, the new Muscovite rulers and summoned Slovak
youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode
to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a
century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his
poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz zarnov
wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz had the Poles,
"to regard as their personal affair the great question of
honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends
and legitimacy of means for attaining them." zarnov
attemped to convince his martyred people that "the national
cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate

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moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the
nation is crystalized." The real function of zarnov's poetry
and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not only to
provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but
primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources
necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and
to fight for their freedom.
The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention
and silenced the book. zarnov, under constant threat of
arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made
a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile
for his ideas.
In exile he published a number of patriotic verses and
a masterful transcription of several poems by Jan Holly
into a modern Slovak language, to remind the Slovaks of
their spiritual roots and national heritage, and to confirm
once more that he was one of the Slovak poets who
penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirits of his
generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped
to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and
national individuality, and successfully summoned them to
the struggle for justice and freedom.
On behalf of that generation, we are sending to the
quiet countryside near New York our grateful: Ad multos
annos.
F OOTNOTES

1) See F. Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych ro kov . N acrt slovenske j li t eratury v rokoch 1945-62. (Middletown, Pa., 1965) , p . 277.
2) F or more details on 2arnov's work and life, see J . Pauco (ed .),
L iterarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. 1967.
3) On 2arnov's translations from Mickiewicz, see W. Lednicki, Adam
. Micki ewicz in W orld Literature, University of California Press, 1956i
contribution by J . M. Kirschbaum.

lmrich K r u f I i a k
The prose and poetry of Slovak emigre writers is varied
in themes and literary styles and strongly reflects a deep
sadness over the loss of their native country and over the
treatment of their people under communism. This is especially characteristic of the writings of poets and writers
who had played a prominent role in Slovak literary life
before they left their native land. Strong national feelings
and "heimweh''; however, can also be found in the works

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189

of poets who developed their talents far away from their
native country.
Prominent in this group of Slovak intellectuals is Dr.
Imrich Kruzliak whose 60th birthday we will commemorate
on December 8, 1974. Born in the romantic Detva, Kruzliak
followed the path of educated Slovaks of his generation
from villages and towns who went through secondary
schools and universities by their own efforts and talents
and, after helping the struggle for national independence,
had to pay in jails or in exile for their patriotism.
Kruzliak did not leave his native Slovakia in 1945. He
decided to stay and fight with other Catholic intellectuals
for the preservation of Slovak national traditions and for
a place for Catholics in the post-war political life. When in
1947, the Communists began their persecution of Catholic
intellectuals, he was arrested, tortured, and kept in jail for
a year. To avoid a new arrest, he escaped in 1949 to Austria
and in 1951 settled in Munich where he became employed
by Radio Free Europe as a commentator on Slovak cultural
matters.
Writing mostly under the pen-name Marian ziar and
initials I. K., mz, Dr. Kruzliak contributed in exile to emigre
literature either in poetry or in literary criticism.
Although Kruzliak had published verses and literary
essays already before and during the war, it was in exile
that he became known as a poet and mainly as a cultivated
commentator and critic of Slovak literary and cultural life
at home and abroad. His essays, comments and book
reviews have been published mostly in the quarterly Most,
Literdr ny Almanach, Rozhl'ady, but also in annuals and
newspapers Jednota, Slovak v Amerike and for the past
two years in Horizont of which he has been the editor in
chief. His writings have been among the best in Slovak
empire literature. We would mention especially his survey
of Slovak literature under Communism (Most, 1958), anci
essay "Shakespeare and Slovaks" (Most, 1964), a study on
the "Literary and artistic cult of Sts. Cyril and Methodius
among Slovaks" (Most, 1963) and ":C. stur" (Most, 1965) .
In scores of book reviews, Kruzliak enriched Slovak emigre
literature with new ideas, well-balanced opinions, and by
an effort to keep Slovak cultural life abroad on a European
level.

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He also deserves recognition for editing and publishing
two volumes of poetry of poets in communist jails Modlitby
v putdch (Prayers in Shackles, Munich, 1955) and translations from Polish, Magyar and Russian poets of the period
of "thaw" Podaj ndm ruku, Eur6pa ( Give us Helping Hand,
Europe, Munich, 1957). One of his extensive surveys of
Slovak culture under Communism was published in mimeographed book form and his contribution on Slovak culture
since 1945 appeared in the symposium Slovakia in the 19th
and 20th Centuries, published by the Slovak World Congress (Toronto, 1973). He also edited special volume of
Arena (Vol. 16, 3-4) which the P.E.N. Centre for Writers
in Exile published on Slovak literature in London, England
in 1963.
Dr. Kruzliak does not belong, however, to literary life
alone. Since his university years he was among the most
active intellectuals in the Slovak public life and a leading
figure in the generation which dedicated talents and energies to the struggle of the Slovak people for an equal place
among European nations. His literary beginnings are
connected with students periodicals (Rozvoj, Svojet') in
the 1930's, while his participation in public life began before
he obtained his Ph.D. summa cum laude at the Bratislava
University. As many members of his generation, he also
was inspired by the idealism of ~udovit t5tur, represented
in 1920's and 1930's in Slovak national struggle by Andrej
Hlinka. Idealism and dedication of those years marked Dr.
Kruzliak's whole life in Slovakia as well as in exile. On the
threshold of his 60th birthday he continues his life struggle
in the Slovak World Congress as the head of the cultural
section.
The upheavals and tragedies experienced by his generation, marked also his life, but did not break his spirit.
Hardly any Slovak generation had to go through such trials.
There were, however, also victories and uncomparable
cultural and spiritual growth of the Slovak nation to' which
that generation contributed at home and in exile. And no
other generation had such opportunities to see the world,
to learn foreign languages and to absorb cultural values
of the most advanced nations.
It is on behalf of those who from that generation
survived the persecutions of the tyrannical regimes in

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Slovakia and the trials of exile, that we cordially greet Dr.
Kruzliak on the threshold of his 60th birthday, wishing
him that the Lord may fulfill his desires to see Slovakia
free, democratic and equal to other nations.

Mikulas

sp r i n

C

For the past 25 years, perhaps the most important role
in the Slovak literary life in exile was played by the highly
cultivated and sensitive poet, Rev. Mikulas sprinc, whose
60th birthday Slovaks abroad will commemorate on November 30th, 1974.
Like Dilong and Strmen, sprinc also came from the
"Catholic Moderna" group and was well-known in Slovakia
as Secretary and later Director of the Slovak Catholic
Academy and organizer of many cultural activities before
and during the War. He published during the War two
collections of his own poetry and four collections of translations : from Rilke, from several Italian poets, as well as
from the works of P. Lippert and Giovanni Papini. At the
same time he contributed to nearly all Slovak literary
journals and periodicals, in addition to being the editor
of the main Slovak Catholic literary monthly Kultiira &lt;19431945 ).
s princ left Slovakia later than other Slovak emigre
poets and writers, and reached Rome through Austria and
Germany. He was named by the Vatican a delegate for
helping the Slovak refugees in Austria and Germany, but
in 1946 he obtained a visa for the United States where he
developed not only extensive organizational cultural activities, but also his talent so that he became one of the leading
Slovak Catholic poets in Diaspora. A professor of modern
languages and philosophy of arts by vocation, he deserves
credit for keeping alive the Slovak literary journal Most ,
of which he has been editor since 1954, as well as for
founding the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists,
whose President has been the poet Andrej zarnov. sprinc
was also one of the founders of the Slovak Institute in
Cleveland, and edited several symposia in addition to his
own prolific and varied literary activities.
Altogether sprinc published 18 collections of musical
and highly cultivated poetry, and an English collection

�192

SLOVAKIA

Driftwood ( 1969), partly translated by himself and partly by

one of his students and a well-known translator of Slovak
poetry, Jaroslav Vajda. Those who appreciate a poetry
rooted in the strong belief in the Creator without sounding
too religious, and those who like the beauty of life in the
song of birds, in the colors of flowers, in the sound of the
wind, and blue skies or the colors of the rainbow, can find
great enjoyment in sprinc's poetry.
In his lyrical verses, sprinc echoes the art of Paul
Verlaine and the spirit of St. Francis of Assissi. The musical
and rhythmical quality of his poetry is rarely equalled by
other Slovak emigre poets, except probably Gorazd Zvonicky. The translations of sprinc's verses are not an easy
task for translators. Many of his volumes also contain fine
poems with patriotic overtones, expressing his love for his
lost and oppressed Slovakia. Recent volumes of sprinc's
poetry have been artistically illustrated and carefully published, reflecting high artistic quality also in their technical
presentation. As a result, reading his beautifully published
collections is a double pleasure; they are written by a
sensitive and gifted poet but, even more, by a man humbly
and joyfully believing in God whose faith and glorification
of the Creator sounds so natural and full of hope that one
longs for the same beautiful world and the author's joyful
soul and spirit.
Even though Paul Verlaine seems to be his preferred
poet (he wrote his M.A . thesis in French on Verlaine),
sprinc is very well versed in Italian, German and Spanish
poetry, and contributed to Slovak emigre literature by several excellent translations. To his large and varied cultural
activities he has added more than 300 articles, book reviews,
comments and contributions to Slovak periodicals, almanacs and newspapers.
More than any other poet or writer, sprinc deserves
credit for keeping Slovak culture abroad not only alive, but
also reflecting the best Slovak national traditions. In spite
of his many activities as professor, editor and secretary of
the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists, sprinc was
able during the past two decades to publish nearly every
year a volume of his poetry or a book in prose.
Among his published works we find: Ozveny v samotdch (1940), Tak umieral bdsnik Pal'o Oliva (1942), 0 ldske

�SLOVAKIA

a bolesti (1942), Duinske elegie (1942), O Tebe spieva zem
idc sdm
0943), K slobodnym pobreziam (1950), Na r:"•rFlo
'l J () •
polnopi
'ti·
·
poludnfa
Z
(1955),
slnku
proti
(1953), Tvdrou
')s'ted6~
putnie~±{~
moje
Oci
(1962),
orla
(1960), Mladost'
a ffPk
k?J
s
_
Brat~la'8
(1967),
Andante
(1952),
kovia utrpenia
,a ~- ~1 • S'! 1
JI
ora·
ll:170
Palidora,
z
Piesne
(1969),
(1968), Driftwood
11
"' ·
j rn JC
lovy ostrov (1973) etc.*
t'f"

: 'iOr.?.910 I'l

Among his translation s we should metftionfGidva:aru
Papini's work Witnesses of Suffering (Scraiitott CFA-{J'1i95!!)
and among his foreign language writings hi M~..fthesi t
Paul Verlaine: Etude de sa poesie religieuse,Wil'i-100',i stiill
u v[ ,, , 1 ;. ,....
in manuscrip t.
I

'di

_Jj(,· ~-II

sprinc also published an interesting narra,J;;':vp1!n,:prose
about his escape and journey from Slovakia ~f?' ,1i0:Yr'l1Il,~9
States in a volume K slobodnym pobreziam ('J;R&gt;t~'rr r;;~1e
Shores), a book on St. Andrew Svorad as vv,:e, ~r~~d l. p~~lf
dedicated to the Virgin Mary. For the llth -1 0~~t[;npial&lt;: 0J
Christianit y in Slovakia, he edited a collectiop."r~ ~!:5e-?
by several Slovak poets under the title Zdravic0-; sp-"'qy j!oRi
a Metodovi (Rome, 1963). He also contributec l:11f?: 1aurn~smr~
fully illustrated anthology Odkaz (The Legacy.., 197Jp in
f.eJfg~ehte~.
which leading Slovak poets and writers are ro
"¼o"'"' 10· ""i
In prose, he edited the memoirs of Msgr. Joze · KaB3-i
a prominent Slovak diplomat at the Vatican du¥fh§ \ .war
Spod Rohdcov po Vatikdn (From Rohace M9tiRtim to? · e
Vatican, 1973) as well as two symposia comp.~~~ ,cif 'qop;
C~ictrfn_tributions by Slovak emigre writers: Ndde7· vit'azria
1J 'R? 'fJf U?'f • -. ::;;_
1939-1-.~4(}
republika
Slovenskd
and
1947)
Hope,
ous
' ,..,
Republic 1939-1949, Scranton, Pa., 1949).

9.i ·

V)\1)')1Sh'1

·i•h

ai 1~f'd2 c(

aii~
Literary work of this envergure and
1
we
-Iiifre
&gt;
;
case;
a
does not need to be praised. It is again
1
•
if'tceW!.
Laudat'·a'¥f
have to repeat the Latin dictum: Opus
fivities
It was a blessing for Slovak literature and cultubr-a~i
abroad that sprinc left Slovakia. Therefore, ori~he~ooa §i6n
of his 60th birthday, we cannot be more sincer.e"1wlierfJ,we
- :&gt;.r. ,h,i&lt;
say: Ad multos annos!
1 (JJ Jy3c-riqz~t{
:llC J

*)

:r-r::;m

For more details on Sprinc and his work, see Literltrfi'y 11.lrMnbcn
for 1967, p. 232-234, and Most, Vol. I, 2, 1954, and Vol. 13~ 4;-1956!!')

�194

SLOVAKIA

Teodorik Zubek
To the ranks of prominent Slovak intellectuals in exile
whose 60th birthday we will commemorate in 1974, also belongs Prof. T. J. Zubek, oustanding member of the Slovak
Franciscan Order in Slovakia and the United States, who
was born on April 4, 1914 in Malacky, Western Slovakia.
Professor Zubek filled an important gap in exile activities by his theological writings and mainly by presenting
the religious situation in post war Slovakia to the Western
World. At the same time he deserves recognition for reviving the Order of Slovak Franciscan Fathers in the United
States who under his leadership become active not only in
the religious field but also in education and cultural life.
Well educated at Slovak and foreign Universities (Zagreb, Croatia; Fribourg, Switzerland), Dr. Zubek played
leading role in his Order in Slovakia, and had to pay under
the Communist regime for his patriotism and service to
God by detention in the concentration camp for priests in
Svaty Benadik. After his escape in 1951, he found refuge
in Austria and Rome, Italy, from where he came to the
United States in 1952.
Soon after his arrival to the U.S.A. Dr. Zubek became
Professor of Theology at Seton Hall University, Newark,
N. J. and published an authoritative work on the Communist persecution of religion in his native country Church
of Silence in Slovakia (J. Lach Publ., Whiting, Ind., 1956).
This book and his scholarly contributions to American
religious and academic periodicals (Homiletic and Pastoral
Review, Jurist, Ameri can Ecclesiastical Review, The Catholic Educator and others) performed an important service

to the Slovak cause among Western intellectuals. Some of
his studies rank among the best writings on contemporary
theological and educational topics.
From the Slovak point of view, of great importance
among his English writings is also his presentation of the
case of Msgr. Tiso and the fate of Slovak bishops (Slovak
Bishops - Martyrs of Christ, 1963) to Western readers.
Exposed to hostile propaganda during the War and after,
many people in the free world maintained biased attitudes
towards Slovakia even among clergy and in academic
circles. Dr. Zubek was among the first Slovak emigre

�SLOVAKIA

195

intellectuals who grasped the need for writing on Slovakia
in English and in non-Slovak periodicals, and for doing it
in a much more reserved manner than we can afford in
our Slovak publications.
Dr. Zubek contributed at the same time to Slovak
periodicals and newspapers, to Slovak Studies, and edited
the religious monthly Listy Sv. Frantiska (Leaflets of St.
Francis) published by his Order of which he was the head
as Provincial Delegate. He also took part in Slovak emigre
cultural and organizational activities aiming at the unity
and co-operation, namely in Slovak Liberation Council and
Slovak World Congress, at the Conference on Slovakia
held in Toronto in 1971 and elsewhere. From the very
beginning of his exile has been considered as one of the
most distinguished representatives of Slovak clergymen
abroad.
By his activities, high education and devotion to the
work for God and bonum commune, Dr. Zubek upheld the
noble tradition of the Franciscan Order in Slovakia, whose
members belonged to the best educators, historians, writers
and poets in the centuries of Slovak national revival as
well as in this century. It is with sincere admiration for
his work and great human qualities that we greet him
on his sixtieth birthday with a heartfelt: Ad multos annos!

Jozef Pa u co
For more than a century, journalists and editors played
in Slovak national life a role going far beyond their profession. Starting with Eudovit stur in the middle of the 19th
century, leading Slovak journalists were also political leaders, poets, writers, historians, grammarians and organizers
of cultural and political institutions. This phenomenon
appeared in Slovakia as well as among Slovaks abroad,
especially in the United States and Canada. After stur,
S. H . Vajansky was an outstanding example of a journalist,
who also was a prominent poet, novelist and fighter for
the Slovak cause. In the following generation Karol Sidor
and Konstantin Culen remained faithful to that tradition
in Slovakia and on the American continent. Both of them
were journalists by profession, but they also wrote a

�[96

SLOVAKIA

am lil,erary works and books dealing with the
ofoSI~aks and their struggle for freedom.
h'eq&gt;ast 25 years, an austanding example of journalist who became a historian, political writer and organizer
• .Joll!uraI &amp;F.~ political activities, was Dr. Jozef Pauco,
~ '1We .1 2¥thday was celebrated by Slovaks abroad on
~ 8f.f9 r¥R~L 1974. Pauco's admiration for E. stur goes
Bi~ 1t2,1r.. ,years when he wrote his Ph.D. thesis at the
I}, ·1-ffi ·1i v~c13ratislava, which was later published under
9} yt • {,1J{!,OJJYChova u sturovcov (Popular Education in
nt) . Since that time Dr. Pauco also followed
~ ' x' MB, ~
f8o}§jeps of K. Sidor and K. culen in his work as
~n
!n eing a political exile, in his dedication to the
~
~.HJ.Iijijle:iJer2 freecto111: , and independence for Slovakia and
i - fillfp,tjfj&gt;_n with American Slovaks and Slovak-American organizations.
bibliography listed below indicates, Dr.
As thej seJect
'
' r[J J)l [IQ[
f y Hjj r(~mgs are not only extensive, but also cover
e.vera1' ~ cfs9!rom history to political science and belles
12t ,nw .fil~S.V O II
. pub1·ished works
. part of his
1l 1 :e~ . .tS s19.a y, th e maJor
.
t
ct·
f
d
t
S {:_!(,
''IS I'I .'11 '
hJfiIH~W . , rAR?"ever, a
e en mg he Slovak cause. This
:a cr1°fsB~afiW even his works on American Slovaks, which
!fh~
Y#1 ~9 ~fo~);'o his best writings and in their method and
$I&amp;»Jay flDif compare with standard works on the subj~cf.'."'i frer fof. F. Hrusovsky and K. culen, he actually
deserves main credit for systematic research into the past
and present of American Slovaks.
His books on their history atest to his great love for
jjl_jz~ i 9_mt branch of the Slovak people. In addition,
lzli-l ~ftlltl.futijsplayed in his works on American Slovaks, of
Wlli.Plb :ti~cY~mninous history of the First Catholic Slovak
~smrubip rrecent book on Slovak Pioneers in America
4%fill:YJ O ~fkteular attention, that history was the field
W~fttmt~ ld use his academic education and thorough
fmID'{fflP.g.f~mf@lovak American organizational structure and
~ ~g:njfl~J:?.g ~ of individual leaders. As a result, whoever
}Y!UsiYfOOl ~(tc,::omplete history of American Slovak~, will
lff)lUiffifHfliiO.l:Wlfite authoritatively without ~sing Dr. Pauco's
,
~f4J!!g)}V~rks.
110Ui-Bi¥unMjgl,lly, a larger number of books, essays an(\
MMtje b&amp;;ia . Pauco deals, however, with Slova~a•s strugglaj::Rf!~~p.filldence l;l,nd with the _defense of leading Slovak
h'i&amp;j t&gt;
n; b~

�SLOVAKIA

197

personalities, especially Dr. Jozef Tiso, against whom many
incorrect views and misconceptions were spread in the
West during and after the Second World War. Slovakia and
Slovaks suffered not only under Communism. There was
a lot of injustice and descrimination against Slovaks also
before the War and during the short period after the War
when the Communists ruled together with their Czech and
Slovak fellow-travelers from the non-communist parties.
In his writings, Dr. Pauco endeavored to fight the falsehood
and injustice of· both. It was, however, the communist
misrule in Slovakia and the communist ideology which he
exposed and fiercely criticized in his writings, advocating
Christian democracy and the independence of Slovakia.
Besides his own books, essays and thousands of articles,
Dr. Pauco also published-as editor-the valuable documentary work Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Jozef Tiso About
Himself), containing the defense of the President of the
Slovak Republic at his trial by the communist court, and
a number of symposia on leading Slovak exiles (K. Sidor,
J.C. Hronsky,· etc.). Furthermore, he deserves recognition
for publishing and editing the Literdrny Almanach and the
weekly Slovak v Amerike, both of which would have disappeared several years ago without his dedication and
sacrifice as well that of his literary active wife.
Last but not least, Dr. Pauco has rendered great service
to the Slovak cause as the editor of the English periodical
dealing with Slovak cultural and political matters, Slovakia.
founded by Philip Hrobak. This editorial part of Dr. Pauco's
work is of far reaching importance for the activities of
Slovaks abroad and can be evaluated adequately only if
we imagine how much poorer Slovak cultural life and
the struggle for independence would be without these
publications.
In view of the fact that the historical and geopolitical
situation of Slovakia made the Slovak cause a matter of
controversy, Dr. Pauco's writings were bol,lild to provoke
a strong reaction from the adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence. His militant spirit, uncompromising
attitude and fervor incited them to make denunciations,
accusations and . undeserved attacks, but Pauco remained,
in spite of all attacks on his person, one of 'the most
dedicated defenders of the Slovak cause in his generation.

�198

SLOVAKIA

He also continues to be the most prolific Slovak journalist
and writer on politics and history who remained faithful
to stur's tradition and Hlinka-Tiso's ideology of Christian
democracy and self-determination for the Slovaks.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
IN SLOVAK
Popular Education ).
Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943, pp. 151.
Politicko-narodny program Hsns (Political Program of the Slovak
People's Party ). Andrej uc. spol. Bratislava, 1944, pp. 96.
co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota, Middletown,
Pa., 1952, pp. 29.
Dr. Jozef Ti so o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952, pp. 359. (Ed.)
Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1953, pp. 89.
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and Slovak
Immigration ). J ednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955, pp. 190.
Slovcici a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism ). Rev. Jan Lach,
Whiting, Ind., 1957, pp. 318.
P-0d zcistavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy). Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych
Statoch, Middletown, Pa. , 1957, pp. 30.
Slovenskci rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius). Slovensky .Zensky Spolok sv.
Anny, Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957, pp. 32.
Matus Jankola - knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and
Patriot). Rad sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, Pa., 1959, pp. 174.
Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronskeho (In Memoriam Jozef Cig-er Hronsky) .
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1960, pp.
46. (Ed.)
Martin Kopunek) .
Laicky apostol Martin Kopunek (Lay Apostle Vychodna Oblast' Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov, Bethlehem, Pa.,
1961, pp. 67. (Ed.)
Neporazitel'ni (Unconquerables). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota,
Middletown, Pa., 1961, pp. 190.
Karol Sidor - politik novincir, spisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politician,
Newspaperman, and Writer) . Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1962, pp. 148. (Ed.)
Piit'desiatnik Dr. J-0zef Kirschbaum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - Fifty
Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown,
Pa., 1963, pp. 171. (Ed.)
Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First
rokov
75
Catholic Slovak Union). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cleveland, Ohio, 1965, pp. 560 and XIV. 80 pages of pictures.
Na uteku (Flight to Wonderland; serialized in the Weekly Jednota) .
Middletown, Pa., 1965.

l}udovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement -

�SLOVAKIA

199

Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known One Another). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 281. Illustra-

tions.
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, 1972, pp. 358. Illustrations.

IN ENGLISH
Unconquerables, Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958, pp. 225.
Christian Slovakia Under Communism. The Slovak Catholic Federation,
Valparaiso, Ind., 1959, pp. 31.
Flight to Wonderland. Robert Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., 1963,
pp. 334.
'i0 Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp.
146. (Ed.)

IN GERMAN
Dr. Jozef Tiso: Die Wahrheit uber die Slowakei (The Truth About
Slovakia). Tisovo Tovarisstvo, in the Emigration, 1948, pp. 187.

Illustrated.
ARTICLES IN ENGLISH
The Practi cal Aspect of a Federation. Slovakia, III, No. 2, 1953, p. 26-36.
American Slovaks and March 14, 1939. Slovakia, IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 17-22.
The Slovak Republic and Communism. Slovakia, IV, No. 3-4, 1954, p.
35-38.
Slovakia Viewed By American Historians. Most, I. No. 4, 1954, p . 17-25.
The Failures of Communist Politics in Slovakia, Slovakia, V, No. 4, 1955,
p. 3-20.
Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People. Slovakia, VI, No. 1, 1956, p.
11-16.
I Was Editor of President Tiso's Newspaper. Slovakia, VII, No. 1, 1957,
p. 9-12.
Dr. Joseph Tiso : Christian Democrat. Slovakia, VII, No. 2, 1957, p. 37-50.
The Stirring Days of March 1939. Slovakia, IX, No. 4, 1959, p. 24-32.
Slovakia Under Communism. Slovakia, IX, N-0. 5, 1959, p. 1-5; Slovakia,
X, No. 6, 1960, p. 62-73 ; Slovakia, XI, No. 1, 1961, p. 13-21.
Slovakia's Mid-Nineteenth Century Struggle for National Life. Slovak
Studies I, 1961, p. 69-83.
The Matica Slovenskd in America. Slovakia, XIII, No. 1, 1963, p. 77-82.
American Slovaks and the Beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia. Slovakia, XVI,
No. 39, 1966, p. 63-75.
Slovak Pioneers in America. Slovakia, XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. l0S-124.
Under Dynamic Leadership. 60 Years of the Slovak League of America,
1967, p. 112-146.
The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio. Slovakia,
XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 92-97.
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland. Slovakia, XXIII, No.
46, 1973, p. 16-23.
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks. Slovakia, XXIII,
No. 46, 1973, p. 72-81.
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek. Slovakia, XXIII, No. 46, 1973, p. 123-128.

�200

SLOVAKIA

EVALUATION OF DR. PAUCO'S WRITINGS
BY REVIEWERS
The number of book reviews published on individual
Pauco's works is too large to be listed in this survey. In
general, we can say that extensive reviews and commentaries, written by known Slovak authors, scholars, poets and
cultural workers, were published not only in newspapers,
but also in literary and cultural periodicals (Most, Furdek,
Slovakia) and almanacs. Book reviews in Slovak language
prevail, but his major writings were evaluated and commented upon also in English, mostly by reviewers born
or educated on the American continent.
The majority of reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books evaluated his writings favorably not only because of their
ideological contents and usefulness for preservation of
Slovak cultural heritage but also for their literary, and in
many instances, scholarly value, thorough research and
vast knowledge of the Slovak past and present.
Deeply involved in Slovak political and cultural life
since his students years, Dr. Pauco was a participant in
historical events or closely associated with persons he
writes about in a majority of his books, which gives to
some of his works particular significance. On the other
hand, his books on the history of American Slovaks fill
an important gap and therefore the reviewers valued them
for their contribution to the neglected history of American
Slovaks as well as for their documentation and objectivity
with which Pauco approached his subjects.
Among the reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books and publications edited by him were K. culen, Prof. F. Hrusovsky,
J . E. Bor, M. Jankovsky, J. M. Kirschbaum, J. C. Krajsa,
M. K. Mlynarovic, J. Mest'ancik, Prof. K. Murin, Rev.
Andrew Pier, O.S.B., Dr. B. Pissko, Dr. J. Rekem, Dr. J.
Stasko, Rev. Mother Emerentia, Rev. Sister Tarcisia and
many others. The book 75 Years of the FCSU was reviewed
by 15 and his recent book Slovak Pioneers in America by
9 reviewers. All reviews were favorable . The evaluation
by American born reviewers deserves, however special
mention.
Prof. V. R. Greene of the Kansas State University, who
has learned to read and understand Slovak and wrote his

�SLOVAKIA

201

Ph.D. thesis on East European immigrants in Pennsylvania ,
said on Pauco's 75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union:
"Not only is it a complete and most comprehensiv e
history of the Jednota and the Slovaks in America, but its
many references, footnotes and bibliography will satisfy
any serious reader and research historian."
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. in her extensive review
published in Jednota (June 30, 1965) referred to Matthew
Arnold's statement that "Great creative works in literature
result from happy concurence of two notable powers, the
power of the man and the power of the moment," and
wrote on Pauco's book:
"Such a happy concurence of two notable powers has
been strikingly exemplified before our eyes this year. For
the power of the moment there was the 75th anniversary
of the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1965, calling for the
writing of the history of this remarkable organization.
For the power of the man there was Joseph Pauco, Ph.D.,
a gifted author, historian and scholar, capable and willing
to assume the task of writing this history.
The result is a truly monumental contribution to Slovak
history and literature, entitled 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej
Slovenskej Jednoty."
The book Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known

One Another, 1967) attracted the attention of Slovak exiles
as well as of American born Slovak intellectuals.
"Dr. J. Pauco's Memoirs encompass - according to
Sister M. Tarcisia - multiple and varied personal contacts
as well as deep insight, broad vision and a skillful pen.
The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor,
a journalist, a lecturer, a politcian. The era he portrays was
at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative
in its application to Central Europe and specifically to
Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the
drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to
human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes,
some traitors.
Tak sme sa poznali is a tremendously vital book. In
recounting his experience in the Slovak Republic - all
of which he saw, part of which he was - Dr. Pauco has
written authentic history. As such it will live and flourish."

�202

SLOVAKIA

Pauco's last book Slovenskt priekopnici v Amerike
(Slovak Pioneers in America, 1972) was favorably reviewed
and welcome as a valuable contribution to the history of
American Slovaks by a dozen of Slovak writers, scholars,
journalists and cultural workers. In the opinion of the
American born editor of Jednota, J. C. Krajsa, "Pauco's
work required serious research and documentation. In an
objective manner he credits the life and work of the
pioneers and categorizes them in their proper niche in the
history of the American Slovaks, in America and the Slovak
nation. He presents those leading pioneers who played the
greatest role in the cultural field; those who organized
fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders;
those who preserved the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books; and those who were fired
with the ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia."
The book is in Krajsa's view "in itself a pioneer book.
Nothing to date has been published in such documentary
detail about American Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic
Slovak Union is proud to publish this vital literary work
of Dr. Joseph Pauco."
According to another prominent American Slovak, Fr.
J. A. Gajdosik "Pauco's book is one sure way to arousing
interest in the Slovak heritage on a personal and individual
basis, especially among our younger people. Hopefully, an
English translation will be made in the near future, so that
devotion to the Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.
"The book should bolster Dr. Joseph Pauco's strong
thoughts about the termination and death of the Slovak
language in the United States. The book is also a warning
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who claim that they received
little if anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches
that much Slovak affluence and prestige is directly the
result of the conduct and work of our pioneers.
"It behooves our brethren who are ashamed of their
Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and learn how
everything they have was given to them, and that they
should give themselves for others as our pioneers did. The
ultimate lesson is that we, American of Slovak ancestry,
should foster and serve the Slovak cause and ideal, at least
as much, if not better than our pioneers in early America."

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REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS
IN LEADING PERIODICALS
MOST
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)
Mest'ancik)
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew

Jan

Pier, O.S.B. )
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.

82-83)
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)

SLOVAKIA
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.

C.M.)
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.

Krajsa)
F URD EK
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .

Francis V n u k :

A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3659">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

181

,J.. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D.:

Noted Slovak Jubilarians
Andrej Z a r n o v
"Les elites emigrees vivent tragiquement. Elles
sont contraintes a une vie hasardeuse, solitaire,
humiliee. Elles sont amenees par l'exil
a l'epreuve a reviser leurs valeurs, et a en
connaitre ou a en creer d'autres ... "
Albert Thibaudet, Histoire de la litterature
fra~aise de 1780 a nos jours, Paris, 1936.

Since 1945, when Slovakia was overrun by the Soviet
armies and subject to communist rule, a number of poets
and writers left their native land in protest against political
oppression in their homeland and with the intention of
working in the free world for freedom and independence
of their country. This political mission is especially true
with regard to the emigre writers and poets who left
Slovakia in 1945-1949 among whom were several of the
leading Slovak writers and poets.
A similar example can be found mutatis mutandis only
in 19th century Poland, when after the revolution of 1830
the best Polish poets (Mickiewicz, Krasinski, Slowacki) and
a number of writers and intellectuals escaped the Russians
and made Paris the center of Polish literature.
The fate of Slovak poets and writers was, of course,
not as favorable as that of Polish "grande emigration."
Some of the more prominent Slovak writers were soon
captured in Austria and brought back to Slovakia and
imprisoned (Milo Urban, A. zarnov, Tido J. Gaspar) while
others had to fight against false denunciations and other
pressures, in order to survive and create.
In spite of this, "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living
on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak
culture burning while they were out of their native country.
This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad
truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in
Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years
indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak
literature." 1

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Slovak poets and writers in exile continued to play
especially the role of the "conscience of the nation" and
that of interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people,
traditionally assumed by Slovak poets and writers. More
than in any other nation, not only the national rebirth was
the work of Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle
for political rights and social justice; the first national
rebellion was led by them, and they kept the national spirit
alive in time of despair. Since the time when the poet Jan
Holly (1785-1849) awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by
unveiling to them the glorious past of Slovak ancestors in
the Great Moravian period, and by giving them hope for
a better future, Slovak poetry was an instrument of the
national struggle, an expression of the national ideals and
hopes, of national sufferings and joy. The poets and writers
were the heralds and prophets of a new and better world,
often being also social revolutionary leaders. This tradition
was cultivated in Slovak literature over the past one
hundred and fifty years and was even strengthened during
the crucial years of Slovakia's national struggle in this
century.
Slovak poets and writers in exile have not considered
themselves exempt from this special mission. On the contrary, exile made them more patriotic and the sufferings
of the Slovak people more conscious of their duty to be
the "conscience" of their nation and the interpreters of
the aspiration of the Slovak people.
In the countryside of New York State, one of the best
contemporary Slovak poets, Andrej zarnov (by his own
name Prof. Frantisek subik), attained on November 19,
1973 the prestigous age of 70. If the present Slovak
generations owe a tribute to any poet for his participation
in the struggle for national rights and equality with other
nations, Andrej zarnov deserves such recognition from
Slovaks abroad as well as in Slovakia.
Born in 1903 in the village of Kuklov in Western Slovakia, zarnov remained proud of his rural heritage even
when he achieved the position of University Professor of
Pathology and high recognition from critics and readers
for his literary work. He made his secondary studies in
Skalica and Trnava and his study of medicine in Bratislava
where he was active in student organizations and became

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183

well-known for his fiery verses already during his university
years. In 1926, :2:arnov accompanied Msgr. Andrej Hlinka
on the triumphant journey around the United States. At
that time neither zarnov nor the American Slovaks could
expect that after the dramatic events of the Second World
War, he would return to the United States as an exile,
persecuted for his patriotism and his part in the International Red Cross Commission which examined during
the Second World War the brutal massacre of 10,000 Polish
officers by the Soviets in Katyn. zarnov left Slovakia in
1945, but he was forcibly "repatriated" from Austria,
arrested and jailed. In 1952 he left Slovakia in a dramatic
flight and settled first near Washington and later at Wingdale, N. Y. where he lives presently with his family. 2
ZARNOV'S WORK AND PLACE
IN SLOVAK LITERATURE
Perhaps to no other country more than to Slovakia is
the statement of historians applicable, that in Central and
Eastern European national movements were the concern of
poets, writers and scholars and that they created the
nationalities. Not only was the national rebirth the work of
Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle for political
rights and social justice; the first national rebellion was
led by them, and they kept the national spirit alive in time
of despair.
Since the first great Slovak poet, Jan Holly (1785-1849)
awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by unveiling to them the
glorious past of Slovak ancestors and by giving them
a strong faith in a better future of the Slovak people, Slovak
poetry was an instrument of national struggle, an expression of the national idea, national sufferings, joys, and
hopes. The poets and writers were the heralds and prophets
of a new and better world; they were social revolutionaries
and national leaders.
This tradition was respected in Slovak literature over
the past one hundred years, and during the crucial years
of Slovak national struggle in this century the role was
played by Andrej :2:arnov more prominently than by any
other Slovak poet, except for Martin Razus.
Andrej :2:arnov appeared in Slovak literature in a period
when the Slovak people fought their harsh struggle (against

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the Czech assimilatory tendencies) for preserving their
language, national identity and cultural heritage. It was
the period of the 20's and 30's of this century, when on one
hand Slovakia experienced a strong cultural development,
but was at the same time forced into an uneven struggle
for her national future, for social justice and political and
economic equality. The danger of this situation was not
only in the preponderance of means and political power
or in the fact that Slovaks were far outnumbered by Czechs,
but also in the fact that the masses of the Slovak people
were going through the final phase of the process of
maturing politically and the Slovak intelligentsia was in
cultural and ideological ferment.
In this national struggle Zarnov came with his fiery
verses full of faith in the Slovak people and his vitality,
adYocating national solidarity and protesting against the
Czech attempts to rule, exploit and denationalize the Slovak
people. At the same time, his poetry dared Slovaks to
defend themselves, to stand firmly on their feet and not
bow, not to yield. It was a revolutionary call for political
and social justice, for national pride and honor which very
soon found a favorable echo among the young Slovak
intelligentsia and made Zarnov, since he identified himself
with his nation's aspirations, sorrows and sufferings, the
poet of the Slovak national struggle, and of Slovak patriotism. There was an outburst of poetic production in Slovakia
between the two wars, but only Zarnov (besides M. Razus)
stood on the barricades of Slovak national struggle with his
patriotic poems, his forceful indignation, with his spiritual
roots in the national tradition and fervent belief in the
victory of the Slovak cause.
Zarnov's fiery poetry, after being largely recited and
published in periodicals and dailies, had been edited in
several volumes. The first one, Strdz pri Morave (The Guard
on Morava, 1925) was composed of verses expressing the
poet's and his generation's political and spiritual orientation
and provoked even the political censors to intervene. The
second volwne Brdzda cez uhory (The Furrow Through
Fallows, 1929) contained rather meditative and lyrical
poetry enquiring into the spiritual ferment and restlessness
of the poet's generation. While in the first volwne Zarnov
created of his poetry an effective instrument for Slovak

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185

national struggle, in the second volume he turned his eyes
to the soul of the people he inflamed to struggle and
bitterly analyzed its conscience. The third volume Hlas krvi
(The Call of the Blood, 1932) and the following volume
stit (The Shield, 1940) still contained verses of patriotic
inspirations; his last volume Mftvy (The Dead, 1941) contains, however, poetry of deep personal sorrow and refine
lyrics inspired by the untimely death of his young son. The
profile of a patriotic revolutionary and interpreter of the
nation's aspirations and struggle was thus completed in
z arnov's last volume by poetry of deep human feelings and
meditations.
In all his volumes, zarnov preferred rather simple
poetic forms, including the free verse. The rhythm of his
poetry and his vocabulary were of great effectiveness and
from the very beginning it indicated a strong talent. His
books are, of course, on the index in Slovakia, but some of
his verses are among the most recited by Slovaks in the
free world, in which zarnov found refuge after the Communists seized power in Slovakia.
ZARNOV'S TRANSLATIONS
FROM WORLD LITERATURES
zarnov enriched, however, Slovak literature also by
many masterful translations of lyrics, epics and dramas.
His first translations go back to 1933-34 at which time
zarnov published in Slovak dailies and periodicals his
version of Przerwa-Tetmajer Jdnosikove motivy (Janosik's
Motives). In 1936 zarnov translated for the Slovak National
Theatre the well-known play from the life of F. Chopin and
Georges Sand Leto v Nohante (The Summer in Nohant) by
J. Iwaszkiewicz. A year after, Matica slovenska published
Sophocles' Antigona in zarnov's translation and in 1941
King Oedipus. The same year zarnov translated for the
Slovak National Theatre the libretto of the opera Rusalka
and in 1943 his translation of Zygmunt Krasinski's Nebozskd komedia (The Undivine Comedy) was published by
Matica slovenska.
After the Second World War, in the oppressive atmosphere of the Communist and Czech domination of Slovakia,
zarnov was not allowed to publish his own poetry, but he
did not cease creating and talking to his countrymen. In

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1949 the Society of St. Adalbert published his translation
of Murphy's novel on Mary Magdalene The Scarlet Lily,
in 1950 appeared the volume of translations from Adam
Mickiewicz Poeezia, and in 1951 Hymny (The Hymns) of
Jan Kasprowicz. The Communist regime did not, however,
allow zarnov to use his pen-name on Kasprowicz's Hymns.
They were published as translations by Francis ~ubik.
Before his dramatic flight from Slovakia, zarnov prepared for publication his translation of Dante's Peklo (The
Hell) and selections of poems by Leopold Staff Vyber
z poezie (Selected Poems), but they remained in manusscript.
zarnov's masterful translations were highly regarded
by Slovak literary critics and by the readers and contributed
especially to useful cultural relations of Slovakia with
Poland. He received a Silver wreath from the Polish Academy of Literature for his pre-war translation U pol'sk'!}ch
b&lt;isnikov ( Among Polish Poets) and during the Second
World War he prepared an entire book of translations
from Adam Mickiewicz's works. 3 The volume was published
"in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil
and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood
in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature
there are only a few great poets who in the work of their
genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly,
and magnificently the history of the efforts, failures and
spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam
Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and all-Slavic poet." The
book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic
cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert."
We can say without exaggeration that zarnov has
been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best
prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's most
beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with
great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also
Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother,
To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of
Masters, Flight and Out of My Sight, thus presenting some
valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about

his fatherland.
The Crimean Sonnets in zarnov's translation remain

�SLOVAKIA

187

"a wonder," since he has preserved to a great degree the
richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always
takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity
of thought and the moral courage which produce the special
splendor of this collection. zarnov's poetic language is,
naturally, modern, his verse and rhythm vivid, and the
whole translation audacious. zarnov found in his own rich
poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to
express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images.
The translation of Konrad Wallenrod is a poetical and
genuine interpretation, equalling in beauty Mickiewicz's
own work. zarnov is certainly no romantic in the pattern
of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who
sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming
its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated
his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone
else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic
work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many
and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry
ranks highest."
zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My
Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for
brilliance of translation ( which could be demonstrated
only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also
for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The
volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences
with the Russian occupation of Slovakia. zarnov, to whom
the national cause has always been a question of honor and
personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant
verses, the new Muscovite rulers and summoned Slovak
youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode
to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a
century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his
poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz zarnov
wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz had the Poles,
"to regard as their personal affair the great question of
honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends
and legitimacy of means for attaining them." zarnov
attemped to convince his martyred people that "the national
cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate

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moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the
nation is crystalized." The real function of zarnov's poetry
and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not only to
provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but
primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources
necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and
to fight for their freedom.
The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention
and silenced the book. zarnov, under constant threat of
arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made
a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile
for his ideas.
In exile he published a number of patriotic verses and
a masterful transcription of several poems by Jan Holly
into a modern Slovak language, to remind the Slovaks of
their spiritual roots and national heritage, and to confirm
once more that he was one of the Slovak poets who
penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirits of his
generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped
to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and
national individuality, and successfully summoned them to
the struggle for justice and freedom.
On behalf of that generation, we are sending to the
quiet countryside near New York our grateful: Ad multos
annos.
F OOTNOTES

1) See F. Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych ro kov . N acrt slovenske j li t eratury v rokoch 1945-62. (Middletown, Pa., 1965) , p . 277.
2) F or more details on 2arnov's work and life, see J . Pauco (ed .),
L iterarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. 1967.
3) On 2arnov's translations from Mickiewicz, see W. Lednicki, Adam
. Micki ewicz in W orld Literature, University of California Press, 1956i
contribution by J . M. Kirschbaum.

lmrich K r u f I i a k
The prose and poetry of Slovak emigre writers is varied
in themes and literary styles and strongly reflects a deep
sadness over the loss of their native country and over the
treatment of their people under communism. This is especially characteristic of the writings of poets and writers
who had played a prominent role in Slovak literary life
before they left their native land. Strong national feelings
and "heimweh''; however, can also be found in the works

�SLOVAKIA

189

of poets who developed their talents far away from their
native country.
Prominent in this group of Slovak intellectuals is Dr.
Imrich Kruzliak whose 60th birthday we will commemorate
on December 8, 1974. Born in the romantic Detva, Kruzliak
followed the path of educated Slovaks of his generation
from villages and towns who went through secondary
schools and universities by their own efforts and talents
and, after helping the struggle for national independence,
had to pay in jails or in exile for their patriotism.
Kruzliak did not leave his native Slovakia in 1945. He
decided to stay and fight with other Catholic intellectuals
for the preservation of Slovak national traditions and for
a place for Catholics in the post-war political life. When in
1947, the Communists began their persecution of Catholic
intellectuals, he was arrested, tortured, and kept in jail for
a year. To avoid a new arrest, he escaped in 1949 to Austria
and in 1951 settled in Munich where he became employed
by Radio Free Europe as a commentator on Slovak cultural
matters.
Writing mostly under the pen-name Marian ziar and
initials I. K., mz, Dr. Kruzliak contributed in exile to emigre
literature either in poetry or in literary criticism.
Although Kruzliak had published verses and literary
essays already before and during the war, it was in exile
that he became known as a poet and mainly as a cultivated
commentator and critic of Slovak literary and cultural life
at home and abroad. His essays, comments and book
reviews have been published mostly in the quarterly Most,
Literdr ny Almanach, Rozhl'ady, but also in annuals and
newspapers Jednota, Slovak v Amerike and for the past
two years in Horizont of which he has been the editor in
chief. His writings have been among the best in Slovak
empire literature. We would mention especially his survey
of Slovak literature under Communism (Most, 1958), anci
essay "Shakespeare and Slovaks" (Most, 1964), a study on
the "Literary and artistic cult of Sts. Cyril and Methodius
among Slovaks" (Most, 1963) and ":C. stur" (Most, 1965) .
In scores of book reviews, Kruzliak enriched Slovak emigre
literature with new ideas, well-balanced opinions, and by
an effort to keep Slovak cultural life abroad on a European
level.

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He also deserves recognition for editing and publishing
two volumes of poetry of poets in communist jails Modlitby
v putdch (Prayers in Shackles, Munich, 1955) and translations from Polish, Magyar and Russian poets of the period
of "thaw" Podaj ndm ruku, Eur6pa ( Give us Helping Hand,
Europe, Munich, 1957). One of his extensive surveys of
Slovak culture under Communism was published in mimeographed book form and his contribution on Slovak culture
since 1945 appeared in the symposium Slovakia in the 19th
and 20th Centuries, published by the Slovak World Congress (Toronto, 1973). He also edited special volume of
Arena (Vol. 16, 3-4) which the P.E.N. Centre for Writers
in Exile published on Slovak literature in London, England
in 1963.
Dr. Kruzliak does not belong, however, to literary life
alone. Since his university years he was among the most
active intellectuals in the Slovak public life and a leading
figure in the generation which dedicated talents and energies to the struggle of the Slovak people for an equal place
among European nations. His literary beginnings are
connected with students periodicals (Rozvoj, Svojet') in
the 1930's, while his participation in public life began before
he obtained his Ph.D. summa cum laude at the Bratislava
University. As many members of his generation, he also
was inspired by the idealism of ~udovit t5tur, represented
in 1920's and 1930's in Slovak national struggle by Andrej
Hlinka. Idealism and dedication of those years marked Dr.
Kruzliak's whole life in Slovakia as well as in exile. On the
threshold of his 60th birthday he continues his life struggle
in the Slovak World Congress as the head of the cultural
section.
The upheavals and tragedies experienced by his generation, marked also his life, but did not break his spirit.
Hardly any Slovak generation had to go through such trials.
There were, however, also victories and uncomparable
cultural and spiritual growth of the Slovak nation to' which
that generation contributed at home and in exile. And no
other generation had such opportunities to see the world,
to learn foreign languages and to absorb cultural values
of the most advanced nations.
It is on behalf of those who from that generation
survived the persecutions of the tyrannical regimes in

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Slovakia and the trials of exile, that we cordially greet Dr.
Kruzliak on the threshold of his 60th birthday, wishing
him that the Lord may fulfill his desires to see Slovakia
free, democratic and equal to other nations.

Mikulas

sp r i n

C

For the past 25 years, perhaps the most important role
in the Slovak literary life in exile was played by the highly
cultivated and sensitive poet, Rev. Mikulas sprinc, whose
60th birthday Slovaks abroad will commemorate on November 30th, 1974.
Like Dilong and Strmen, sprinc also came from the
"Catholic Moderna" group and was well-known in Slovakia
as Secretary and later Director of the Slovak Catholic
Academy and organizer of many cultural activities before
and during the War. He published during the War two
collections of his own poetry and four collections of translations : from Rilke, from several Italian poets, as well as
from the works of P. Lippert and Giovanni Papini. At the
same time he contributed to nearly all Slovak literary
journals and periodicals, in addition to being the editor
of the main Slovak Catholic literary monthly Kultiira &lt;19431945 ).
s princ left Slovakia later than other Slovak emigre
poets and writers, and reached Rome through Austria and
Germany. He was named by the Vatican a delegate for
helping the Slovak refugees in Austria and Germany, but
in 1946 he obtained a visa for the United States where he
developed not only extensive organizational cultural activities, but also his talent so that he became one of the leading
Slovak Catholic poets in Diaspora. A professor of modern
languages and philosophy of arts by vocation, he deserves
credit for keeping alive the Slovak literary journal Most ,
of which he has been editor since 1954, as well as for
founding the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists,
whose President has been the poet Andrej zarnov. sprinc
was also one of the founders of the Slovak Institute in
Cleveland, and edited several symposia in addition to his
own prolific and varied literary activities.
Altogether sprinc published 18 collections of musical
and highly cultivated poetry, and an English collection

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Driftwood ( 1969), partly translated by himself and partly by

one of his students and a well-known translator of Slovak
poetry, Jaroslav Vajda. Those who appreciate a poetry
rooted in the strong belief in the Creator without sounding
too religious, and those who like the beauty of life in the
song of birds, in the colors of flowers, in the sound of the
wind, and blue skies or the colors of the rainbow, can find
great enjoyment in sprinc's poetry.
In his lyrical verses, sprinc echoes the art of Paul
Verlaine and the spirit of St. Francis of Assissi. The musical
and rhythmical quality of his poetry is rarely equalled by
other Slovak emigre poets, except probably Gorazd Zvonicky. The translations of sprinc's verses are not an easy
task for translators. Many of his volumes also contain fine
poems with patriotic overtones, expressing his love for his
lost and oppressed Slovakia. Recent volumes of sprinc's
poetry have been artistically illustrated and carefully published, reflecting high artistic quality also in their technical
presentation. As a result, reading his beautifully published
collections is a double pleasure; they are written by a
sensitive and gifted poet but, even more, by a man humbly
and joyfully believing in God whose faith and glorification
of the Creator sounds so natural and full of hope that one
longs for the same beautiful world and the author's joyful
soul and spirit.
Even though Paul Verlaine seems to be his preferred
poet (he wrote his M.A . thesis in French on Verlaine),
sprinc is very well versed in Italian, German and Spanish
poetry, and contributed to Slovak emigre literature by several excellent translations. To his large and varied cultural
activities he has added more than 300 articles, book reviews,
comments and contributions to Slovak periodicals, almanacs and newspapers.
More than any other poet or writer, sprinc deserves
credit for keeping Slovak culture abroad not only alive, but
also reflecting the best Slovak national traditions. In spite
of his many activities as professor, editor and secretary of
the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists, sprinc was
able during the past two decades to publish nearly every
year a volume of his poetry or a book in prose.
Among his published works we find: Ozveny v samotdch (1940), Tak umieral bdsnik Pal'o Oliva (1942), 0 ldske

�SLOVAKIA

a bolesti (1942), Duinske elegie (1942), O Tebe spieva zem
idc sdm
0943), K slobodnym pobreziam (1950), Na r:"•rFlo
'l J () •
polnopi
'ti·
·
poludnfa
Z
(1955),
slnku
proti
(1953), Tvdrou
')s'ted6~
putnie~±{~
moje
Oci
(1962),
orla
(1960), Mladost'
a ffPk
k?J
s
_
Brat~la'8
(1967),
Andante
(1952),
kovia utrpenia
,a ~- ~1 • S'! 1
JI
ora·
ll:170
Palidora,
z
Piesne
(1969),
(1968), Driftwood
11
"' ·
j rn JC
lovy ostrov (1973) etc.*
t'f"

: 'iOr.?.910 I'l

Among his translation s we should metftionfGidva:aru
Papini's work Witnesses of Suffering (Scraiitott CFA-{J'1i95!!)
and among his foreign language writings hi M~..fthesi t
Paul Verlaine: Etude de sa poesie religieuse,Wil'i-100',i stiill
u v[ ,, , 1 ;. ,....
in manuscrip t.
I

'di

_Jj(,· ~-II

sprinc also published an interesting narra,J;;':vp1!n,:prose
about his escape and journey from Slovakia ~f?' ,1i0:Yr'l1Il,~9
States in a volume K slobodnym pobreziam ('J;R&gt;t~'rr r;;~1e
Shores), a book on St. Andrew Svorad as vv,:e, ~r~~d l. p~~lf
dedicated to the Virgin Mary. For the llth -1 0~~t[;npial&lt;: 0J
Christianit y in Slovakia, he edited a collectiop."r~ ~!:5e-?
by several Slovak poets under the title Zdravic0-; sp-"'qy j!oRi
a Metodovi (Rome, 1963). He also contributec l:11f?: 1aurn~smr~
fully illustrated anthology Odkaz (The Legacy.., 197Jp in
f.eJfg~ehte~.
which leading Slovak poets and writers are ro
"¼o"'"' 10· ""i
In prose, he edited the memoirs of Msgr. Joze · KaB3-i
a prominent Slovak diplomat at the Vatican du¥fh§ \ .war
Spod Rohdcov po Vatikdn (From Rohace M9tiRtim to? · e
Vatican, 1973) as well as two symposia comp.~~~ ,cif 'qop;
C~ictrfn_tributions by Slovak emigre writers: Ndde7· vit'azria
1J 'R? 'fJf U?'f • -. ::;;_
1939-1-.~4(}
republika
Slovenskd
and
1947)
Hope,
ous
' ,..,
Republic 1939-1949, Scranton, Pa., 1949).

9.i ·

V)\1)')1Sh'1

·i•h

ai 1~f'd2 c(

aii~
Literary work of this envergure and
1
we
-Iiifre
&gt;
;
case;
a
does not need to be praised. It is again
1
•
if'tceW!.
Laudat'·a'¥f
have to repeat the Latin dictum: Opus
fivities
It was a blessing for Slovak literature and cultubr-a~i
abroad that sprinc left Slovakia. Therefore, ori~he~ooa §i6n
of his 60th birthday, we cannot be more sincer.e"1wlierfJ,we
- :&gt;.r. ,h,i&lt;
say: Ad multos annos!
1 (JJ Jy3c-riqz~t{
:llC J

*)

:r-r::;m

For more details on Sprinc and his work, see Literltrfi'y 11.lrMnbcn
for 1967, p. 232-234, and Most, Vol. I, 2, 1954, and Vol. 13~ 4;-1956!!')

�194

SLOVAKIA

Teodorik Zubek
To the ranks of prominent Slovak intellectuals in exile
whose 60th birthday we will commemorate in 1974, also belongs Prof. T. J. Zubek, oustanding member of the Slovak
Franciscan Order in Slovakia and the United States, who
was born on April 4, 1914 in Malacky, Western Slovakia.
Professor Zubek filled an important gap in exile activities by his theological writings and mainly by presenting
the religious situation in post war Slovakia to the Western
World. At the same time he deserves recognition for reviving the Order of Slovak Franciscan Fathers in the United
States who under his leadership become active not only in
the religious field but also in education and cultural life.
Well educated at Slovak and foreign Universities (Zagreb, Croatia; Fribourg, Switzerland), Dr. Zubek played
leading role in his Order in Slovakia, and had to pay under
the Communist regime for his patriotism and service to
God by detention in the concentration camp for priests in
Svaty Benadik. After his escape in 1951, he found refuge
in Austria and Rome, Italy, from where he came to the
United States in 1952.
Soon after his arrival to the U.S.A. Dr. Zubek became
Professor of Theology at Seton Hall University, Newark,
N. J. and published an authoritative work on the Communist persecution of religion in his native country Church
of Silence in Slovakia (J. Lach Publ., Whiting, Ind., 1956).
This book and his scholarly contributions to American
religious and academic periodicals (Homiletic and Pastoral
Review, Jurist, Ameri can Ecclesiastical Review, The Catholic Educator and others) performed an important service

to the Slovak cause among Western intellectuals. Some of
his studies rank among the best writings on contemporary
theological and educational topics.
From the Slovak point of view, of great importance
among his English writings is also his presentation of the
case of Msgr. Tiso and the fate of Slovak bishops (Slovak
Bishops - Martyrs of Christ, 1963) to Western readers.
Exposed to hostile propaganda during the War and after,
many people in the free world maintained biased attitudes
towards Slovakia even among clergy and in academic
circles. Dr. Zubek was among the first Slovak emigre

�SLOVAKIA

195

intellectuals who grasped the need for writing on Slovakia
in English and in non-Slovak periodicals, and for doing it
in a much more reserved manner than we can afford in
our Slovak publications.
Dr. Zubek contributed at the same time to Slovak
periodicals and newspapers, to Slovak Studies, and edited
the religious monthly Listy Sv. Frantiska (Leaflets of St.
Francis) published by his Order of which he was the head
as Provincial Delegate. He also took part in Slovak emigre
cultural and organizational activities aiming at the unity
and co-operation, namely in Slovak Liberation Council and
Slovak World Congress, at the Conference on Slovakia
held in Toronto in 1971 and elsewhere. From the very
beginning of his exile has been considered as one of the
most distinguished representatives of Slovak clergymen
abroad.
By his activities, high education and devotion to the
work for God and bonum commune, Dr. Zubek upheld the
noble tradition of the Franciscan Order in Slovakia, whose
members belonged to the best educators, historians, writers
and poets in the centuries of Slovak national revival as
well as in this century. It is with sincere admiration for
his work and great human qualities that we greet him
on his sixtieth birthday with a heartfelt: Ad multos annos!

Jozef Pa u co
For more than a century, journalists and editors played
in Slovak national life a role going far beyond their profession. Starting with Eudovit stur in the middle of the 19th
century, leading Slovak journalists were also political leaders, poets, writers, historians, grammarians and organizers
of cultural and political institutions. This phenomenon
appeared in Slovakia as well as among Slovaks abroad,
especially in the United States and Canada. After stur,
S. H . Vajansky was an outstanding example of a journalist,
who also was a prominent poet, novelist and fighter for
the Slovak cause. In the following generation Karol Sidor
and Konstantin Culen remained faithful to that tradition
in Slovakia and on the American continent. Both of them
were journalists by profession, but they also wrote a

�[96

SLOVAKIA

am lil,erary works and books dealing with the
ofoSI~aks and their struggle for freedom.
h'eq&gt;ast 25 years, an austanding example of journalist who became a historian, political writer and organizer
• .Joll!uraI &amp;F.~ political activities, was Dr. Jozef Pauco,
~ '1We .1 2¥thday was celebrated by Slovaks abroad on
~ 8f.f9 r¥R~L 1974. Pauco's admiration for E. stur goes
Bi~ 1t2,1r.. ,years when he wrote his Ph.D. thesis at the
I}, ·1-ffi ·1i v~c13ratislava, which was later published under
9} yt • {,1J{!,OJJYChova u sturovcov (Popular Education in
nt) . Since that time Dr. Pauco also followed
~ ' x' MB, ~
f8o}§jeps of K. Sidor and K. culen in his work as
~n
!n eing a political exile, in his dedication to the
~
~.HJ.Iijijle:iJer2 freecto111: , and independence for Slovakia and
i - fillfp,tjfj&gt;_n with American Slovaks and Slovak-American organizations.
bibliography listed below indicates, Dr.
As thej seJect
'
' r[J J)l [IQ[
f y Hjj r(~mgs are not only extensive, but also cover
e.vera1' ~ cfs9!rom history to political science and belles
12t ,nw .fil~S.V O II
. pub1·ished works
. part of his
1l 1 :e~ . .tS s19.a y, th e maJor
.
t
ct·
f
d
t
S {:_!(,
''IS I'I .'11 '
hJfiIH~W . , rAR?"ever, a
e en mg he Slovak cause. This
:a cr1°fsB~afiW even his works on American Slovaks, which
!fh~
Y#1 ~9 ~fo~);'o his best writings and in their method and
$I&amp;»Jay flDif compare with standard works on the subj~cf.'."'i frer fof. F. Hrusovsky and K. culen, he actually
deserves main credit for systematic research into the past
and present of American Slovaks.
His books on their history atest to his great love for
jjl_jz~ i 9_mt branch of the Slovak people. In addition,
lzli-l ~ftlltl.futijsplayed in his works on American Slovaks, of
Wlli.Plb :ti~cY~mninous history of the First Catholic Slovak
~smrubip rrecent book on Slovak Pioneers in America
4%fill:YJ O ~fkteular attention, that history was the field
W~fttmt~ ld use his academic education and thorough
fmID'{fflP.g.f~mf@lovak American organizational structure and
~ ~g:njfl~J:?.g ~ of individual leaders. As a result, whoever
}Y!UsiYfOOl ~(tc,::omplete history of American Slovak~, will
lff)lUiffifHfliiO.l:Wlfite authoritatively without ~sing Dr. Pauco's
,
~f4J!!g)}V~rks.
110Ui-Bi¥unMjgl,lly, a larger number of books, essays an(\
MMtje b&amp;;ia . Pauco deals, however, with Slova~a•s strugglaj::Rf!~~p.filldence l;l,nd with the _defense of leading Slovak
h'i&amp;j t&gt;
n; b~

�SLOVAKIA

197

personalities, especially Dr. Jozef Tiso, against whom many
incorrect views and misconceptions were spread in the
West during and after the Second World War. Slovakia and
Slovaks suffered not only under Communism. There was
a lot of injustice and descrimination against Slovaks also
before the War and during the short period after the War
when the Communists ruled together with their Czech and
Slovak fellow-travelers from the non-communist parties.
In his writings, Dr. Pauco endeavored to fight the falsehood
and injustice of· both. It was, however, the communist
misrule in Slovakia and the communist ideology which he
exposed and fiercely criticized in his writings, advocating
Christian democracy and the independence of Slovakia.
Besides his own books, essays and thousands of articles,
Dr. Pauco also published-as editor-the valuable documentary work Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Jozef Tiso About
Himself), containing the defense of the President of the
Slovak Republic at his trial by the communist court, and
a number of symposia on leading Slovak exiles (K. Sidor,
J.C. Hronsky,· etc.). Furthermore, he deserves recognition
for publishing and editing the Literdrny Almanach and the
weekly Slovak v Amerike, both of which would have disappeared several years ago without his dedication and
sacrifice as well that of his literary active wife.
Last but not least, Dr. Pauco has rendered great service
to the Slovak cause as the editor of the English periodical
dealing with Slovak cultural and political matters, Slovakia.
founded by Philip Hrobak. This editorial part of Dr. Pauco's
work is of far reaching importance for the activities of
Slovaks abroad and can be evaluated adequately only if
we imagine how much poorer Slovak cultural life and
the struggle for independence would be without these
publications.
In view of the fact that the historical and geopolitical
situation of Slovakia made the Slovak cause a matter of
controversy, Dr. Pauco's writings were bol,lild to provoke
a strong reaction from the adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence. His militant spirit, uncompromising
attitude and fervor incited them to make denunciations,
accusations and . undeserved attacks, but Pauco remained,
in spite of all attacks on his person, one of 'the most
dedicated defenders of the Slovak cause in his generation.

�198

SLOVAKIA

He also continues to be the most prolific Slovak journalist
and writer on politics and history who remained faithful
to stur's tradition and Hlinka-Tiso's ideology of Christian
democracy and self-determination for the Slovaks.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
IN SLOVAK
Popular Education ).
Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943, pp. 151.
Politicko-narodny program Hsns (Political Program of the Slovak
People's Party ). Andrej uc. spol. Bratislava, 1944, pp. 96.
co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota, Middletown,
Pa., 1952, pp. 29.
Dr. Jozef Ti so o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952, pp. 359. (Ed.)
Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1953, pp. 89.
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and Slovak
Immigration ). J ednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955, pp. 190.
Slovcici a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism ). Rev. Jan Lach,
Whiting, Ind., 1957, pp. 318.
P-0d zcistavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy). Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych
Statoch, Middletown, Pa. , 1957, pp. 30.
Slovenskci rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius). Slovensky .Zensky Spolok sv.
Anny, Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957, pp. 32.
Matus Jankola - knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and
Patriot). Rad sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, Pa., 1959, pp. 174.
Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronskeho (In Memoriam Jozef Cig-er Hronsky) .
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1960, pp.
46. (Ed.)
Martin Kopunek) .
Laicky apostol Martin Kopunek (Lay Apostle Vychodna Oblast' Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov, Bethlehem, Pa.,
1961, pp. 67. (Ed.)
Neporazitel'ni (Unconquerables). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota,
Middletown, Pa., 1961, pp. 190.
Karol Sidor - politik novincir, spisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politician,
Newspaperman, and Writer) . Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1962, pp. 148. (Ed.)
Piit'desiatnik Dr. J-0zef Kirschbaum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - Fifty
Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown,
Pa., 1963, pp. 171. (Ed.)
Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First
rokov
75
Catholic Slovak Union). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cleveland, Ohio, 1965, pp. 560 and XIV. 80 pages of pictures.
Na uteku (Flight to Wonderland; serialized in the Weekly Jednota) .
Middletown, Pa., 1965.

l}udovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement -

�SLOVAKIA

199

Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known One Another). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 281. Illustra-

tions.
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, 1972, pp. 358. Illustrations.

IN ENGLISH
Unconquerables, Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958, pp. 225.
Christian Slovakia Under Communism. The Slovak Catholic Federation,
Valparaiso, Ind., 1959, pp. 31.
Flight to Wonderland. Robert Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., 1963,
pp. 334.
'i0 Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp.
146. (Ed.)

IN GERMAN
Dr. Jozef Tiso: Die Wahrheit uber die Slowakei (The Truth About
Slovakia). Tisovo Tovarisstvo, in the Emigration, 1948, pp. 187.

Illustrated.
ARTICLES IN ENGLISH
The Practi cal Aspect of a Federation. Slovakia, III, No. 2, 1953, p. 26-36.
American Slovaks and March 14, 1939. Slovakia, IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 17-22.
The Slovak Republic and Communism. Slovakia, IV, No. 3-4, 1954, p.
35-38.
Slovakia Viewed By American Historians. Most, I. No. 4, 1954, p . 17-25.
The Failures of Communist Politics in Slovakia, Slovakia, V, No. 4, 1955,
p. 3-20.
Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People. Slovakia, VI, No. 1, 1956, p.
11-16.
I Was Editor of President Tiso's Newspaper. Slovakia, VII, No. 1, 1957,
p. 9-12.
Dr. Joseph Tiso : Christian Democrat. Slovakia, VII, No. 2, 1957, p. 37-50.
The Stirring Days of March 1939. Slovakia, IX, No. 4, 1959, p. 24-32.
Slovakia Under Communism. Slovakia, IX, N-0. 5, 1959, p. 1-5; Slovakia,
X, No. 6, 1960, p. 62-73 ; Slovakia, XI, No. 1, 1961, p. 13-21.
Slovakia's Mid-Nineteenth Century Struggle for National Life. Slovak
Studies I, 1961, p. 69-83.
The Matica Slovenskd in America. Slovakia, XIII, No. 1, 1963, p. 77-82.
American Slovaks and the Beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia. Slovakia, XVI,
No. 39, 1966, p. 63-75.
Slovak Pioneers in America. Slovakia, XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. l0S-124.
Under Dynamic Leadership. 60 Years of the Slovak League of America,
1967, p. 112-146.
The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio. Slovakia,
XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 92-97.
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland. Slovakia, XXIII, No.
46, 1973, p. 16-23.
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks. Slovakia, XXIII,
No. 46, 1973, p. 72-81.
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek. Slovakia, XXIII, No. 46, 1973, p. 123-128.

�200

SLOVAKIA

EVALUATION OF DR. PAUCO'S WRITINGS
BY REVIEWERS
The number of book reviews published on individual
Pauco's works is too large to be listed in this survey. In
general, we can say that extensive reviews and commentaries, written by known Slovak authors, scholars, poets and
cultural workers, were published not only in newspapers,
but also in literary and cultural periodicals (Most, Furdek,
Slovakia) and almanacs. Book reviews in Slovak language
prevail, but his major writings were evaluated and commented upon also in English, mostly by reviewers born
or educated on the American continent.
The majority of reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books evaluated his writings favorably not only because of their
ideological contents and usefulness for preservation of
Slovak cultural heritage but also for their literary, and in
many instances, scholarly value, thorough research and
vast knowledge of the Slovak past and present.
Deeply involved in Slovak political and cultural life
since his students years, Dr. Pauco was a participant in
historical events or closely associated with persons he
writes about in a majority of his books, which gives to
some of his works particular significance. On the other
hand, his books on the history of American Slovaks fill
an important gap and therefore the reviewers valued them
for their contribution to the neglected history of American
Slovaks as well as for their documentation and objectivity
with which Pauco approached his subjects.
Among the reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books and publications edited by him were K. culen, Prof. F. Hrusovsky,
J . E. Bor, M. Jankovsky, J. M. Kirschbaum, J. C. Krajsa,
M. K. Mlynarovic, J. Mest'ancik, Prof. K. Murin, Rev.
Andrew Pier, O.S.B., Dr. B. Pissko, Dr. J. Rekem, Dr. J.
Stasko, Rev. Mother Emerentia, Rev. Sister Tarcisia and
many others. The book 75 Years of the FCSU was reviewed
by 15 and his recent book Slovak Pioneers in America by
9 reviewers. All reviews were favorable . The evaluation
by American born reviewers deserves, however special
mention.
Prof. V. R. Greene of the Kansas State University, who
has learned to read and understand Slovak and wrote his

�SLOVAKIA

201

Ph.D. thesis on East European immigrants in Pennsylvania ,
said on Pauco's 75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union:
"Not only is it a complete and most comprehensiv e
history of the Jednota and the Slovaks in America, but its
many references, footnotes and bibliography will satisfy
any serious reader and research historian."
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. in her extensive review
published in Jednota (June 30, 1965) referred to Matthew
Arnold's statement that "Great creative works in literature
result from happy concurence of two notable powers, the
power of the man and the power of the moment," and
wrote on Pauco's book:
"Such a happy concurence of two notable powers has
been strikingly exemplified before our eyes this year. For
the power of the moment there was the 75th anniversary
of the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1965, calling for the
writing of the history of this remarkable organization.
For the power of the man there was Joseph Pauco, Ph.D.,
a gifted author, historian and scholar, capable and willing
to assume the task of writing this history.
The result is a truly monumental contribution to Slovak
history and literature, entitled 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej
Slovenskej Jednoty."
The book Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known

One Another, 1967) attracted the attention of Slovak exiles
as well as of American born Slovak intellectuals.
"Dr. J. Pauco's Memoirs encompass - according to
Sister M. Tarcisia - multiple and varied personal contacts
as well as deep insight, broad vision and a skillful pen.
The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor,
a journalist, a lecturer, a politcian. The era he portrays was
at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative
in its application to Central Europe and specifically to
Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the
drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to
human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes,
some traitors.
Tak sme sa poznali is a tremendously vital book. In
recounting his experience in the Slovak Republic - all
of which he saw, part of which he was - Dr. Pauco has
written authentic history. As such it will live and flourish."

�202

SLOVAKIA

Pauco's last book Slovenskt priekopnici v Amerike
(Slovak Pioneers in America, 1972) was favorably reviewed
and welcome as a valuable contribution to the history of
American Slovaks by a dozen of Slovak writers, scholars,
journalists and cultural workers. In the opinion of the
American born editor of Jednota, J. C. Krajsa, "Pauco's
work required serious research and documentation. In an
objective manner he credits the life and work of the
pioneers and categorizes them in their proper niche in the
history of the American Slovaks, in America and the Slovak
nation. He presents those leading pioneers who played the
greatest role in the cultural field; those who organized
fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders;
those who preserved the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books; and those who were fired
with the ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia."
The book is in Krajsa's view "in itself a pioneer book.
Nothing to date has been published in such documentary
detail about American Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic
Slovak Union is proud to publish this vital literary work
of Dr. Joseph Pauco."
According to another prominent American Slovak, Fr.
J. A. Gajdosik "Pauco's book is one sure way to arousing
interest in the Slovak heritage on a personal and individual
basis, especially among our younger people. Hopefully, an
English translation will be made in the near future, so that
devotion to the Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.
"The book should bolster Dr. Joseph Pauco's strong
thoughts about the termination and death of the Slovak
language in the United States. The book is also a warning
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who claim that they received
little if anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches
that much Slovak affluence and prestige is directly the
result of the conduct and work of our pioneers.
"It behooves our brethren who are ashamed of their
Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and learn how
everything they have was given to them, and that they
should give themselves for others as our pioneers did. The
ultimate lesson is that we, American of Slovak ancestry,
should foster and serve the Slovak cause and ideal, at least
as much, if not better than our pioneers in early America."

�203

SLOVAKIA

REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS
IN LEADING PERIODICALS
MOST
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)
Mest'ancik)
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew

Jan

Pier, O.S.B. )
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.

82-83)
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)

SLOVAKIA
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.

C.M.)
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.

Krajsa)
F URD EK
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .

Francis V n u k :

A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent

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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
181&#13;
&#13;
,J.. M. Ki rs ch b au m, Ph.D.:&#13;
&#13;
Noted Slovak Jubilarians&#13;
Andrej Z a r n o v&#13;
"Les elites emigrees vivent tragiquement. Elles&#13;
sont contraintes a une vie hasardeuse, solitaire,&#13;
humiliee. Elles sont amenees par l'exil&#13;
a l'epreuve a reviser leurs valeurs, et a en&#13;
connaitre ou a en creer d'autres ... "&#13;
Albert Thibaudet, Histoire de la litterature&#13;
fra~aise de 1780 a nos jours, Paris, 1936.&#13;
&#13;
Since 1945, when Slovakia was overrun by the Soviet&#13;
armies and subject to communist rule, a number of poets&#13;
and writers left their native land in protest against political&#13;
oppression in their homeland and with the intention of&#13;
working in the free world for freedom and independence&#13;
of their country. This political mission is especially true&#13;
with regard to the emigre writers and poets who left&#13;
Slovakia in 1945-1949 among whom were several of the&#13;
leading Slovak writers and poets.&#13;
A similar example can be found mutatis mutandis only&#13;
in 19th century Poland, when after the revolution of 1830&#13;
the best Polish poets (Mickiewicz, Krasinski, Slowacki) and&#13;
a number of writers and intellectuals escaped the Russians&#13;
and made Paris the center of Polish literature.&#13;
The fate of Slovak poets and writers was, of course,&#13;
not as favorable as that of Polish "grande emigration."&#13;
Some of the more prominent Slovak writers were soon&#13;
captured in Austria and brought back to Slovakia and&#13;
imprisoned (Milo Urban, A. zarnov, Tido J. Gaspar) while&#13;
others had to fight against false denunciations and other&#13;
pressures, in order to survive and create.&#13;
In spite of this, "the 50 odd Slovak men of letters living&#13;
on this side of the Iron Curtain kept the lights of Slovak&#13;
culture burning while they were out of their native country.&#13;
This may sound emotional or sentimental, yet it is a sad&#13;
truth that in the years 1950-55 there hardly appeared in&#13;
Slovakia a single book worthy of reading. In those years&#13;
indeed the emigre literature was the contemporary Slovak&#13;
literature." 1&#13;
&#13;
182&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Slovak poets and writers in exile continued to play&#13;
especially the role of the "conscience of the nation" and&#13;
that of interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people,&#13;
traditionally assumed by Slovak poets and writers. More&#13;
than in any other nation, not only the national rebirth was&#13;
the work of Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle&#13;
for political rights and social justice; the first national&#13;
rebellion was led by them, and they kept the national spirit&#13;
alive in time of despair. Since the time when the poet Jan&#13;
Holly (1785-1849) awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by&#13;
unveiling to them the glorious past of Slovak ancestors in&#13;
the Great Moravian period, and by giving them hope for&#13;
a better future, Slovak poetry was an instrument of the&#13;
national struggle, an expression of the national ideals and&#13;
hopes, of national sufferings and joy. The poets and writers&#13;
were the heralds and prophets of a new and better world,&#13;
often being also social revolutionary leaders. This tradition&#13;
was cultivated in Slovak literature over the past one&#13;
hundred and fifty years and was even strengthened during&#13;
the crucial years of Slovakia's national struggle in this&#13;
century.&#13;
Slovak poets and writers in exile have not considered&#13;
themselves exempt from this special mission. On the contrary, exile made them more patriotic and the sufferings&#13;
of the Slovak people more conscious of their duty to be&#13;
the "conscience" of their nation and the interpreters of&#13;
the aspiration of the Slovak people.&#13;
In the countryside of New York State, one of the best&#13;
contemporary Slovak poets, Andrej zarnov (by his own&#13;
name Prof. Frantisek subik), attained on November 19,&#13;
1973 the prestigous age of 70. If the present Slovak&#13;
generations owe a tribute to any poet for his participation&#13;
in the struggle for national rights and equality with other&#13;
nations, Andrej zarnov deserves such recognition from&#13;
Slovaks abroad as well as in Slovakia.&#13;
Born in 1903 in the village of Kuklov in Western Slovakia, zarnov remained proud of his rural heritage even&#13;
when he achieved the position of University Professor of&#13;
Pathology and high recognition from critics and readers&#13;
for his literary work. He made his secondary studies in&#13;
Skalica and Trnava and his study of medicine in Bratislava&#13;
where he was active in student organizations and became&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
183&#13;
&#13;
well-known for his fiery verses already during his university&#13;
years. In 1926, :2:arnov accompanied Msgr. Andrej Hlinka&#13;
on the triumphant journey around the United States. At&#13;
that time neither zarnov nor the American Slovaks could&#13;
expect that after the dramatic events of the Second World&#13;
War, he would return to the United States as an exile,&#13;
persecuted for his patriotism and his part in the International Red Cross Commission which examined during&#13;
the Second World War the brutal massacre of 10,000 Polish&#13;
officers by the Soviets in Katyn. zarnov left Slovakia in&#13;
1945, but he was forcibly "repatriated" from Austria,&#13;
arrested and jailed. In 1952 he left Slovakia in a dramatic&#13;
flight and settled first near Washington and later at Wingdale, N. Y. where he lives presently with his family. 2&#13;
ZARNOV'S WORK AND PLACE&#13;
IN SLOVAK LITERATURE&#13;
Perhaps to no other country more than to Slovakia is&#13;
the statement of historians applicable, that in Central and&#13;
Eastern European national movements were the concern of&#13;
poets, writers and scholars and that they created the&#13;
nationalities. Not only was the national rebirth the work of&#13;
Slovak poets and writers, but also the struggle for political&#13;
rights and social justice; the first national rebellion was&#13;
led by them, and they kept the national spirit alive in time&#13;
of despair.&#13;
Since the first great Slovak poet, Jan Holly (1785-1849)&#13;
awakened the Slovak intelligentsia by unveiling to them the&#13;
glorious past of Slovak ancestors and by giving them&#13;
a strong faith in a better future of the Slovak people, Slovak&#13;
poetry was an instrument of national struggle, an expression of the national idea, national sufferings, joys, and&#13;
hopes. The poets and writers were the heralds and prophets&#13;
of a new and better world; they were social revolutionaries&#13;
and national leaders.&#13;
This tradition was respected in Slovak literature over&#13;
the past one hundred years, and during the crucial years&#13;
of Slovak national struggle in this century the role was&#13;
played by Andrej :2:arnov more prominently than by any&#13;
other Slovak poet, except for Martin Razus.&#13;
Andrej :2:arnov appeared in Slovak literature in a period&#13;
when the Slovak people fought their harsh struggle (against&#13;
&#13;
184&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
the Czech assimilatory tendencies) for preserving their&#13;
language, national identity and cultural heritage. It was&#13;
the period of the 20's and 30's of this century, when on one&#13;
hand Slovakia experienced a strong cultural development,&#13;
but was at the same time forced into an uneven struggle&#13;
for her national future, for social justice and political and&#13;
economic equality. The danger of this situation was not&#13;
only in the preponderance of means and political power&#13;
or in the fact that Slovaks were far outnumbered by Czechs,&#13;
but also in the fact that the masses of the Slovak people&#13;
were going through the final phase of the process of&#13;
maturing politically and the Slovak intelligentsia was in&#13;
cultural and ideological ferment.&#13;
In this national struggle Zarnov came with his fiery&#13;
verses full of faith in the Slovak people and his vitality,&#13;
adYocating national solidarity and protesting against the&#13;
Czech attempts to rule, exploit and denationalize the Slovak&#13;
people. At the same time, his poetry dared Slovaks to&#13;
defend themselves, to stand firmly on their feet and not&#13;
bow, not to yield. It was a revolutionary call for political&#13;
and social justice, for national pride and honor which very&#13;
soon found a favorable echo among the young Slovak&#13;
intelligentsia and made Zarnov, since he identified himself&#13;
with his nation's aspirations, sorrows and sufferings, the&#13;
poet of the Slovak national struggle, and of Slovak patriotism. There was an outburst of poetic production in Slovakia&#13;
between the two wars, but only Zarnov (besides M. Razus)&#13;
stood on the barricades of Slovak national struggle with his&#13;
patriotic poems, his forceful indignation, with his spiritual&#13;
roots in the national tradition and fervent belief in the&#13;
victory of the Slovak cause.&#13;
Zarnov's fiery poetry, after being largely recited and&#13;
published in periodicals and dailies, had been edited in&#13;
several volumes. The first one, Strdz pri Morave (The Guard&#13;
on Morava, 1925) was composed of verses expressing the&#13;
poet's and his generation's political and spiritual orientation&#13;
and provoked even the political censors to intervene. The&#13;
second volwne Brdzda cez uhory (The Furrow Through&#13;
Fallows, 1929) contained rather meditative and lyrical&#13;
poetry enquiring into the spiritual ferment and restlessness&#13;
of the poet's generation. While in the first volwne Zarnov&#13;
created of his poetry an effective instrument for Slovak&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
185&#13;
&#13;
national struggle, in the second volume he turned his eyes&#13;
to the soul of the people he inflamed to struggle and&#13;
bitterly analyzed its conscience. The third volume Hlas krvi&#13;
(The Call of the Blood, 1932) and the following volume&#13;
stit (The Shield, 1940) still contained verses of patriotic&#13;
inspirations; his last volume Mftvy (The Dead, 1941) contains, however, poetry of deep personal sorrow and refine&#13;
lyrics inspired by the untimely death of his young son. The&#13;
profile of a patriotic revolutionary and interpreter of the&#13;
nation's aspirations and struggle was thus completed in&#13;
z arnov's last volume by poetry of deep human feelings and&#13;
meditations.&#13;
In all his volumes, zarnov preferred rather simple&#13;
poetic forms, including the free verse. The rhythm of his&#13;
poetry and his vocabulary were of great effectiveness and&#13;
from the very beginning it indicated a strong talent. His&#13;
books are, of course, on the index in Slovakia, but some of&#13;
his verses are among the most recited by Slovaks in the&#13;
free world, in which zarnov found refuge after the Communists seized power in Slovakia.&#13;
ZARNOV'S TRANSLATIONS&#13;
FROM WORLD LITERATURES&#13;
zarnov enriched, however, Slovak literature also by&#13;
many masterful translations of lyrics, epics and dramas.&#13;
His first translations go back to 1933-34 at which time&#13;
zarnov published in Slovak dailies and periodicals his&#13;
version of Przerwa-Tetmajer Jdnosikove motivy (Janosik's&#13;
Motives). In 1936 zarnov translated for the Slovak National&#13;
Theatre the well-known play from the life of F. Chopin and&#13;
Georges Sand Leto v Nohante (The Summer in Nohant) by&#13;
J. Iwaszkiewicz. A year after, Matica slovenska published&#13;
Sophocles' Antigona in zarnov's translation and in 1941&#13;
King Oedipus. The same year zarnov translated for the&#13;
Slovak National Theatre the libretto of the opera Rusalka&#13;
and in 1943 his translation of Zygmunt Krasinski's Nebozskd komedia (The Undivine Comedy) was published by&#13;
Matica slovenska.&#13;
After the Second World War, in the oppressive atmosphere of the Communist and Czech domination of Slovakia,&#13;
zarnov was not allowed to publish his own poetry, but he&#13;
did not cease creating and talking to his countrymen. In&#13;
&#13;
186&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
1949 the Society of St. Adalbert published his translation&#13;
of Murphy's novel on Mary Magdalene The Scarlet Lily,&#13;
in 1950 appeared the volume of translations from Adam&#13;
Mickiewicz Poeezia, and in 1951 Hymny (The Hymns) of&#13;
Jan Kasprowicz. The Communist regime did not, however,&#13;
allow zarnov to use his pen-name on Kasprowicz's Hymns.&#13;
They were published as translations by Francis ~ubik.&#13;
Before his dramatic flight from Slovakia, zarnov prepared for publication his translation of Dante's Peklo (The&#13;
Hell) and selections of poems by Leopold Staff Vyber&#13;
z poezie (Selected Poems), but they remained in manusscript.&#13;
zarnov's masterful translations were highly regarded&#13;
by Slovak literary critics and by the readers and contributed&#13;
especially to useful cultural relations of Slovakia with&#13;
Poland. He received a Silver wreath from the Polish Academy of Literature for his pre-war translation U pol'sk'!}ch&#13;
b&lt;isnikov ( Among Polish Poets) and during the Second&#13;
World War he prepared an entire book of translations&#13;
from Adam Mickiewicz's works. 3 The volume was published&#13;
"in order to transplant Mickiewicz's works to Slovak soil&#13;
and thereby strengthen the structure of Slavic brotherhood&#13;
in the cultural sector," and because "in world literature&#13;
there are only a few great poets who in the work of their&#13;
genius accumulate and present so universally, profoundly,&#13;
and magnificently the history of the efforts, failures and&#13;
spiritual achievements of their own people as does Adam&#13;
Mickiewicz, the greatest Polish and all-Slavic poet." The&#13;
book appeared in 1948, published by the Slovak Catholic&#13;
cultural institution the "Society of St. Adalbert."&#13;
We can say without exaggeration that zarnov has&#13;
been, in his generation, artistically and spiritually the best&#13;
prepared to transmit the heritage of Mickiewicz's most&#13;
beautiful poems into Slovak literature. And he did it with&#13;
great artistic skill and brilliance. His volume Poezia contains not only the eighteen Crimean Sonnets, but also&#13;
Konrad Wallenrod, the Ode to Youth, To a Polish Mother,&#13;
To My Muscovite Friends, Sages, A Vision, The Master of&#13;
Masters, Flight and Out of My Sight, thus presenting some&#13;
valuable lyrics along with his patriotic verse tale about&#13;
&#13;
his fatherland.&#13;
The Crimean Sonnets in zarnov's translation remain&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
187&#13;
&#13;
"a wonder," since he has preserved to a great degree the&#13;
richness of beauty of the poetic expression which always&#13;
takes us by surprise and makes us marvel at the audacity&#13;
of thought and the moral courage which produce the special&#13;
splendor of this collection. zarnov's poetic language is,&#13;
naturally, modern, his verse and rhythm vivid, and the&#13;
whole translation audacious. zarnov found in his own rich&#13;
poetical invention the metaphors and poetic visions to&#13;
express Mickiewicz's ideas and colorful images.&#13;
The translation of Konrad Wallenrod is a poetical and&#13;
genuine interpretation, equalling in beauty Mickiewicz's&#13;
own work. zarnov is certainly no romantic in the pattern&#13;
of the last century, but still an enthusiastic patriot who&#13;
sings in his poetry a hymn to his crucified country, dooming&#13;
its traitors and fighting for justice, one who has consecrated&#13;
his life and his heart to his fatherland. More than anyone&#13;
else among modern Slovak poets he was, therefore predestined to enrich modern Slovak literature by this Byronic&#13;
work of great charm and poetic vision, which "of the many&#13;
and often highly inspired types of Byronism in Polish poetry&#13;
ranks highest."&#13;
zarnov's versions of the Ode to Youth and To My&#13;
Muscovite Friends are to be remembered not only for&#13;
brilliance of translation ( which could be demonstrated&#13;
only by quotations and comparisons of texts), but also&#13;
for the purpose which the translator wished to serve. The&#13;
volume Poezia was published after the tragic experiences&#13;
with the Russian occupation of Slovakia. zarnov, to whom&#13;
the national cause has always been a question of honor and&#13;
personal dedication, addressed, in Mickiewicz's mordant&#13;
verses, the new Muscovite rulers and summoned Slovak&#13;
youth to the dynamic faith which Mickiewicz, in the Ode&#13;
to Youth, expressed for Poles under very similar circumstances. zarnov's translations were thus to serve after a&#13;
century the same aim as Mickiewicz had assigned to his&#13;
poetry. Through the literary works of Mickiewicz zarnov&#13;
wished to teach the Slovaks, as Mickiewicz had the Poles,&#13;
"to regard as their personal affair the great question of&#13;
honor and dedication, truth and falsehood, nobility of ends&#13;
and legitimacy of means for attaining them." zarnov&#13;
attemped to convince his martyred people that "the national&#13;
cause must become an autochthonous idea, the ultimate&#13;
&#13;
188&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
moral criterion around which the entire spiritual life of the&#13;
nation is crystalized." The real function of zarnov's poetry&#13;
and translation was, like that of Mickiewicz's, not only to&#13;
provide artistic enjoyment or to refine aesthetic taste, but&#13;
primarily to equip his people with the spiritual resources&#13;
necessary to enable them to survive their enslavement and&#13;
to fight for their freedom.&#13;
The Muscovite rulers in Slovakia grasped his intention&#13;
and silenced the book. zarnov, under constant threat of&#13;
arrest and deportation, and many times in prison, made&#13;
a dramatic flight from his country and now fights in exile&#13;
for his ideas.&#13;
In exile he published a number of patriotic verses and&#13;
a masterful transcription of several poems by Jan Holly&#13;
into a modern Slovak language, to remind the Slovaks of&#13;
their spiritual roots and national heritage, and to confirm&#13;
once more that he was one of the Slovak poets who&#13;
penetrated and stirred to the depths the spirits of his&#13;
generation and especially of the young intelligentsia, helped&#13;
to bring them to a strong awareness of their spiritual and&#13;
national individuality, and successfully summoned them to&#13;
the struggle for justice and freedom.&#13;
On behalf of that generation, we are sending to the&#13;
quiet countryside near New York our grateful: Ad multos&#13;
annos.&#13;
F OOTNOTES&#13;
&#13;
1) See F. Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych ro kov . N acrt slovenske j li t eratury v rokoch 1945-62. (Middletown, Pa., 1965) , p . 277.&#13;
2) F or more details on 2arnov's work and life, see J . Pauco (ed .),&#13;
L iterarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. 1967.&#13;
3) On 2arnov's translations from Mickiewicz, see W. Lednicki, Adam&#13;
. Micki ewicz in W orld Literature, University of California Press, 1956i&#13;
contribution by J . M. Kirschbaum.&#13;
&#13;
lmrich K r u f I i a k&#13;
The prose and poetry of Slovak emigre writers is varied&#13;
in themes and literary styles and strongly reflects a deep&#13;
sadness over the loss of their native country and over the&#13;
treatment of their people under communism. This is especially characteristic of the writings of poets and writers&#13;
who had played a prominent role in Slovak literary life&#13;
before they left their native land. Strong national feelings&#13;
and "heimweh''; however, can also be found in the works&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
189&#13;
&#13;
of poets who developed their talents far away from their&#13;
native country.&#13;
Prominent in this group of Slovak intellectuals is Dr.&#13;
Imrich Kruzliak whose 60th birthday we will commemorate&#13;
on December 8, 1974. Born in the romantic Detva, Kruzliak&#13;
followed the path of educated Slovaks of his generation&#13;
from villages and towns who went through secondary&#13;
schools and universities by their own efforts and talents&#13;
and, after helping the struggle for national independence,&#13;
had to pay in jails or in exile for their patriotism.&#13;
Kruzliak did not leave his native Slovakia in 1945. He&#13;
decided to stay and fight with other Catholic intellectuals&#13;
for the preservation of Slovak national traditions and for&#13;
a place for Catholics in the post-war political life. When in&#13;
1947, the Communists began their persecution of Catholic&#13;
intellectuals, he was arrested, tortured, and kept in jail for&#13;
a year. To avoid a new arrest, he escaped in 1949 to Austria&#13;
and in 1951 settled in Munich where he became employed&#13;
by Radio Free Europe as a commentator on Slovak cultural&#13;
matters.&#13;
Writing mostly under the pen-name Marian ziar and&#13;
initials I. K., mz, Dr. Kruzliak contributed in exile to emigre&#13;
literature either in poetry or in literary criticism.&#13;
Although Kruzliak had published verses and literary&#13;
essays already before and during the war, it was in exile&#13;
that he became known as a poet and mainly as a cultivated&#13;
commentator and critic of Slovak literary and cultural life&#13;
at home and abroad. His essays, comments and book&#13;
reviews have been published mostly in the quarterly Most,&#13;
Literdr ny Almanach, Rozhl'ady, but also in annuals and&#13;
newspapers Jednota, Slovak v Amerike and for the past&#13;
two years in Horizont of which he has been the editor in&#13;
chief. His writings have been among the best in Slovak&#13;
empire literature. We would mention especially his survey&#13;
of Slovak literature under Communism (Most, 1958), anci&#13;
essay "Shakespeare and Slovaks" (Most, 1964), a study on&#13;
the "Literary and artistic cult of Sts. Cyril and Methodius&#13;
among Slovaks" (Most, 1963) and ":C. stur" (Most, 1965) .&#13;
In scores of book reviews, Kruzliak enriched Slovak emigre&#13;
literature with new ideas, well-balanced opinions, and by&#13;
an effort to keep Slovak cultural life abroad on a European&#13;
level.&#13;
&#13;
190&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
He also deserves recognition for editing and publishing&#13;
two volumes of poetry of poets in communist jails Modlitby&#13;
v putdch (Prayers in Shackles, Munich, 1955) and translations from Polish, Magyar and Russian poets of the period&#13;
of "thaw" Podaj ndm ruku, Eur6pa ( Give us Helping Hand,&#13;
Europe, Munich, 1957). One of his extensive surveys of&#13;
Slovak culture under Communism was published in mimeographed book form and his contribution on Slovak culture&#13;
since 1945 appeared in the symposium Slovakia in the 19th&#13;
and 20th Centuries, published by the Slovak World Congress (Toronto, 1973). He also edited special volume of&#13;
Arena (Vol. 16, 3-4) which the P.E.N. Centre for Writers&#13;
in Exile published on Slovak literature in London, England&#13;
in 1963.&#13;
Dr. Kruzliak does not belong, however, to literary life&#13;
alone. Since his university years he was among the most&#13;
active intellectuals in the Slovak public life and a leading&#13;
figure in the generation which dedicated talents and energies to the struggle of the Slovak people for an equal place&#13;
among European nations. His literary beginnings are&#13;
connected with students periodicals (Rozvoj, Svojet') in&#13;
the 1930's, while his participation in public life began before&#13;
he obtained his Ph.D. summa cum laude at the Bratislava&#13;
University. As many members of his generation, he also&#13;
was inspired by the idealism of ~udovit t5tur, represented&#13;
in 1920's and 1930's in Slovak national struggle by Andrej&#13;
Hlinka. Idealism and dedication of those years marked Dr.&#13;
Kruzliak's whole life in Slovakia as well as in exile. On the&#13;
threshold of his 60th birthday he continues his life struggle&#13;
in the Slovak World Congress as the head of the cultural&#13;
section.&#13;
The upheavals and tragedies experienced by his generation, marked also his life, but did not break his spirit.&#13;
Hardly any Slovak generation had to go through such trials.&#13;
There were, however, also victories and uncomparable&#13;
cultural and spiritual growth of the Slovak nation to' which&#13;
that generation contributed at home and in exile. And no&#13;
other generation had such opportunities to see the world,&#13;
to learn foreign languages and to absorb cultural values&#13;
of the most advanced nations.&#13;
It is on behalf of those who from that generation&#13;
survived the persecutions of the tyrannical regimes in&#13;
&#13;
191&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Slovakia and the trials of exile, that we cordially greet Dr.&#13;
Kruzliak on the threshold of his 60th birthday, wishing&#13;
him that the Lord may fulfill his desires to see Slovakia&#13;
free, democratic and equal to other nations.&#13;
&#13;
Mikulas&#13;
&#13;
sp r i n&#13;
&#13;
C&#13;
&#13;
For the past 25 years, perhaps the most important role&#13;
in the Slovak literary life in exile was played by the highly&#13;
cultivated and sensitive poet, Rev. Mikulas sprinc, whose&#13;
60th birthday Slovaks abroad will commemorate on November 30th, 1974.&#13;
Like Dilong and Strmen, sprinc also came from the&#13;
"Catholic Moderna" group and was well-known in Slovakia&#13;
as Secretary and later Director of the Slovak Catholic&#13;
Academy and organizer of many cultural activities before&#13;
and during the War. He published during the War two&#13;
collections of his own poetry and four collections of translations : from Rilke, from several Italian poets, as well as&#13;
from the works of P. Lippert and Giovanni Papini. At the&#13;
same time he contributed to nearly all Slovak literary&#13;
journals and periodicals, in addition to being the editor&#13;
of the main Slovak Catholic literary monthly Kultiira &lt;19431945 ).&#13;
s princ left Slovakia later than other Slovak emigre&#13;
poets and writers, and reached Rome through Austria and&#13;
Germany. He was named by the Vatican a delegate for&#13;
helping the Slovak refugees in Austria and Germany, but&#13;
in 1946 he obtained a visa for the United States where he&#13;
developed not only extensive organizational cultural activities, but also his talent so that he became one of the leading&#13;
Slovak Catholic poets in Diaspora. A professor of modern&#13;
languages and philosophy of arts by vocation, he deserves&#13;
credit for keeping alive the Slovak literary journal Most ,&#13;
of which he has been editor since 1954, as well as for&#13;
founding the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists,&#13;
whose President has been the poet Andrej zarnov. sprinc&#13;
was also one of the founders of the Slovak Institute in&#13;
Cleveland, and edited several symposia in addition to his&#13;
own prolific and varied literary activities.&#13;
Altogether sprinc published 18 collections of musical&#13;
and highly cultivated poetry, and an English collection&#13;
&#13;
192&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Driftwood ( 1969), partly translated by himself and partly by&#13;
&#13;
one of his students and a well-known translator of Slovak&#13;
poetry, Jaroslav Vajda. Those who appreciate a poetry&#13;
rooted in the strong belief in the Creator without sounding&#13;
too religious, and those who like the beauty of life in the&#13;
song of birds, in the colors of flowers, in the sound of the&#13;
wind, and blue skies or the colors of the rainbow, can find&#13;
great enjoyment in sprinc's poetry.&#13;
In his lyrical verses, sprinc echoes the art of Paul&#13;
Verlaine and the spirit of St. Francis of Assissi. The musical&#13;
and rhythmical quality of his poetry is rarely equalled by&#13;
other Slovak emigre poets, except probably Gorazd Zvonicky. The translations of sprinc's verses are not an easy&#13;
task for translators. Many of his volumes also contain fine&#13;
poems with patriotic overtones, expressing his love for his&#13;
lost and oppressed Slovakia. Recent volumes of sprinc's&#13;
poetry have been artistically illustrated and carefully published, reflecting high artistic quality also in their technical&#13;
presentation. As a result, reading his beautifully published&#13;
collections is a double pleasure; they are written by a&#13;
sensitive and gifted poet but, even more, by a man humbly&#13;
and joyfully believing in God whose faith and glorification&#13;
of the Creator sounds so natural and full of hope that one&#13;
longs for the same beautiful world and the author's joyful&#13;
soul and spirit.&#13;
Even though Paul Verlaine seems to be his preferred&#13;
poet (he wrote his M.A . thesis in French on Verlaine),&#13;
sprinc is very well versed in Italian, German and Spanish&#13;
poetry, and contributed to Slovak emigre literature by several excellent translations. To his large and varied cultural&#13;
activities he has added more than 300 articles, book reviews,&#13;
comments and contributions to Slovak periodicals, almanacs and newspapers.&#13;
More than any other poet or writer, sprinc deserves&#13;
credit for keeping Slovak culture abroad not only alive, but&#13;
also reflecting the best Slovak national traditions. In spite&#13;
of his many activities as professor, editor and secretary of&#13;
the Association of Slovak Writers and Artists, sprinc was&#13;
able during the past two decades to publish nearly every&#13;
year a volume of his poetry or a book in prose.&#13;
Among his published works we find: Ozveny v samotdch (1940), Tak umieral bdsnik Pal'o Oliva (1942), 0 ldske&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
a bolesti (1942), Duinske elegie (1942), O Tebe spieva zem&#13;
idc sdm&#13;
0943), K slobodnym pobreziam (1950), Na r:"•rFlo&#13;
'l J () •&#13;
polnopi&#13;
'ti·&#13;
·&#13;
poludnfa&#13;
Z&#13;
(1955),&#13;
slnku&#13;
proti&#13;
(1953), Tvdrou&#13;
')s'ted6~&#13;
putnie~±{~&#13;
moje&#13;
Oci&#13;
(1962),&#13;
orla&#13;
(1960), Mladost'&#13;
a ffPk&#13;
k?J&#13;
s&#13;
_&#13;
Brat~la'8&#13;
(1967),&#13;
Andante&#13;
(1952),&#13;
kovia utrpenia&#13;
,a ~- ~1 • S'! 1&#13;
JI&#13;
ora·&#13;
ll:170&#13;
Palidora,&#13;
z&#13;
Piesne&#13;
(1969),&#13;
(1968), Driftwood&#13;
11&#13;
"' ·&#13;
j rn JC&#13;
lovy ostrov (1973) etc.*&#13;
t'f"&#13;
&#13;
: 'iOr.?.910 I'l&#13;
&#13;
Among his translation s we should metftionfGidva:aru&#13;
Papini's work Witnesses of Suffering (Scraiitott CFA-{J'1i95!!)&#13;
and among his foreign language writings hi M~..fthesi t&#13;
Paul Verlaine: Etude de sa poesie religieuse,Wil'i-100',i stiill&#13;
u v[ ,, , 1 ;. ,....&#13;
in manuscrip t.&#13;
I&#13;
&#13;
'di&#13;
&#13;
_Jj(,· ~-II&#13;
&#13;
sprinc also published an interesting narra,J;;':vp1!n,:prose&#13;
about his escape and journey from Slovakia ~f?' ,1i0:Yr'l1Il,~9&#13;
States in a volume K slobodnym pobreziam ('J;R&gt;t~'rr r;;~1e&#13;
Shores), a book on St. Andrew Svorad as vv,:e, ~r~~d l. p~~lf&#13;
dedicated to the Virgin Mary. For the llth -1 0~~t[;npial&lt;: 0J&#13;
Christianit y in Slovakia, he edited a collectiop."r~ ~!:5e-?&#13;
by several Slovak poets under the title Zdravic0-; sp-"'qy j!oRi&#13;
a Metodovi (Rome, 1963). He also contributec l:11f?: 1aurn~smr~&#13;
fully illustrated anthology Odkaz (The Legacy.., 197Jp in&#13;
f.eJfg~ehte~.&#13;
which leading Slovak poets and writers are ro&#13;
"¼o"'"' 10· ""i&#13;
In prose, he edited the memoirs of Msgr. Joze · KaB3-i&#13;
a prominent Slovak diplomat at the Vatican du¥fh§ \ .war&#13;
Spod Rohdcov po Vatikdn (From Rohace M9tiRtim to? · e&#13;
Vatican, 1973) as well as two symposia comp.~~~ ,cif 'qop;&#13;
C~ictrfn_tributions by Slovak emigre writers: Ndde7· vit'azria&#13;
1J 'R? 'fJf U?'f • -. ::;;_&#13;
1939-1-.~4(}&#13;
republika&#13;
Slovenskd&#13;
and&#13;
1947)&#13;
Hope,&#13;
ous&#13;
' ,..,&#13;
Republic 1939-1949, Scranton, Pa., 1949).&#13;
&#13;
9.i ·&#13;
&#13;
V)\1)')1Sh'1&#13;
&#13;
·i•h&#13;
&#13;
ai 1~f'd2 c(&#13;
&#13;
aii~&#13;
Literary work of this envergure and&#13;
1&#13;
we&#13;
-Iiifre&#13;
&gt;&#13;
;&#13;
case;&#13;
a&#13;
does not need to be praised. It is again&#13;
1&#13;
•&#13;
if'tceW!.&#13;
Laudat'·a'¥f&#13;
have to repeat the Latin dictum: Opus&#13;
fivities&#13;
It was a blessing for Slovak literature and cultubr-a~i&#13;
abroad that sprinc left Slovakia. Therefore, ori~he~ooa §i6n&#13;
of his 60th birthday, we cannot be more sincer.e"1wlierfJ,we&#13;
- :&gt;.r. ,h,i&lt;&#13;
say: Ad multos annos!&#13;
1 (JJ Jy3c-riqz~t{&#13;
:llC J&#13;
&#13;
*)&#13;
&#13;
:r-r::;m&#13;
&#13;
For more details on Sprinc and his work, see Literltrfi'y 11.lrMnbcn&#13;
for 1967, p. 232-234, and Most, Vol. I, 2, 1954, and Vol. 13~ 4;-1956!!')&#13;
&#13;
194&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Teodorik Zubek&#13;
To the ranks of prominent Slovak intellectuals in exile&#13;
whose 60th birthday we will commemorate in 1974, also belongs Prof. T. J. Zubek, oustanding member of the Slovak&#13;
Franciscan Order in Slovakia and the United States, who&#13;
was born on April 4, 1914 in Malacky, Western Slovakia.&#13;
Professor Zubek filled an important gap in exile activities by his theological writings and mainly by presenting&#13;
the religious situation in post war Slovakia to the Western&#13;
World. At the same time he deserves recognition for reviving the Order of Slovak Franciscan Fathers in the United&#13;
States who under his leadership become active not only in&#13;
the religious field but also in education and cultural life.&#13;
Well educated at Slovak and foreign Universities (Zagreb, Croatia; Fribourg, Switzerland), Dr. Zubek played&#13;
leading role in his Order in Slovakia, and had to pay under&#13;
the Communist regime for his patriotism and service to&#13;
God by detention in the concentration camp for priests in&#13;
Svaty Benadik. After his escape in 1951, he found refuge&#13;
in Austria and Rome, Italy, from where he came to the&#13;
United States in 1952.&#13;
Soon after his arrival to the U.S.A. Dr. Zubek became&#13;
Professor of Theology at Seton Hall University, Newark,&#13;
N. J. and published an authoritative work on the Communist persecution of religion in his native country Church&#13;
of Silence in Slovakia (J. Lach Publ., Whiting, Ind., 1956).&#13;
This book and his scholarly contributions to American&#13;
religious and academic periodicals (Homiletic and Pastoral&#13;
Review, Jurist, Ameri can Ecclesiastical Review, The Catholic Educator and others) performed an important service&#13;
&#13;
to the Slovak cause among Western intellectuals. Some of&#13;
his studies rank among the best writings on contemporary&#13;
theological and educational topics.&#13;
From the Slovak point of view, of great importance&#13;
among his English writings is also his presentation of the&#13;
case of Msgr. Tiso and the fate of Slovak bishops (Slovak&#13;
Bishops - Martyrs of Christ, 1963) to Western readers.&#13;
Exposed to hostile propaganda during the War and after,&#13;
many people in the free world maintained biased attitudes&#13;
towards Slovakia even among clergy and in academic&#13;
circles. Dr. Zubek was among the first Slovak emigre&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
195&#13;
&#13;
intellectuals who grasped the need for writing on Slovakia&#13;
in English and in non-Slovak periodicals, and for doing it&#13;
in a much more reserved manner than we can afford in&#13;
our Slovak publications.&#13;
Dr. Zubek contributed at the same time to Slovak&#13;
periodicals and newspapers, to Slovak Studies, and edited&#13;
the religious monthly Listy Sv. Frantiska (Leaflets of St.&#13;
Francis) published by his Order of which he was the head&#13;
as Provincial Delegate. He also took part in Slovak emigre&#13;
cultural and organizational activities aiming at the unity&#13;
and co-operation, namely in Slovak Liberation Council and&#13;
Slovak World Congress, at the Conference on Slovakia&#13;
held in Toronto in 1971 and elsewhere. From the very&#13;
beginning of his exile has been considered as one of the&#13;
most distinguished representatives of Slovak clergymen&#13;
abroad.&#13;
By his activities, high education and devotion to the&#13;
work for God and bonum commune, Dr. Zubek upheld the&#13;
noble tradition of the Franciscan Order in Slovakia, whose&#13;
members belonged to the best educators, historians, writers&#13;
and poets in the centuries of Slovak national revival as&#13;
well as in this century. It is with sincere admiration for&#13;
his work and great human qualities that we greet him&#13;
on his sixtieth birthday with a heartfelt: Ad multos annos!&#13;
&#13;
Jozef Pa u co&#13;
For more than a century, journalists and editors played&#13;
in Slovak national life a role going far beyond their profession. Starting with Eudovit stur in the middle of the 19th&#13;
century, leading Slovak journalists were also political leaders, poets, writers, historians, grammarians and organizers&#13;
of cultural and political institutions. This phenomenon&#13;
appeared in Slovakia as well as among Slovaks abroad,&#13;
especially in the United States and Canada. After stur,&#13;
S. H . Vajansky was an outstanding example of a journalist,&#13;
who also was a prominent poet, novelist and fighter for&#13;
the Slovak cause. In the following generation Karol Sidor&#13;
and Konstantin Culen remained faithful to that tradition&#13;
in Slovakia and on the American continent. Both of them&#13;
were journalists by profession, but they also wrote a&#13;
&#13;
[96&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
am lil,erary works and books dealing with the&#13;
ofoSI~aks and their struggle for freedom.&#13;
h'eq&gt;ast 25 years, an austanding example of journalist who became a historian, political writer and organizer&#13;
• .Joll!uraI &amp;F.~ political activities, was Dr. Jozef Pauco,&#13;
~ '1We .1 2¥thday was celebrated by Slovaks abroad on&#13;
~ 8f.f9 r¥R~L 1974. Pauco's admiration for E. stur goes&#13;
Bi~ 1t2,1r.. ,years when he wrote his Ph.D. thesis at the&#13;
I}, ·1-ffi ·1i v~c13ratislava, which was later published under&#13;
9} yt • {,1J{!,OJJYChova u sturovcov (Popular Education in&#13;
nt) . Since that time Dr. Pauco also followed&#13;
~ ' x' MB, ~&#13;
f8o}§jeps of K. Sidor and K. culen in his work as&#13;
~n&#13;
!n eing a political exile, in his dedication to the&#13;
~&#13;
~.HJ.Iijijle:iJer2 freecto111: , and independence for Slovakia and&#13;
i - fillfp,tjfj&gt;_n with American Slovaks and Slovak-American organizations.&#13;
bibliography listed below indicates, Dr.&#13;
As thej seJect&#13;
'&#13;
' r[J J)l [IQ[&#13;
f y Hjj r(~mgs are not only extensive, but also cover&#13;
e.vera1' ~ cfs9!rom history to political science and belles&#13;
12t ,nw .fil~S.V O II&#13;
. pub1·ished works&#13;
. part of his&#13;
1l 1 :e~ . .tS s19.a y, th e maJor&#13;
.&#13;
t&#13;
ct·&#13;
f&#13;
d&#13;
t&#13;
S {:_!(,&#13;
''IS I'I .'11 '&#13;
hJfiIH~W . , rAR?"ever, a&#13;
e en mg he Slovak cause. This&#13;
:a cr1°fsB~afiW even his works on American Slovaks, which&#13;
!fh~&#13;
Y#1 ~9 ~fo~);'o his best writings and in their method and&#13;
$I&amp;»Jay flDif compare with standard works on the subj~cf.'."'i frer fof. F. Hrusovsky and K. culen, he actually&#13;
deserves main credit for systematic research into the past&#13;
and present of American Slovaks.&#13;
His books on their history atest to his great love for&#13;
jjl_jz~ i 9_mt branch of the Slovak people. In addition,&#13;
lzli-l ~ftlltl.futijsplayed in his works on American Slovaks, of&#13;
Wlli.Plb :ti~cY~mninous history of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
~smrubip rrecent book on Slovak Pioneers in America&#13;
4%fill:YJ O ~fkteular attention, that history was the field&#13;
W~fttmt~ ld use his academic education and thorough&#13;
fmID'{fflP.g.f~mf@lovak American organizational structure and&#13;
~ ~g:njfl~J:?.g ~ of individual leaders. As a result, whoever&#13;
}Y!UsiYfOOl ~(tc,::omplete history of American Slovak~, will&#13;
lff)lUiffifHfliiO.l:Wlfite authoritatively without ~sing Dr. Pauco's&#13;
,&#13;
~f4J!!g)}V~rks.&#13;
110Ui-Bi¥unMjgl,lly, a larger number of books, essays an(\&#13;
MMtje b&amp;;ia . Pauco deals, however, with Slova~a•s strugglaj::Rf!~~p.filldence l;l,nd with the _defense of leading Slovak&#13;
h'i&amp;j t&gt;&#13;
n; b~&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
197&#13;
&#13;
personalities, especially Dr. Jozef Tiso, against whom many&#13;
incorrect views and misconceptions were spread in the&#13;
West during and after the Second World War. Slovakia and&#13;
Slovaks suffered not only under Communism. There was&#13;
a lot of injustice and descrimination against Slovaks also&#13;
before the War and during the short period after the War&#13;
when the Communists ruled together with their Czech and&#13;
Slovak fellow-travelers from the non-communist parties.&#13;
In his writings, Dr. Pauco endeavored to fight the falsehood&#13;
and injustice of· both. It was, however, the communist&#13;
misrule in Slovakia and the communist ideology which he&#13;
exposed and fiercely criticized in his writings, advocating&#13;
Christian democracy and the independence of Slovakia.&#13;
Besides his own books, essays and thousands of articles,&#13;
Dr. Pauco also published-as editor-the valuable documentary work Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (Dr. Jozef Tiso About&#13;
Himself), containing the defense of the President of the&#13;
Slovak Republic at his trial by the communist court, and&#13;
a number of symposia on leading Slovak exiles (K. Sidor,&#13;
J.C. Hronsky,· etc.). Furthermore, he deserves recognition&#13;
for publishing and editing the Literdrny Almanach and the&#13;
weekly Slovak v Amerike, both of which would have disappeared several years ago without his dedication and&#13;
sacrifice as well that of his literary active wife.&#13;
Last but not least, Dr. Pauco has rendered great service&#13;
to the Slovak cause as the editor of the English periodical&#13;
dealing with Slovak cultural and political matters, Slovakia.&#13;
founded by Philip Hrobak. This editorial part of Dr. Pauco's&#13;
work is of far reaching importance for the activities of&#13;
Slovaks abroad and can be evaluated adequately only if&#13;
we imagine how much poorer Slovak cultural life and&#13;
the struggle for independence would be without these&#13;
publications.&#13;
In view of the fact that the historical and geopolitical&#13;
situation of Slovakia made the Slovak cause a matter of&#13;
controversy, Dr. Pauco's writings were bol,lild to provoke&#13;
a strong reaction from the adversaries of the Slovak struggle for independence. His militant spirit, uncompromising&#13;
attitude and fervor incited them to make denunciations,&#13;
accusations and . undeserved attacks, but Pauco remained,&#13;
in spite of all attacks on his person, one of 'the most&#13;
dedicated defenders of the Slovak cause in his generation.&#13;
&#13;
198&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
He also continues to be the most prolific Slovak journalist&#13;
and writer on politics and history who remained faithful&#13;
to stur's tradition and Hlinka-Tiso's ideology of Christian&#13;
democracy and self-determination for the Slovaks.&#13;
&#13;
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY&#13;
IN SLOVAK&#13;
Popular Education ).&#13;
Matica slovenska. Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1943, pp. 151.&#13;
Politicko-narodny program Hsns (Political Program of the Slovak&#13;
People's Party ). Andrej uc. spol. Bratislava, 1944, pp. 96.&#13;
co po komunizme? (After Communism What?) . Jednota, Middletown,&#13;
Pa., 1952, pp. 29.&#13;
Dr. Jozef Ti so o sebe (Dr. Joseph Tiso About Himself) . Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., 1952, pp. 359. (Ed.)&#13;
Tisov odkaz (Tiso's Message). Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1953, pp. 89.&#13;
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and Slovak&#13;
Immigration ). J ednota, Middletown, Pa., 1955, pp. 190.&#13;
Slovcici a komunizmus (The Slovaks and Communism ). Rev. Jan Lach,&#13;
Whiting, Ind., 1957, pp. 318.&#13;
P-0d zcistavou krest'anskej demokracie (Under the Banner of the Christian Democracy). Slovenski krest'anski demokrati v Spojenych&#13;
Statoch, Middletown, Pa. , 1957, pp. 30.&#13;
Slovenskci rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Slovak Order of the&#13;
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius). Slovensky .Zensky Spolok sv.&#13;
Anny, Wyoming Valley, Pa., 1957, pp. 32.&#13;
Matus Jankola - knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola - A Priest and&#13;
Patriot). Rad sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, Pa., 1959, pp. 174.&#13;
Pamiatke Jozefa Cigra Hronskeho (In Memoriam Jozef Cig-er Hronsky) .&#13;
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1960, pp.&#13;
46. (Ed.)&#13;
Martin Kopunek) .&#13;
Laicky apostol Martin Kopunek (Lay Apostle Vychodna Oblast' Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov, Bethlehem, Pa.,&#13;
1961, pp. 67. (Ed.)&#13;
Neporazitel'ni (Unconquerables). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota,&#13;
Middletown, Pa., 1961, pp. 190.&#13;
Karol Sidor - politik novincir, spisovatel' (Karol Sidor - Politician,&#13;
Newspaperman, and Writer) . Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1962, pp. 148. (Ed.)&#13;
Piit'desiatnik Dr. J-0zef Kirschbaum (Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum - Fifty&#13;
Years Old). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown,&#13;
Pa., 1963, pp. 171. (Ed.)&#13;
Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First&#13;
rokov&#13;
75&#13;
Catholic Slovak Union). Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, Cleveland, Ohio, 1965, pp. 560 and XIV. 80 pages of pictures.&#13;
Na uteku (Flight to Wonderland; serialized in the Weekly Jednota) .&#13;
Middletown, Pa., 1965.&#13;
&#13;
l}udovychova u sturovcov (Stur's Movement -&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
199&#13;
&#13;
Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known One Another). Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 281. Illustra-&#13;
&#13;
tions.&#13;
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First&#13;
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, 1972, pp. 358. Illustrations.&#13;
&#13;
IN ENGLISH&#13;
Unconquerables, Vantage Press, New York, N. Y., 1958, pp. 225.&#13;
Christian Slovakia Under Communism. The Slovak Catholic Federation,&#13;
Valparaiso, Ind., 1959, pp. 31.&#13;
Flight to Wonderland. Robert Speller and Sons, New York, N. Y., 1963,&#13;
pp. 334.&#13;
'i0 Years of the Slovak League of America. Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp.&#13;
146. (Ed.)&#13;
&#13;
IN GERMAN&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso: Die Wahrheit uber die Slowakei (The Truth About&#13;
Slovakia). Tisovo Tovarisstvo, in the Emigration, 1948, pp. 187.&#13;
&#13;
Illustrated.&#13;
ARTICLES IN ENGLISH&#13;
The Practi cal Aspect of a Federation. Slovakia, III, No. 2, 1953, p. 26-36.&#13;
American Slovaks and March 14, 1939. Slovakia, IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 17-22.&#13;
The Slovak Republic and Communism. Slovakia, IV, No. 3-4, 1954, p.&#13;
35-38.&#13;
Slovakia Viewed By American Historians. Most, I. No. 4, 1954, p . 17-25.&#13;
The Failures of Communist Politics in Slovakia, Slovakia, V, No. 4, 1955,&#13;
p. 3-20.&#13;
Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People. Slovakia, VI, No. 1, 1956, p.&#13;
11-16.&#13;
I Was Editor of President Tiso's Newspaper. Slovakia, VII, No. 1, 1957,&#13;
p. 9-12.&#13;
Dr. Joseph Tiso : Christian Democrat. Slovakia, VII, No. 2, 1957, p. 37-50.&#13;
The Stirring Days of March 1939. Slovakia, IX, No. 4, 1959, p. 24-32.&#13;
Slovakia Under Communism. Slovakia, IX, N-0. 5, 1959, p. 1-5; Slovakia,&#13;
X, No. 6, 1960, p. 62-73 ; Slovakia, XI, No. 1, 1961, p. 13-21.&#13;
Slovakia's Mid-Nineteenth Century Struggle for National Life. Slovak&#13;
Studies I, 1961, p. 69-83.&#13;
The Matica Slovenskd in America. Slovakia, XIII, No. 1, 1963, p. 77-82.&#13;
American Slovaks and the Beginnings of Czecho-Slovakia. Slovakia, XVI,&#13;
No. 39, 1966, p. 63-75.&#13;
Slovak Pioneers in America. Slovakia, XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. l0S-124.&#13;
Under Dynamic Leadership. 60 Years of the Slovak League of America,&#13;
1967, p. 112-146.&#13;
The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio. Slovakia,&#13;
XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 92-97.&#13;
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland. Slovakia, XXIII, No.&#13;
46, 1973, p. 16-23.&#13;
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks. Slovakia, XXIII,&#13;
No. 46, 1973, p. 72-81.&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek. Slovakia, XXIII, No. 46, 1973, p. 123-128.&#13;
&#13;
200&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
EVALUATION OF DR. PAUCO'S WRITINGS&#13;
BY REVIEWERS&#13;
The number of book reviews published on individual&#13;
Pauco's works is too large to be listed in this survey. In&#13;
general, we can say that extensive reviews and commentaries, written by known Slovak authors, scholars, poets and&#13;
cultural workers, were published not only in newspapers,&#13;
but also in literary and cultural periodicals (Most, Furdek,&#13;
Slovakia) and almanacs. Book reviews in Slovak language&#13;
prevail, but his major writings were evaluated and commented upon also in English, mostly by reviewers born&#13;
or educated on the American continent.&#13;
The majority of reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books evaluated his writings favorably not only because of their&#13;
ideological contents and usefulness for preservation of&#13;
Slovak cultural heritage but also for their literary, and in&#13;
many instances, scholarly value, thorough research and&#13;
vast knowledge of the Slovak past and present.&#13;
Deeply involved in Slovak political and cultural life&#13;
since his students years, Dr. Pauco was a participant in&#13;
historical events or closely associated with persons he&#13;
writes about in a majority of his books, which gives to&#13;
some of his works particular significance. On the other&#13;
hand, his books on the history of American Slovaks fill&#13;
an important gap and therefore the reviewers valued them&#13;
for their contribution to the neglected history of American&#13;
Slovaks as well as for their documentation and objectivity&#13;
with which Pauco approached his subjects.&#13;
Among the reviewers of Dr. Pauco's books and publications edited by him were K. culen, Prof. F. Hrusovsky,&#13;
J . E. Bor, M. Jankovsky, J. M. Kirschbaum, J. C. Krajsa,&#13;
M. K. Mlynarovic, J. Mest'ancik, Prof. K. Murin, Rev.&#13;
Andrew Pier, O.S.B., Dr. B. Pissko, Dr. J. Rekem, Dr. J.&#13;
Stasko, Rev. Mother Emerentia, Rev. Sister Tarcisia and&#13;
many others. The book 75 Years of the FCSU was reviewed&#13;
by 15 and his recent book Slovak Pioneers in America by&#13;
9 reviewers. All reviews were favorable . The evaluation&#13;
by American born reviewers deserves, however special&#13;
mention.&#13;
Prof. V. R. Greene of the Kansas State University, who&#13;
has learned to read and understand Slovak and wrote his&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
201&#13;
&#13;
Ph.D. thesis on East European immigrants in Pennsylvania ,&#13;
said on Pauco's 75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union:&#13;
"Not only is it a complete and most comprehensiv e&#13;
history of the Jednota and the Slovaks in America, but its&#13;
many references, footnotes and bibliography will satisfy&#13;
any serious reader and research historian."&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. in her extensive review&#13;
published in Jednota (June 30, 1965) referred to Matthew&#13;
Arnold's statement that "Great creative works in literature&#13;
result from happy concurence of two notable powers, the&#13;
power of the man and the power of the moment," and&#13;
wrote on Pauco's book:&#13;
"Such a happy concurence of two notable powers has&#13;
been strikingly exemplified before our eyes this year. For&#13;
the power of the moment there was the 75th anniversary&#13;
of the First Catholic Slovak Union in 1965, calling for the&#13;
writing of the history of this remarkable organization.&#13;
For the power of the man there was Joseph Pauco, Ph.D.,&#13;
a gifted author, historian and scholar, capable and willing&#13;
to assume the task of writing this history.&#13;
The result is a truly monumental contribution to Slovak&#13;
history and literature, entitled 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej&#13;
Slovenskej Jednoty."&#13;
The book Tak sme sa poznali (So Have We Known&#13;
&#13;
One Another, 1967) attracted the attention of Slovak exiles&#13;
as well as of American born Slovak intellectuals.&#13;
"Dr. J. Pauco's Memoirs encompass - according to&#13;
Sister M. Tarcisia - multiple and varied personal contacts&#13;
as well as deep insight, broad vision and a skillful pen.&#13;
The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor,&#13;
a journalist, a lecturer, a politcian. The era he portrays was&#13;
at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative&#13;
in its application to Central Europe and specifically to&#13;
Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the&#13;
drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to&#13;
human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes,&#13;
some traitors.&#13;
Tak sme sa poznali is a tremendously vital book. In&#13;
recounting his experience in the Slovak Republic - all&#13;
of which he saw, part of which he was - Dr. Pauco has&#13;
written authentic history. As such it will live and flourish."&#13;
&#13;
202&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Pauco's last book Slovenskt priekopnici v Amerike&#13;
(Slovak Pioneers in America, 1972) was favorably reviewed&#13;
and welcome as a valuable contribution to the history of&#13;
American Slovaks by a dozen of Slovak writers, scholars,&#13;
journalists and cultural workers. In the opinion of the&#13;
American born editor of Jednota, J. C. Krajsa, "Pauco's&#13;
work required serious research and documentation. In an&#13;
objective manner he credits the life and work of the&#13;
pioneers and categorizes them in their proper niche in the&#13;
history of the American Slovaks, in America and the Slovak&#13;
nation. He presents those leading pioneers who played the&#13;
greatest role in the cultural field; those who organized&#13;
fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders;&#13;
those who preserved the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books; and those who were fired&#13;
with the ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia."&#13;
The book is in Krajsa's view "in itself a pioneer book.&#13;
Nothing to date has been published in such documentary&#13;
detail about American Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic&#13;
Slovak Union is proud to publish this vital literary work&#13;
of Dr. Joseph Pauco."&#13;
According to another prominent American Slovak, Fr.&#13;
J. A. Gajdosik "Pauco's book is one sure way to arousing&#13;
interest in the Slovak heritage on a personal and individual&#13;
basis, especially among our younger people. Hopefully, an&#13;
English translation will be made in the near future, so that&#13;
devotion to the Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.&#13;
"The book should bolster Dr. Joseph Pauco's strong&#13;
thoughts about the termination and death of the Slovak&#13;
language in the United States. The book is also a warning&#13;
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who claim that they received&#13;
little if anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches&#13;
that much Slovak affluence and prestige is directly the&#13;
result of the conduct and work of our pioneers.&#13;
"It behooves our brethren who are ashamed of their&#13;
Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and learn how&#13;
everything they have was given to them, and that they&#13;
should give themselves for others as our pioneers did. The&#13;
ultimate lesson is that we, American of Slovak ancestry,&#13;
should foster and serve the Slovak cause and ideal, at least&#13;
as much, if not better than our pioneers in early America."&#13;
&#13;
203&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS&#13;
IN LEADING PERIODICALS&#13;
MOST&#13;
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)&#13;
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)&#13;
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)&#13;
Mest'ancik)&#13;
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.&#13;
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)&#13;
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew&#13;
&#13;
Jan&#13;
&#13;
Pier, O.S.B. )&#13;
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)&#13;
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)&#13;
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.&#13;
&#13;
82-83)&#13;
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)&#13;
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.&#13;
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)&#13;
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.&#13;
&#13;
C.M.)&#13;
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.&#13;
&#13;
Krajsa)&#13;
F URD EK&#13;
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are&#13;
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and&#13;
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .&#13;
&#13;
Francis V n u k :&#13;
&#13;
A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION&#13;
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the&#13;
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their&#13;
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom&#13;
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and&#13;
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate&#13;
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to&#13;
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature&#13;
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,&#13;
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

63

Slovaks Abroad and Their Role
in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om
J. M. Ki

rs ch b au m, Ph.D.

National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule
were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century
on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During
the first World War and again during the Second World
War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups
formal recognition to become the official representatives
of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to
establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression,
assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national
aspirations of the people in their country of origin.
Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in
which this tradition has played an important role. At the
end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from
Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who
settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries
fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave
American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness
of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people
when they are silenced.
Political developments in Slovakia after the Second
World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet
expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid
centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless
replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist
system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western
countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the
fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with
Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by
thousands of political emigres as well as by those who
were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the
Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the

�64

SLOVAKIA

aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy
and independence .
In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and
economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and
Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed
under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new
wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally
their forces for intensified political and cultural activities
within the framework of the Slovak World Congress,
founded in the City of New York in June 1970.
The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as
follows:
"Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of
whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept
as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for
the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete
freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider
it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of
the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and
democratic way of life.
Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view
of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the
Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of
Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces
of a foreign Great Power.
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth
and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured
nations;
We contend that the Slovak question is an international
problem and therefore we request that international justice
be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full
democratic statehood;
We take a positive attitude towards the process of
integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak
nation be given the right to participate freely and directly
in this process.

�SLOVAKIA

65

We desire and hope that the situation in Central and
Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be
any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural
exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which
present conditions in Slovakia either make completely
impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense."
Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress
are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world
with the history, culture and the present political situation
in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the
activities of its individual and constitutional members and
their press. Some of the best known authors of books on
Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading
figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly
large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their
press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on.
Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve
the same aim.
Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress
in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published
its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural
Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters
the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since
the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to
correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political
and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic
information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting
Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference
on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the
Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in
the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the
Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search
for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help
better understanding and co-operation among the nations
of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that
vital area can regain their political freedom and build their
future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize
the equal rights to independence that each has."
1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews.

�66

SLOVAKIA

The book is divided into four parts which deal with
Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and
20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors,
and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia.
All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin,
examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and
cultural developments. The book presents at the same time
"a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present,
as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations
and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book
stressed.
The Slovak World Congress published also a German
publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele
und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and
cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and
goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and
independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate
of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern
history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing
Western political and cultural circles about the national
aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could
help their native country to regain freedom and democracy.
The above publications are destined to serve this aim,
but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of
books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries
of the Western hemisphere.
At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World
Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific
fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the
present time there is a considerable number of scientists
whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed
in this struggle for international recognition of political and
cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual
force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak
people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will
remedy to a great degree the lack of communication
between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has
been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the
Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers.
2) For details see Book reviews.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3765">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

63

Slovaks Abroad and Their Role
in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om
J. M. Ki

rs ch b au m, Ph.D.

National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule
were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century
on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During
the first World War and again during the Second World
War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups
formal recognition to become the official representatives
of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to
establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression,
assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national
aspirations of the people in their country of origin.
Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in
which this tradition has played an important role. At the
end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from
Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who
settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries
fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave
American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness
of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people
when they are silenced.
Political developments in Slovakia after the Second
World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet
expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid
centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless
replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist
system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western
countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the
fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with
Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by
thousands of political emigres as well as by those who
were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the
Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the

�64

SLOVAKIA

aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy
and independence .
In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and
economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and
Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed
under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new
wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally
their forces for intensified political and cultural activities
within the framework of the Slovak World Congress,
founded in the City of New York in June 1970.
The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as
follows:
"Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of
whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept
as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for
the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete
freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider
it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of
the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and
democratic way of life.
Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view
of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the
Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of
Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces
of a foreign Great Power.
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth
and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured
nations;
We contend that the Slovak question is an international
problem and therefore we request that international justice
be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full
democratic statehood;
We take a positive attitude towards the process of
integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak
nation be given the right to participate freely and directly
in this process.

�SLOVAKIA

65

We desire and hope that the situation in Central and
Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be
any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural
exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which
present conditions in Slovakia either make completely
impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense."
Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress
are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world
with the history, culture and the present political situation
in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the
activities of its individual and constitutional members and
their press. Some of the best known authors of books on
Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading
figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly
large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their
press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on.
Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve
the same aim.
Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress
in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published
its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural
Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters
the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since
the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to
correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political
and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic
information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting
Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference
on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the
Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in
the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the
Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search
for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help
better understanding and co-operation among the nations
of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that
vital area can regain their political freedom and build their
future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize
the equal rights to independence that each has."
1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews.

�66

SLOVAKIA

The book is divided into four parts which deal with
Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and
20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors,
and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia.
All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin,
examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and
cultural developments. The book presents at the same time
"a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present,
as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations
and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book
stressed.
The Slovak World Congress published also a German
publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele
und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and
cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and
goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and
independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate
of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern
history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing
Western political and cultural circles about the national
aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could
help their native country to regain freedom and democracy.
The above publications are destined to serve this aim,
but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of
books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries
of the Western hemisphere.
At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World
Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific
fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the
present time there is a considerable number of scientists
whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed
in this struggle for international recognition of political and
cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual
force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak
people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will
remedy to a great degree the lack of communication
between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has
been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the
Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers.
2) For details see Book reviews.

�</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
Slovaks Abroad and Their Role&#13;
in Slovakia's Struggle /or Freed om&#13;
J. M. Ki&#13;
&#13;
rs ch b au m, Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
National struggles for emancipation from foreign rule&#13;
were fought in East Central Europe for more than a century&#13;
on two fronts: at home, and by emigres abroad. During&#13;
the first World War and again during the Second World&#13;
War, leading Western Powers gave to various emigre groups&#13;
formal recognition to become the official representatives&#13;
of their native countries. In so doing, they helped to&#13;
establish a tradition which, in time of political oppression,&#13;
assigns to emigres the role of interpreters of the national&#13;
aspirations of the people in their country of origin.&#13;
Slovakia is one of the Central European countries in&#13;
which this tradition has played an important role. At the&#13;
end of the First World War, Slovakia was freed from&#13;
Hungarian rule above all by the efforts of Slovaks who&#13;
settled in the United States and by Slovak legionaries&#13;
fighting on the side of the victorious powers. This gave&#13;
American Slovaks and all Slovaks abroad not only recognition and a new sense of patriotism but also a consciousness&#13;
of their mission to speak on behalf of the Slovak people&#13;
when they are silenced.&#13;
Political developments in Slovakia after the Second&#13;
World War brought disappointment even to those who desired the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia and favored Soviet&#13;
expansion in Central Europe. The introduction of a rigid&#13;
centralism instead of the promised autonomy, the ruthless&#13;
replacement of parliamentary democracy by the Stalinist&#13;
system, political and religious persecution, economic discrimination and prohibition of contacts with Western&#13;
countries, could not leave Slovaks abroad indifferent to the&#13;
fate of the Slovak people. American Slovaks together with&#13;
Slovaks in other Western countries, strengthened by&#13;
thousands of political emigres as well as by those who&#13;
were deceived in their attempts at co-operation with the&#13;
Communists, resumed the role of interpreters of the&#13;
&#13;
64&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy&#13;
and independence .&#13;
In 1968 when the attempts to reform the political and&#13;
economic system imposed on Slovakia by Moscow and&#13;
Prague failed and "socialism with human face" was crushed&#13;
under the tanks of the Warsaw Pact military forces, a new&#13;
wave of Slovak emigrants found refuge in Western countries. This new situation prompted Slovaks abroad to rally&#13;
their forces for intensified political and cultural activities&#13;
within the framework of the Slovak World Congress,&#13;
founded in the City of New York in June 1970.&#13;
The aims and goals of the Congress were defined as&#13;
follows:&#13;
"Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of&#13;
whom were born in the United States and elsewhere, accept&#13;
as a moral duty the necessity to unite in the struggle for&#13;
the natural rights of the Slovak nation and for the complete&#13;
freedom in the determinatio n of its destinies. We consider&#13;
it our obligation to present to the world a true picture of&#13;
the life and aspirations of the Slovak nation for a free and&#13;
democratic way of life.&#13;
Today we are more acutely aware of this duty in view&#13;
of the fact that the regime which has been forced upon the&#13;
Slovak nation is opposed to the national traditions of&#13;
Slovakia and the country is occupied by the military forces&#13;
of a foreign Great Power.&#13;
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:&#13;
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history&#13;
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth&#13;
and its acceptance in western civilization among cultured&#13;
nations;&#13;
We contend that the Slovak question is an international&#13;
problem and therefore we request that international justice&#13;
be done Slovakia, justice that would be expressed in full&#13;
democratic statehood;&#13;
We take a positive attitude towards the process of&#13;
integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak&#13;
nation be given the right to participate freely and directly&#13;
in this process.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
65&#13;
&#13;
We desire and hope that the situation in Central and&#13;
Eastern Europe will change so that there will no longer be&#13;
any obstacle towards establishing and maintaining cultural&#13;
exchanges between the Slovaks at home and abroad which&#13;
present conditions in Slovakia either make completely&#13;
impossible, or allow only in a restricted sense."&#13;
Among the main tasks of the Slovak World Congress&#13;
are the activities aiming at acquainting the Western world&#13;
with the history, culture and the present political situation&#13;
in Slovakia. The Congress fulfills this task through the&#13;
activities of its individual and constitutional members and&#13;
their press. Some of the best known authors of books on&#13;
Slovakia and political scientists and historians are leading&#13;
figures of the Congress. The institutional members, mostly&#13;
large Slovak organizations, help to fulfill this role in their&#13;
press and, publishing activities, by memoranda and so on.&#13;
Three publications by the Congress are destined to achieve&#13;
the same aim.&#13;
Before the Second General Meeting of the Congress&#13;
in Toronto in 1971, the Slovak World Congress published&#13;
its first publication: Slovakia - Historical and Cultural&#13;
Background (Toronto, 1971). Two authors, Prof. J. A. Mikus&#13;
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum, outlined in concise chapters&#13;
the historical and cultural developments in Slovakia since&#13;
the appearance of Slovaks in Central Europe in order to&#13;
correct many misconceptions about the Slovak political&#13;
and cultural history. The book gives, however, only basic&#13;
information and, therefore, to fill the gap in presenting&#13;
Slovakia to the West, the Congress organized a Conference&#13;
on Slovakia, and the papers which were delivered at the&#13;
Conference by more than 20 scholars were published in&#13;
the volume: Slovakia in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Toronto, 1973).1 The aim of this book - as expressed in the&#13;
Preface by S. B. Roman - is "to contribute to the search&#13;
for historical truth about Slovaks and thereby to help&#13;
better understanding and co-operation among the nations&#13;
of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that peoples of that&#13;
vital area can regain their political freedom and build their&#13;
future only in close co-operation and only if each recognize&#13;
the equal rights to independence that each has."&#13;
1) For evaluation of the book see Book reviews.&#13;
&#13;
66&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The book is divided into four parts which deal with&#13;
Slovak national philosophy; Slovak politics in the 19th and&#13;
20th centuries; the relations of Slovakia with her neighbors,&#13;
and with the attitude of Slovaks abroad towards Slovakia.&#13;
All the authors, of whom four are of non-Slovak origin,&#13;
examined in a scholarly manner Slovak political and&#13;
cultural developments. The book presents at the same time&#13;
"a confrontation of views on the Slovak past and present,&#13;
as there are among the Slovak contributors two generations&#13;
and two schools of thought," as the editor of the book&#13;
stressed.&#13;
The Slovak World Congress published also a German&#13;
publication: Der Weltkongress der Slowaken - Seine Ziele&#13;
und sein Program (Koln, 1973) 2 for informing political and&#13;
cultural circles in Western Europe about the aims and&#13;
goals of Slovaks abroad in their struggle for freedom and&#13;
independence of Slovakia. In view of the fact that the fate&#13;
of the peoples of Central Europe was decided in modern&#13;
history by the Great Powers, it is by means of informing&#13;
Western political and cultural circles about the national&#13;
aspirations of the Slovak people that Slovaks abroad could&#13;
help their native country to regain freedom and democracy.&#13;
The above publications are destined to serve this aim,&#13;
but they are hopefully only the beginning of a series of&#13;
books by Slovak intellectuals in the democratic countries&#13;
of the Western hemisphere.&#13;
At the Third General Meeting of the Slovak World&#13;
Congress, a survey of Slovaks active in various scientific&#13;
fields, prepared by this writer, would indicate that at the&#13;
present time there is a considerable number of scientists&#13;
whose writings and activities have not yet been absorbed&#13;
in this struggle for international recognition of political and&#13;
cultural identity of the Slovak people. When this intellectual&#13;
force will also be integrated into the activities for recognition of equal political and cultural rights of the Slovak&#13;
people with other civilized nations, Slovaks abroad will&#13;
remedy to a great degree the lack of communication&#13;
between Slovakia and the Western countries, which has&#13;
been caused by the policy of the regimes imposed on the&#13;
Slovak people since 1945 by foreign powers.&#13;
2) For details see Book reviews.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 63-66</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

177

SLOVAK SOM JA
Stephen John Knoblock

This is not going to be a composition about our great
patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first
President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write
about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak
leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write
about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia
and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century.
I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and
the variety of songs which they brought with them, along
with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All
their traditions today are an integral part of my life.
The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe
constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free
from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of
national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed
at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national
character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new
world.
My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a
passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their
loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose
feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered
towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought
with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense
love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and
shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found
work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or
at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them
in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant
groups we can say that they "have made it" in America.
They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their
money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy
Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures
to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to
these fine people.

�178

SLOVAKIA

At that time the Church was the center of their lives.
Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no
television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and
wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers
on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a
must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch
local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored
many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals.
The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group
with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church
and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt
to say morning and evening prayers and the men were
not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer
books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well
known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration.
Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months
of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during
the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related
to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious
orientated.
On the day before Christmas it was considered good
luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The
man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving
custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper
consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica.
This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers
and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky
(or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God
sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus
also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His
Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine
in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin
word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread,
associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist
continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as
Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion
as well as a family spiritual communion on this most
joyous of feasts.
Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which
was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas

�SLOVAKIA

179

carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns
which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To
Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa
Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My
favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece

written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director
of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the
Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with
these simple, yet beautiful hymns.
After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent)
came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka
Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme
Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were
happy and joyfully secure in their faith.
Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of
the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and
old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently
displayed them at home.
Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the
Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It
was the custom to visit as many different churches as
possible and offer prayers at their altars.
Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It
was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to
Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day
in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be
baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job
of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was
always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent
it actually brought him to tears.
On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church
to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket
covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The
basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated
hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite,
syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food,
smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~
fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always
circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all
year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual.
I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or

�180

SLOVAKIA

follow our special customs, but I know without them life
would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward
to.
Take any large or small group of Slovak people at
a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or
a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will
start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always
hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and
the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed
how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with
more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci
is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to
be of Slovak descent.
On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family,
and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja,
Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak
I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too,
if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and
be so well remembered.
True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be
published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the
Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part
of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my
Catholic Faith ...
(First place - High School)

No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially,
financially and politically without its own state or country.
This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America
and for Slovakia.

THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a
warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza
cheese beginning with May each year.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3666">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

177

SLOVAK SOM JA
Stephen John Knoblock

This is not going to be a composition about our great
patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first
President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write
about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak
leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write
about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia
and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century.
I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and
the variety of songs which they brought with them, along
with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All
their traditions today are an integral part of my life.
The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe
constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free
from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of
national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed
at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national
character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new
world.
My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a
passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their
loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose
feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered
towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought
with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense
love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and
shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found
work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or
at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them
in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant
groups we can say that they "have made it" in America.
They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their
money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy
Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures
to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to
these fine people.

�178

SLOVAKIA

At that time the Church was the center of their lives.
Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no
television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and
wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers
on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a
must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch
local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored
many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals.
The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group
with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church
and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt
to say morning and evening prayers and the men were
not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer
books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well
known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration.
Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months
of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during
the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related
to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious
orientated.
On the day before Christmas it was considered good
luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The
man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving
custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper
consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica.
This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers
and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky
(or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God
sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus
also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His
Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine
in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin
word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread,
associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist
continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as
Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion
as well as a family spiritual communion on this most
joyous of feasts.
Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which
was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas

�SLOVAKIA

179

carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns
which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To
Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa
Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My
favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece

written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director
of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the
Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with
these simple, yet beautiful hymns.
After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent)
came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka
Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme
Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were
happy and joyfully secure in their faith.
Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of
the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and
old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently
displayed them at home.
Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the
Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It
was the custom to visit as many different churches as
possible and offer prayers at their altars.
Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It
was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to
Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day
in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be
baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job
of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was
always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent
it actually brought him to tears.
On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church
to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket
covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The
basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated
hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite,
syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food,
smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~
fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always
circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all
year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual.
I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or

�180

SLOVAKIA

follow our special customs, but I know without them life
would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward
to.
Take any large or small group of Slovak people at
a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or
a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will
start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always
hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and
the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed
how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with
more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci
is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to
be of Slovak descent.
On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family,
and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja,
Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak
I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too,
if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and
be so well remembered.
True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be
published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the
Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part
of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my
Catholic Faith ...
(First place - High School)

No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially,
financially and politically without its own state or country.
This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America
and for Slovakia.

THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a
warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza
cheese beginning with May each year.

�</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
177&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK SOM JA&#13;
Stephen John Knoblock&#13;
&#13;
This is not going to be a composition about our great&#13;
patrons Saint Cyril and Methodius, nor about the first&#13;
President the Slovaks had, Dr. Joseph Tiso. I will not write&#13;
about the founder of the Sisters of Saint Cyril and Methodius, Father Matthew Jankola or of any other great Slovak&#13;
leader about whom I have only read. Instead I will write&#13;
about my great-grandparent s who were born in Slovakia&#13;
and journeyed to this country at the turn of the century.&#13;
I will tell about their strong love of God, traditions, and&#13;
the variety of songs which they brought with them, along&#13;
with stories I have heard from them and my parents. All&#13;
their traditions today are an integral part of my life.&#13;
The people of central, southern, and eastern Europe&#13;
constantly looked toward the United States as a haven free&#13;
from social injustice, economic serfdom and the threat of&#13;
national liquidation. The Slovak was no exception. Harassed&#13;
at home, subject to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought to deprive them of their national&#13;
character and identity, thousands of Slovak families, including my great-grandparent s, sought refuge in the new&#13;
world.&#13;
My great-grandparent s came to the United States on a&#13;
passenger ship called "Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse" in nineteen hundred, wearing their babuskies and carrying their&#13;
loved possessions from the old country. Along with goose&#13;
feathers, perinas, beautifully and artistically embroidered&#13;
towels and linens, and some fine China pieces, they brought&#13;
with them most importantly, their strong faith and immense&#13;
love of God. They settled in little Slovak communities and&#13;
shared apartments with relatives and friends. Many found&#13;
work here in Yonkers at the hat factory, Sugar House, or&#13;
at the Alexander Smith Carpet Mills. It was hard for them&#13;
in the beginning, but just as any one of the many immigrant&#13;
groups we can say that they "have made it" in America.&#13;
They didn't want charity but worked hard and saved their&#13;
money. They help found our beautiful Church, Most Holy&#13;
Trinity, and denied themselves many luxuries and pleasures&#13;
to build a fine school which still stands as a monument to&#13;
these fine people.&#13;
&#13;
178&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
At that time the Church was the center of their lives.&#13;
Life revolved around all parish activities. There was no&#13;
television, airplanes, or mini skirts. Most husbands and&#13;
wives with their families attended High Mass and Vespers&#13;
on Sunday afternoon (after their polievka), which was a&#13;
must. After Vespers many would walk to Glen Park to watch&#13;
local clubs and teams play soft ball. The Church sponsored&#13;
many summer outings, Slovak plays and musicals.&#13;
The Slovak people were a humble close-knit group&#13;
with an innate reverence, love, and respect for their church&#13;
and pastors. They were a praying people who always knelt&#13;
to say morning and evening prayers and the men were&#13;
not ashamed to be seen praying from their Slovak prayer&#13;
books and fingering their rosaries. Every Holy Day or well&#13;
known saint's day was a day for prayer and celebration.&#13;
Seldom did they miss rosary devotions during the months&#13;
of May and October or the Stations of the Cross during&#13;
the season of Lent. Since their lives were so closely related&#13;
to the church, so too many of their traditions are religious&#13;
orientated.&#13;
On the day before Christmas it was considered good&#13;
luck if a man was the first person to enter a home. The&#13;
man was expected to Vinsovat' . One major and very loving&#13;
custom is the traditional Christmas Eve supper. This supper&#13;
consists of the blessed oblatky, honey, kozare soup (mushroom and sauerkraut), bobal'ky, roshky and kapustnica.&#13;
This symbolic meal always began and finished with prayers&#13;
and blessings from the head of the family. The blest oblatky&#13;
(or Christmas wafers) symbolized the manna that God&#13;
sent to His people as they sojourned in the desert. Jesus&#13;
also said that He was the "bread of life." He left us His&#13;
Body and Blood under the appearances of bread and wine&#13;
in the Eucharist. The word oblatky derives from the Latin&#13;
word oblata, which simply means 'offerings'. Blessed bread,&#13;
associated with Mass and yet distinct from the Eucharist&#13;
continues to be an important food at our holy meal. We as&#13;
Slovaks are fortunate in preserving this custom at Christmas, as an aid to worthy reception of Holy Communion&#13;
as well as a family spiritual communion on this most&#13;
joyous of feasts.&#13;
Later that evening they went to Midnight Mass which&#13;
was always preceeded by the "Koledy" or Slovak Christmas&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
179&#13;
&#13;
carols. Even today we sing these simple melodic hymns&#13;
which tell of the events that occured at Bethlehem.Co To&#13;
Za Krdsne Diet'atko?, Dnesny Den sa Radujme, Narodil Sa&#13;
Spasitel', Prisli Sme Ku Tebe, are only but a few. My&#13;
favorite is Novinu Radostnu, a glorious and moving piece&#13;
&#13;
written by the late Vendel Galik, organist and choir director&#13;
of our parish for forty years. Now I am a member of the&#13;
Most Holy Trinity Choir and am becoming familiar with&#13;
these simple, yet beautiful hymns.&#13;
After the solemn, quiet, prayerful season of Post (Lent)&#13;
came the joyous and happy time of the church year Vel'ka&#13;
Noc (Easter). When our forefathers sang Aleluja, Radujme&#13;
Sa, Pan Jezis Kristus Vstal Z Mftvych, they truly were&#13;
happy and joyfully secure in their faith.&#13;
Palm Sunday began the holy week with processions of&#13;
the blessing of the palm branches. Every Slovak, young and&#13;
old, wore a cross of palms on his lapel, and reverently&#13;
displayed them at home.&#13;
Very few missed Mass on Holy Thursday. The procession of priests, altar boys and children venerating the&#13;
Blessed Sacrament was and is a spiritual experience. It&#13;
was the custom to visit as many different churches as&#13;
possible and offer prayers at their altars.&#13;
Good Friday then was taken a little more seriously. It&#13;
was a day of prayers and silence. A day to make a visit to&#13;
Church and say the Way of the Cross. It was a busy day&#13;
in the kitchen with paskas, nut and poppyseed cakes to be&#13;
baked and the syrek to be cooked. Dedo usually got the job&#13;
of grating of horseradish for the making of chren. It was&#13;
always done outdoors because the aroma was so pungent&#13;
it actually brought him to tears.&#13;
On Holy Saturday we always bring our food to church&#13;
to be blessed by the priest. The food is carried in a basket&#13;
covered by a specially embroidered cloth or doily. The&#13;
basket contains baked ham, klobasy, some lamb, decorated&#13;
hard boiled eggs, chren, butter, paska and my favorite,&#13;
syrek. The church, filled with hundreds of baskets of food,&#13;
smelled so good, I could hardly wait for our Easter break~&#13;
fast. My great-grandfa ther, so my Mother .tells me, always&#13;
circled the house with the basket to bring us blessings all&#13;
year. Now, my Father and I still follow this ritual.&#13;
I'm not alwas sure why we do all the things we do or&#13;
&#13;
180&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
follow our special customs, but I know without them life&#13;
would be dull and we wouldn't have much to look forward&#13;
to.&#13;
Take any large or small group of Slovak people at&#13;
a wed.ding, social outing, banquet, family get-to-gether or&#13;
a bus ride and they invariably start to sing. The man will&#13;
start with Ja Parobok z Kapusian, and then you'll always&#13;
hear Pod Tym Nasim Okieneckom, Ked' Komara zenili and&#13;
the ladies all love Tancuj, Tancuj. Have you ever noticed&#13;
how the proud Slovak people stand straighter, sing with&#13;
more gusto and feeling and renewed faith when Hej, Slovaci&#13;
is played? I always do and I too feel proud and happy to&#13;
be of Slovak descent.&#13;
On the)Whole we, too, are happy, singing musical family,&#13;
and I recall the first few lines of a song, Slovak Som Ja,&#13;
Slovak Budem and this is the theme of my paper. "Slovak&#13;
I am and Slovak I will be" and very proud and happy too,&#13;
if someday I can accomplish as much as my ancestors, and&#13;
be so well remembered.&#13;
True, my great-grandparents biographies will never be&#13;
published, televised or reiterated by great speakers, but the&#13;
Slovak traditions, customs, and ideals will remain a part&#13;
of my life. The greatest heritage bequeathed to me is my&#13;
Catholic Faith ...&#13;
(First place - High School)&#13;
&#13;
No people or nation can blossom culturally, socially,&#13;
financially and politically without its own state or country.&#13;
This is true for little or big nations. This is true for America&#13;
and for Slovakia.&#13;
&#13;
THE OLD KR.AEOVIANSKY TUNNEL serves as a&#13;
warehouse for 50,000 kilograms of the famed bryndza&#13;
cheese beginning with May each year.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Slovák som ja</text>
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                <text>Stephen John Knoblock&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 177-180</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3662">
                <text>Knoblock, Stephen John</text>
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                    <text>54

SLOVAKIA

DR. PETER P. HLETKO

American Slovaks
Lost a Great Man
With the passing of Dr. Peter P. Hletko on November
4, 1973 in the City of Chicago, the American Slovaks and
all freedom loving Slovaks in the world lost one of their
most illustrious sons. Exceptionally talented and devoted,
he contributed his efforts in helping his beloved Slovak
people here and behind the Iron Curtain.
Deserving tribute was paid to him by the hierarchy,
clergy, civic and business leaders, the Slovak World Congress, the Slovak League of America, the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America and all the Slovak fraternal societies
that he served so well in various capacities.
OUTSTANDING CAREER

In the course of the history of a people or a nation come
individual man, who by the force of their personalities and
their endeavors shape and determine the form and direction
of the church, their people and their country.
These men who are dreamers and who are doers . But
the great ones are those who are both-dreamers and doers.
They are the ones who set alight their hope and hearts
upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the ones who
light bright fires of their aspirations and give heart and
direction to those who follow.
Dr. Peter P. Hletko was such a man!
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, was born
June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son of Martin and
Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home was in Warrenville,
Illinois and his office was at 2740 W. 55th Street, Chicago.
In 1938 he married Anne E. Remijas.
EDUCATION
Hletko received his elementary education at St. Michael's
School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St. Procopius

�SLOVAKIA

55

Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St. Procopius
College (1919-1921). He attended De Paul University in
Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor of
Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical
Degree (M.D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.
PROFESSIONAL
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County
Hospital, Chicago, from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology at
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.
He served as medical examiner of many insurance
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme Medical
Examiner for the National Slovak Society. From 1927 to
1964 he served as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak
Catholic Sokol and was Honorary Medical Examiner for
the Society.
Dr. Hletko was a member of the American Medical
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961) .
CIVIC AND CULTURAL
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia as he and Msgr.
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh Pact
- an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for the
Slovak nation.
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"
(Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939 and
1962-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive
Committee of the Slovak League of America (1938-1973);
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America
(1934); Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic Sokol and
the National Slovak Society; a Member of the Executive

�SLOVAKIA

56

Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and
first President of "Club Furdek"-(a Catholic Cultural
Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of the Gage Park
Savings and Loan Association, Chicago.
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST
Dr. Hletko had a vast collection of manuscripts, documentary materials, books, complete volumes of publications,
newspapers, and annuals. He made a contribution of his
materials to the Jednota Museum in Middletown, Pa. To
many of the publications he was a contributor, a columnist,
editor, or author. The following is a list of Dr. Hletko's
literary efforts: Author: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh
Pact (1934); wrote Iskry-a reprint of satirocomic column
in the Osadne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited
the Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book, 1964; was a contributing editor of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 19271963); editor of Jara (Spring), English supplement to
Jednota, official publication of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, 1927-1936; editor of Chicagsky Dennik (Chicago Daily
News, 1926-1927); served as the Chairman of the Literary
Committee of the National Slovak Society, and was President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association in America.

In honor of his 70th birthday the Slovak League of America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated
a special award to him at the Slovak League of America
Congress in Chicago.
Joseph C. Kr a j s a

REFERENCES
Slovakia 1965-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,

Pennsylvania.
Slovakia 1972-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,

Pennsylvania.
"Slovaci a ich zivot," Jednota, March 17, 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3786">
                    <text>54

SLOVAKIA

DR. PETER P. HLETKO

American Slovaks
Lost a Great Man
With the passing of Dr. Peter P. Hletko on November
4, 1973 in the City of Chicago, the American Slovaks and
all freedom loving Slovaks in the world lost one of their
most illustrious sons. Exceptionally talented and devoted,
he contributed his efforts in helping his beloved Slovak
people here and behind the Iron Curtain.
Deserving tribute was paid to him by the hierarchy,
clergy, civic and business leaders, the Slovak World Congress, the Slovak League of America, the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America and all the Slovak fraternal societies
that he served so well in various capacities.
OUTSTANDING CAREER

In the course of the history of a people or a nation come
individual man, who by the force of their personalities and
their endeavors shape and determine the form and direction
of the church, their people and their country.
These men who are dreamers and who are doers . But
the great ones are those who are both-dreamers and doers.
They are the ones who set alight their hope and hearts
upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the ones who
light bright fires of their aspirations and give heart and
direction to those who follow.
Dr. Peter P. Hletko was such a man!
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, was born
June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son of Martin and
Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home was in Warrenville,
Illinois and his office was at 2740 W. 55th Street, Chicago.
In 1938 he married Anne E. Remijas.
EDUCATION
Hletko received his elementary education at St. Michael's
School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St. Procopius

�SLOVAKIA

55

Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St. Procopius
College (1919-1921). He attended De Paul University in
Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor of
Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical
Degree (M.D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.
PROFESSIONAL
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County
Hospital, Chicago, from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology at
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.
He served as medical examiner of many insurance
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme Medical
Examiner for the National Slovak Society. From 1927 to
1964 he served as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak
Catholic Sokol and was Honorary Medical Examiner for
the Society.
Dr. Hletko was a member of the American Medical
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961) .
CIVIC AND CULTURAL
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia as he and Msgr.
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh Pact
- an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for the
Slovak nation.
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"
(Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939 and
1962-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive
Committee of the Slovak League of America (1938-1973);
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America
(1934); Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic Sokol and
the National Slovak Society; a Member of the Executive

�SLOVAKIA

56

Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and
first President of "Club Furdek"-(a Catholic Cultural
Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of the Gage Park
Savings and Loan Association, Chicago.
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST
Dr. Hletko had a vast collection of manuscripts, documentary materials, books, complete volumes of publications,
newspapers, and annuals. He made a contribution of his
materials to the Jednota Museum in Middletown, Pa. To
many of the publications he was a contributor, a columnist,
editor, or author. The following is a list of Dr. Hletko's
literary efforts: Author: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh
Pact (1934); wrote Iskry-a reprint of satirocomic column
in the Osadne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited
the Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book, 1964; was a contributing editor of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 19271963); editor of Jara (Spring), English supplement to
Jednota, official publication of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, 1927-1936; editor of Chicagsky Dennik (Chicago Daily
News, 1926-1927); served as the Chairman of the Literary
Committee of the National Slovak Society, and was President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association in America.

In honor of his 70th birthday the Slovak League of America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated
a special award to him at the Slovak League of America
Congress in Chicago.
Joseph C. Kr a j s a

REFERENCES
Slovakia 1965-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,

Pennsylvania.
Slovakia 1972-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,

Pennsylvania.
"Slovaci a ich zivot," Jednota, March 17, 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.

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              <text>54&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
DR. PETER P. HLETKO&#13;
&#13;
American Slovaks&#13;
Lost a Great Man&#13;
With the passing of Dr. Peter P. Hletko on November&#13;
4, 1973 in the City of Chicago, the American Slovaks and&#13;
all freedom loving Slovaks in the world lost one of their&#13;
most illustrious sons. Exceptionally talented and devoted,&#13;
he contributed his efforts in helping his beloved Slovak&#13;
people here and behind the Iron Curtain.&#13;
Deserving tribute was paid to him by the hierarchy,&#13;
clergy, civic and business leaders, the Slovak World Congress, the Slovak League of America, the Slovak Catholic&#13;
Federation of America and all the Slovak fraternal societies&#13;
that he served so well in various capacities.&#13;
OUTSTANDING CAREER&#13;
&#13;
In the course of the history of a people or a nation come&#13;
individual man, who by the force of their personalities and&#13;
their endeavors shape and determine the form and direction&#13;
of the church, their people and their country.&#13;
These men who are dreamers and who are doers . But&#13;
the great ones are those who are both-dreamers and doers.&#13;
They are the ones who set alight their hope and hearts&#13;
upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the ones who&#13;
light bright fires of their aspirations and give heart and&#13;
direction to those who follow.&#13;
Dr. Peter P. Hletko was such a man!&#13;
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, was born&#13;
June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son of Martin and&#13;
Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home was in Warrenville,&#13;
Illinois and his office was at 2740 W. 55th Street, Chicago.&#13;
In 1938 he married Anne E. Remijas.&#13;
EDUCATION&#13;
Hletko received his elementary education at St. Michael's&#13;
School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St. Procopius&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
55&#13;
&#13;
Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St. Procopius&#13;
College (1919-1921). He attended De Paul University in&#13;
Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor of&#13;
Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical&#13;
Degree (M.D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.&#13;
PROFESSIONAL&#13;
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County&#13;
Hospital, Chicago, from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private&#13;
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology at&#13;
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.&#13;
He served as medical examiner of many insurance&#13;
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme Medical&#13;
Examiner for the National Slovak Society. From 1927 to&#13;
1964 he served as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak&#13;
Catholic Sokol and was Honorary Medical Examiner for&#13;
the Society.&#13;
Dr. Hletko was a member of the American Medical&#13;
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical&#13;
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and&#13;
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961) .&#13;
CIVIC AND CULTURAL&#13;
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America&#13;
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered&#13;
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia as he and Msgr.&#13;
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh Pact&#13;
- an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for the&#13;
Slovak nation.&#13;
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"&#13;
(Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).&#13;
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span&#13;
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":&#13;
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939 and&#13;
1962-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive&#13;
Committee of the Slovak League of America (1938-1973);&#13;
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America&#13;
(1934); Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic Sokol and&#13;
the National Slovak Society; a Member of the Executive&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
56&#13;
&#13;
Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and&#13;
first President of "Club Furdek"-(a Catholic Cultural&#13;
Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of the Gage Park&#13;
Savings and Loan Association, Chicago.&#13;
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST&#13;
Dr. Hletko had a vast collection of manuscripts, documentary materials, books, complete volumes of publications,&#13;
newspapers, and annuals. He made a contribution of his&#13;
materials to the Jednota Museum in Middletown, Pa. To&#13;
many of the publications he was a contributor, a columnist,&#13;
editor, or author. The following is a list of Dr. Hletko's&#13;
literary efforts: Author: The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh&#13;
Pact (1934); wrote Iskry-a reprint of satirocomic column&#13;
in the Osadne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited&#13;
the Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book, 1964; was a contributing editor of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 19271963); editor of Jara (Spring), English supplement to&#13;
Jednota, official publication of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
Union, 1927-1936; editor of Chicagsky Dennik (Chicago Daily&#13;
News, 1926-1927); served as the Chairman of the Literary&#13;
Committee of the National Slovak Society, and was President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association in America.&#13;
&#13;
In honor of his 70th birthday the Slovak League of America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated&#13;
a special award to him at the Slovak League of America&#13;
Congress in Chicago.&#13;
Joseph C. Kr a j s a&#13;
&#13;
REFERENCES&#13;
Slovakia 1965-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,&#13;
&#13;
Pennsylvania.&#13;
Slovakia 1972-Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,&#13;
&#13;
Pennsylvania.&#13;
"Slovaci a ich zivot," Jednota, March 17, 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.&#13;
&#13;
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Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 54-56</text>
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                    <text>120

SLOVAKIA

Survey Research
and Ethnic Studies
Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D.

The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly
speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be
established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable
from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and
achievement test scores are related to one another, it then
becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the
other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say
with some degree of certainty what his score may be on
the particular achievement test. 2
The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most
important assumptions underlying the scientific method in
general, and its specific applications to the field of social
science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a
relationship between two variables gives us other important
information. For one, it tells us that two things that we
probably did not think were associated in any meaningful
way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance,
that there is a relationship between the arrival of various
Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that
compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have
voted more consistently for a particular political party.3
The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of
propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive
picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior.
In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical
generalization about a specific group, then it may be
possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this
way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field
of inquiry. 4

�SLOVAKIA

121

THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE
In the search for relationship in the social world, there
is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are
certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of
our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify
a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation
should be one that is in need of clarification.
Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all
Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the
political and religious problems of Slovakia?
Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely
depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of
course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn
our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is
important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason)
that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia
is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is
increasing.
Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is
correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information
from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants
who have lived in their adopted country for a period of
time will become socialized into the norms of that society,
and will increasingly become interested in the concerns
of their adopted country rather than their native one. If
we had a larger context in which to place our specific
problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type
of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to
focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem,
as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our
findings .6
Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to
place it in more precise and formal language. This is called
an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement
about the relationship between two or more variables." 7
We can state the problem in the following way: there is
a relationship between length of residence in the adopted
country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the

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SLOVAKIA

native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis,
but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us,
minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political
interest. There are many other aspects that are left open
to investigation. We will examine these a little later.
LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP
The first step is to determine whether our two variables
are related. We want to know, in other words, if the
independent variable length of residence is affecting the
dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our
independent variable because we can see that a person's
length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but
a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his
length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated,
it is necessary to show that the independent variable can
be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and
inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our
independent variable into the categories of "old residents"
and "new residents," or into more precise categories of
years-perhaps every ten years.
For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be
those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while
"new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970.
Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those
individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when
they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat
politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have
gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through
the use of a questionaire information has been received
on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could
ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong,
personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The
responses could be measured by constructing a scale that
would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular
attitude. 10
Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table:

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TABLE 1
Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length
of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data)
PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS
"Old" Residents

35%

(1000)

"New" Residents

75%

(1000)

Residence

The table shows us that our two variables are related.11
There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that
the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political
affairs than the older residents.
Now if we found this type of relationship in our data,
we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This
would give us some information, but it would be a very
restricted sort of information. One logical question we
might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?"
Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory
research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending
our original findings.
But how can we explain the original relationship?
There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example,
that our original independent and dependent variables were
not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect;
or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of
course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume
that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We
must now attempt to find another reason why the original
relationship is there.
To do this requires thinking of some other factors that
may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue
that the "older" residents are chronologically older than
the "younger" residents and that the difference in political
interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of
course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data
which suggests a relationship between age and political
interest. When we think another factor is responsible for
our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having
any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are
"controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or

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SLOVAKIA

put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for
age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be
substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the
reason why there is a relationship between residence and
political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make
people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall
we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough
measure would be to look at people over sixty and under
sixty years of age. This is represented in the following
Table.
TABLE 2
The Relationship of Political Interest and
Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data)
% STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST

Old

-60
10 (300)

New

40 (600)

Age

10 (700)

Residence

40 (400)

The table shows that even when we control for age,
the original relationship is maintained: new residents are
still more likely to have strong political interests regardless
of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age
the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If
this had happened, we would have concluded that age was
the reason for the association, and that our original finding
had been "spurious." 15
Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other
variables must be considered. For example, one possibility
would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we
observed the original relationship was because there were
differences among men and women in terms of political
interest. There may, of course, be many other potential
explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention
just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use
as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not)
a priori reason for selecting them. 16
Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's

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SLOVAKIA

educational level is related to political interest regardless
of whether or not he has resided in the United States a
particular period of time. Table three illustrates this.
TABLE 3

Relationship of Political Interest and Residence
by Education (Hypothetical Data)
% STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST

Less than H.S.

Educational Level
High School

College

Old

20 (400)

30 (300)

50 (100)

New

20 (200)

30 (500)

40 (500)

Residence

Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between
residence and political activity disappears. What we are
saying is that while there were more college-educated
Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did
not matter, at any educational level whether or not the
Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the
case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition,
there would be some other problems that would require
additional attention.
We would want to know, for the new residents as well
as the old, at what point in time the highest educational
level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to
have certain members of the new residents who had not
completed their formal education at the time of the study.
It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however,
be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained.
Thus, one could still determine the amount of education
received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other
hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who
arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around
that time, it would be possible through other means, to
estimate their highest educational level of attainment.

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EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING
ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES
A point worth noting is that if we were interested in
understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical
method were chosen to do this, then the type of information
received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What
we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and
very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the
findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture.
Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that
variable?"
Even when we find that two variables are related, we
are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For
instance, in our previous example, it was found that when
educational level was controlled, the original relationship
disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original
relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities
here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This
means that the original relationship is "caused" by the
intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables
in a special way. It logically comes between the independent
and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes
the original relationship disappear. For example, we might
discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ
in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13
Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher
levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original
relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity"
and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness."
We are again faced with the problem of trying to
explain the relationship. One way would be to search for
an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in
effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent
variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and
that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The
relationship would look like the following:
Ethnicity ♦
(Independent)

Education ♦
(Intervening)

Consciousness
(Dependent)

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We are saying here that a person's ethnic background
is related to his level of education and his level of education
is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness.
Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal
objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain."
This means that in addition to looking for intervening
variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a
variable precedes the original independent variable, is
related to it, and in which the original independent variable
is then related to the dependent variable. In order to
construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19
1. All three variables must be related.
2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables
should not disappear.
3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear.
As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans
and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case,
however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent
variable; one that comes before political orientation and
is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable
could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's
religion influences his political orientation and his political
orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically
it would be as follows:
Religion •
(Antecedent)

Political Orientation
(Independent)

•

Alienation
(Dependent )

In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship,
it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions.
We would first control on religion. If the relationship is
maintained between political orientation and alienation,
then we are on the right track. We would next want to
control on political orientation. If the relationship between
religion and alienation disappears, we have found the
correct antecedent variable.
Let us consider one additional relationship before

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128

closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous
variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship
between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the
original relationship disappears. Let us assume further
that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and
therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship
disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that
another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original
results.
For instance, in our original example, we found that
Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level
of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded
that the reason was education. Education, in this instance,
could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there
is no inherent link between the original independent and
dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately
to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship
would be as follows:
♦

Residence (Independent)

♦

Political Interest (Dependent)

Education
(Extraneous)

Here we are saying that the reason why residence was
associated with political interest was because education
was separately related to residence and to political interest.
The newer residents had more education than the older
ones, and people who have lower levels of education may
be less politically motivated.
SUMMARY
If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new
research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts
should at least in part use the logic and methodology of
the social sciences. Although this is only one of many
approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it
is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply
into the motivations underlying human behavior.
The above has been an elementary attempt to show
some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that
part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the
procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most

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129

general form it attempts to establish relationships between
variables and then elaborates on those relationships .
REFERENC ES

1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972),
Ch. 4.
2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban
Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412.
3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces,
50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249.
4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science
(Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2.
5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg,
The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will
draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion.
6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory
Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2.
7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20.
8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2.
9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs,
N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10.
10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago:
Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7.
11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point
difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor
are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate
methods for this that go beyond this discussion.
12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106.
13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An
Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) ,
pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3.
14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced.
15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning.
We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing
because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82.
16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39.
17) Ibid., pp. 54-82.
18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness."
19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69.
20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3709">
                    <text>120

SLOVAKIA

Survey Research
and Ethnic Studies
Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D.

The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly
speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be
established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable
from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and
achievement test scores are related to one another, it then
becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the
other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say
with some degree of certainty what his score may be on
the particular achievement test. 2
The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most
important assumptions underlying the scientific method in
general, and its specific applications to the field of social
science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a
relationship between two variables gives us other important
information. For one, it tells us that two things that we
probably did not think were associated in any meaningful
way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance,
that there is a relationship between the arrival of various
Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that
compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have
voted more consistently for a particular political party.3
The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of
propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive
picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior.
In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical
generalization about a specific group, then it may be
possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this
way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field
of inquiry. 4

�SLOVAKIA

121

THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE
In the search for relationship in the social world, there
is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are
certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of
our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify
a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation
should be one that is in need of clarification.
Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all
Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the
political and religious problems of Slovakia?
Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely
depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of
course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn
our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is
important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason)
that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia
is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is
increasing.
Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is
correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information
from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants
who have lived in their adopted country for a period of
time will become socialized into the norms of that society,
and will increasingly become interested in the concerns
of their adopted country rather than their native one. If
we had a larger context in which to place our specific
problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type
of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to
focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem,
as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our
findings .6
Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to
place it in more precise and formal language. This is called
an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement
about the relationship between two or more variables." 7
We can state the problem in the following way: there is
a relationship between length of residence in the adopted
country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the

�122

SLOVAKIA

native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis,
but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us,
minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political
interest. There are many other aspects that are left open
to investigation. We will examine these a little later.
LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP
The first step is to determine whether our two variables
are related. We want to know, in other words, if the
independent variable length of residence is affecting the
dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our
independent variable because we can see that a person's
length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but
a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his
length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated,
it is necessary to show that the independent variable can
be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and
inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our
independent variable into the categories of "old residents"
and "new residents," or into more precise categories of
years-perhaps every ten years.
For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be
those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while
"new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970.
Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those
individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when
they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat
politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have
gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through
the use of a questionaire information has been received
on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could
ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong,
personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The
responses could be measured by constructing a scale that
would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular
attitude. 10
Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table:

�123

SLOVAKIA

TABLE 1
Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length
of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data)
PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS
"Old" Residents

35%

(1000)

"New" Residents

75%

(1000)

Residence

The table shows us that our two variables are related.11
There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that
the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political
affairs than the older residents.
Now if we found this type of relationship in our data,
we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This
would give us some information, but it would be a very
restricted sort of information. One logical question we
might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?"
Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory
research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending
our original findings.
But how can we explain the original relationship?
There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example,
that our original independent and dependent variables were
not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect;
or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of
course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume
that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We
must now attempt to find another reason why the original
relationship is there.
To do this requires thinking of some other factors that
may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue
that the "older" residents are chronologically older than
the "younger" residents and that the difference in political
interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of
course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data
which suggests a relationship between age and political
interest. When we think another factor is responsible for
our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having
any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are
"controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or

�124

SLOVAKIA

put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for
age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be
substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the
reason why there is a relationship between residence and
political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make
people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall
we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough
measure would be to look at people over sixty and under
sixty years of age. This is represented in the following
Table.
TABLE 2
The Relationship of Political Interest and
Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data)
% STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST

Old

-60
10 (300)

New

40 (600)

Age

10 (700)

Residence

40 (400)

The table shows that even when we control for age,
the original relationship is maintained: new residents are
still more likely to have strong political interests regardless
of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age
the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If
this had happened, we would have concluded that age was
the reason for the association, and that our original finding
had been "spurious." 15
Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other
variables must be considered. For example, one possibility
would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we
observed the original relationship was because there were
differences among men and women in terms of political
interest. There may, of course, be many other potential
explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention
just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use
as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not)
a priori reason for selecting them. 16
Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's

�125

SLOVAKIA

educational level is related to political interest regardless
of whether or not he has resided in the United States a
particular period of time. Table three illustrates this.
TABLE 3

Relationship of Political Interest and Residence
by Education (Hypothetical Data)
% STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST

Less than H.S.

Educational Level
High School

College

Old

20 (400)

30 (300)

50 (100)

New

20 (200)

30 (500)

40 (500)

Residence

Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between
residence and political activity disappears. What we are
saying is that while there were more college-educated
Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did
not matter, at any educational level whether or not the
Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the
case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition,
there would be some other problems that would require
additional attention.
We would want to know, for the new residents as well
as the old, at what point in time the highest educational
level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to
have certain members of the new residents who had not
completed their formal education at the time of the study.
It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however,
be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained.
Thus, one could still determine the amount of education
received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other
hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who
arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around
that time, it would be possible through other means, to
estimate their highest educational level of attainment.

�126

SLOVAKIA

EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING
ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES
A point worth noting is that if we were interested in
understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical
method were chosen to do this, then the type of information
received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What
we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and
very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the
findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture.
Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that
variable?"
Even when we find that two variables are related, we
are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For
instance, in our previous example, it was found that when
educational level was controlled, the original relationship
disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original
relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities
here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This
means that the original relationship is "caused" by the
intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables
in a special way. It logically comes between the independent
and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes
the original relationship disappear. For example, we might
discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ
in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13
Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher
levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original
relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity"
and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness."
We are again faced with the problem of trying to
explain the relationship. One way would be to search for
an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in
effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent
variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and
that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The
relationship would look like the following:
Ethnicity ♦
(Independent)

Education ♦
(Intervening)

Consciousness
(Dependent)

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SLOVAKIA

We are saying here that a person's ethnic background
is related to his level of education and his level of education
is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness.
Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal
objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain."
This means that in addition to looking for intervening
variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a
variable precedes the original independent variable, is
related to it, and in which the original independent variable
is then related to the dependent variable. In order to
construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19
1. All three variables must be related.
2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables
should not disappear.
3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear.
As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans
and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case,
however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent
variable; one that comes before political orientation and
is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable
could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's
religion influences his political orientation and his political
orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically
it would be as follows:
Religion •
(Antecedent)

Political Orientation
(Independent)

•

Alienation
(Dependent )

In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship,
it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions.
We would first control on religion. If the relationship is
maintained between political orientation and alienation,
then we are on the right track. We would next want to
control on political orientation. If the relationship between
religion and alienation disappears, we have found the
correct antecedent variable.
Let us consider one additional relationship before

�SLOVAKIA

128

closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous
variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship
between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the
original relationship disappears. Let us assume further
that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and
therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship
disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that
another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original
results.
For instance, in our original example, we found that
Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level
of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded
that the reason was education. Education, in this instance,
could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there
is no inherent link between the original independent and
dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately
to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship
would be as follows:
♦

Residence (Independent)

♦

Political Interest (Dependent)

Education
(Extraneous)

Here we are saying that the reason why residence was
associated with political interest was because education
was separately related to residence and to political interest.
The newer residents had more education than the older
ones, and people who have lower levels of education may
be less politically motivated.
SUMMARY
If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new
research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts
should at least in part use the logic and methodology of
the social sciences. Although this is only one of many
approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it
is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply
into the motivations underlying human behavior.
The above has been an elementary attempt to show
some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that
part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the
procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most

�SLOVAKIA

129

general form it attempts to establish relationships between
variables and then elaborates on those relationships .
REFERENC ES

1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972),
Ch. 4.
2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban
Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412.
3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces,
50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249.
4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science
(Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2.
5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg,
The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will
draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion.
6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory
Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2.
7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20.
8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2.
9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs,
N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10.
10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago:
Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7.
11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point
difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor
are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate
methods for this that go beyond this discussion.
12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106.
13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An
Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) ,
pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3.
14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced.
15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning.
We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing
because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82.
16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39.
17) Ibid., pp. 54-82.
18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness."
19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69.
20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0.

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              <text>120&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Survey Research&#13;
and Ethnic Studies&#13;
Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly&#13;
speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be&#13;
established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable&#13;
from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and&#13;
achievement test scores are related to one another, it then&#13;
becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the&#13;
other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say&#13;
with some degree of certainty what his score may be on&#13;
the particular achievement test. 2&#13;
The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most&#13;
important assumptions underlying the scientific method in&#13;
general, and its specific applications to the field of social&#13;
science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a&#13;
relationship between two variables gives us other important&#13;
information. For one, it tells us that two things that we&#13;
probably did not think were associated in any meaningful&#13;
way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance,&#13;
that there is a relationship between the arrival of various&#13;
Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that&#13;
compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have&#13;
voted more consistently for a particular political party.3&#13;
The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of&#13;
propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive&#13;
picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior.&#13;
In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical&#13;
generalization about a specific group, then it may be&#13;
possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this&#13;
way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field&#13;
of inquiry. 4&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
121&#13;
&#13;
THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE&#13;
In the search for relationship in the social world, there&#13;
is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are&#13;
certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of&#13;
our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify&#13;
a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation&#13;
should be one that is in need of clarification.&#13;
Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all&#13;
Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the&#13;
political and religious problems of Slovakia?&#13;
Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely&#13;
depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of&#13;
course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn&#13;
our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is&#13;
important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason)&#13;
that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia&#13;
is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is&#13;
increasing.&#13;
Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is&#13;
correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information&#13;
from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants&#13;
who have lived in their adopted country for a period of&#13;
time will become socialized into the norms of that society,&#13;
and will increasingly become interested in the concerns&#13;
of their adopted country rather than their native one. If&#13;
we had a larger context in which to place our specific&#13;
problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type&#13;
of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to&#13;
focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem,&#13;
as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our&#13;
findings .6&#13;
Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to&#13;
place it in more precise and formal language. This is called&#13;
an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement&#13;
about the relationship between two or more variables." 7&#13;
We can state the problem in the following way: there is&#13;
a relationship between length of residence in the adopted&#13;
country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the&#13;
&#13;
122&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis,&#13;
but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us,&#13;
minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political&#13;
interest. There are many other aspects that are left open&#13;
to investigation. We will examine these a little later.&#13;
LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP&#13;
The first step is to determine whether our two variables&#13;
are related. We want to know, in other words, if the&#13;
independent variable length of residence is affecting the&#13;
dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our&#13;
independent variable because we can see that a person's&#13;
length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but&#13;
a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his&#13;
length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated,&#13;
it is necessary to show that the independent variable can&#13;
be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and&#13;
inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our&#13;
independent variable into the categories of "old residents"&#13;
and "new residents," or into more precise categories of&#13;
years-perhaps every ten years.&#13;
For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be&#13;
those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while&#13;
"new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970.&#13;
Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those&#13;
individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when&#13;
they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat&#13;
politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have&#13;
gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through&#13;
the use of a questionaire information has been received&#13;
on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could&#13;
ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong,&#13;
personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The&#13;
responses could be measured by constructing a scale that&#13;
would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular&#13;
attitude. 10&#13;
Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table:&#13;
&#13;
123&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
TABLE 1&#13;
Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length&#13;
of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data)&#13;
PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS&#13;
"Old" Residents&#13;
&#13;
35%&#13;
&#13;
(1000)&#13;
&#13;
"New" Residents&#13;
&#13;
75%&#13;
&#13;
(1000)&#13;
&#13;
Residence&#13;
&#13;
The table shows us that our two variables are related.11&#13;
There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that&#13;
the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political&#13;
affairs than the older residents.&#13;
Now if we found this type of relationship in our data,&#13;
we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This&#13;
would give us some information, but it would be a very&#13;
restricted sort of information. One logical question we&#13;
might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?"&#13;
Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory&#13;
research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending&#13;
our original findings.&#13;
But how can we explain the original relationship?&#13;
There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example,&#13;
that our original independent and dependent variables were&#13;
not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect;&#13;
or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of&#13;
course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume&#13;
that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We&#13;
must now attempt to find another reason why the original&#13;
relationship is there.&#13;
To do this requires thinking of some other factors that&#13;
may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue&#13;
that the "older" residents are chronologically older than&#13;
the "younger" residents and that the difference in political&#13;
interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of&#13;
course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data&#13;
which suggests a relationship between age and political&#13;
interest. When we think another factor is responsible for&#13;
our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having&#13;
any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are&#13;
"controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or&#13;
&#13;
124&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for&#13;
age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be&#13;
substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the&#13;
reason why there is a relationship between residence and&#13;
political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make&#13;
people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall&#13;
we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough&#13;
measure would be to look at people over sixty and under&#13;
sixty years of age. This is represented in the following&#13;
Table.&#13;
TABLE 2&#13;
The Relationship of Political Interest and&#13;
Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data)&#13;
% STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST&#13;
&#13;
Old&#13;
&#13;
-60&#13;
10 (300)&#13;
&#13;
New&#13;
&#13;
40 (600)&#13;
&#13;
Age&#13;
&#13;
10 (700)&#13;
&#13;
Residence&#13;
&#13;
40 (400)&#13;
&#13;
The table shows that even when we control for age,&#13;
the original relationship is maintained: new residents are&#13;
still more likely to have strong political interests regardless&#13;
of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age&#13;
the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If&#13;
this had happened, we would have concluded that age was&#13;
the reason for the association, and that our original finding&#13;
had been "spurious." 15&#13;
Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other&#13;
variables must be considered. For example, one possibility&#13;
would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we&#13;
observed the original relationship was because there were&#13;
differences among men and women in terms of political&#13;
interest. There may, of course, be many other potential&#13;
explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention&#13;
just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use&#13;
as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not)&#13;
a priori reason for selecting them. 16&#13;
Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's&#13;
&#13;
125&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
educational level is related to political interest regardless&#13;
of whether or not he has resided in the United States a&#13;
particular period of time. Table three illustrates this.&#13;
TABLE 3&#13;
&#13;
Relationship of Political Interest and Residence&#13;
by Education (Hypothetical Data)&#13;
% STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST&#13;
&#13;
Less than H.S.&#13;
&#13;
Educational Level&#13;
High School&#13;
&#13;
College&#13;
&#13;
Old&#13;
&#13;
20 (400)&#13;
&#13;
30 (300)&#13;
&#13;
50 (100)&#13;
&#13;
New&#13;
&#13;
20 (200)&#13;
&#13;
30 (500)&#13;
&#13;
40 (500)&#13;
&#13;
Residence&#13;
&#13;
Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between&#13;
residence and political activity disappears. What we are&#13;
saying is that while there were more college-educated&#13;
Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did&#13;
not matter, at any educational level whether or not the&#13;
Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the&#13;
case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition,&#13;
there would be some other problems that would require&#13;
additional attention.&#13;
We would want to know, for the new residents as well&#13;
as the old, at what point in time the highest educational&#13;
level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to&#13;
have certain members of the new residents who had not&#13;
completed their formal education at the time of the study.&#13;
It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however,&#13;
be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained.&#13;
Thus, one could still determine the amount of education&#13;
received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other&#13;
hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who&#13;
arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around&#13;
that time, it would be possible through other means, to&#13;
estimate their highest educational level of attainment.&#13;
&#13;
126&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING&#13;
ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES&#13;
A point worth noting is that if we were interested in&#13;
understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical&#13;
method were chosen to do this, then the type of information&#13;
received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What&#13;
we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and&#13;
very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the&#13;
findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture.&#13;
Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that&#13;
variable?"&#13;
Even when we find that two variables are related, we&#13;
are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For&#13;
instance, in our previous example, it was found that when&#13;
educational level was controlled, the original relationship&#13;
disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original&#13;
relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities&#13;
here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This&#13;
means that the original relationship is "caused" by the&#13;
intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables&#13;
in a special way. It logically comes between the independent&#13;
and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes&#13;
the original relationship disappear. For example, we might&#13;
discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ&#13;
in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13&#13;
Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher&#13;
levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original&#13;
relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity"&#13;
and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness."&#13;
We are again faced with the problem of trying to&#13;
explain the relationship. One way would be to search for&#13;
an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in&#13;
effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent&#13;
variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and&#13;
that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The&#13;
relationship would look like the following:&#13;
Ethnicity ♦&#13;
(Independent)&#13;
&#13;
Education ♦&#13;
(Intervening)&#13;
&#13;
Consciousness&#13;
(Dependent)&#13;
&#13;
127&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
We are saying here that a person's ethnic background&#13;
is related to his level of education and his level of education&#13;
is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness.&#13;
Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal&#13;
objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain."&#13;
This means that in addition to looking for intervening&#13;
variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a&#13;
variable precedes the original independent variable, is&#13;
related to it, and in which the original independent variable&#13;
is then related to the dependent variable. In order to&#13;
construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19&#13;
1. All three variables must be related.&#13;
2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables&#13;
should not disappear.&#13;
3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear.&#13;
As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans&#13;
and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case,&#13;
however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent&#13;
variable; one that comes before political orientation and&#13;
is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable&#13;
could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's&#13;
religion influences his political orientation and his political&#13;
orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically&#13;
it would be as follows:&#13;
Religion •&#13;
(Antecedent)&#13;
&#13;
Political Orientation&#13;
(Independent)&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
Alienation&#13;
(Dependent )&#13;
&#13;
In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship,&#13;
it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions.&#13;
We would first control on religion. If the relationship is&#13;
maintained between political orientation and alienation,&#13;
then we are on the right track. We would next want to&#13;
control on political orientation. If the relationship between&#13;
religion and alienation disappears, we have found the&#13;
correct antecedent variable.&#13;
Let us consider one additional relationship before&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
128&#13;
&#13;
closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous&#13;
variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship&#13;
between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the&#13;
original relationship disappears. Let us assume further&#13;
that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and&#13;
therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship&#13;
disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that&#13;
another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original&#13;
results.&#13;
For instance, in our original example, we found that&#13;
Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level&#13;
of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded&#13;
that the reason was education. Education, in this instance,&#13;
could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there&#13;
is no inherent link between the original independent and&#13;
dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately&#13;
to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship&#13;
would be as follows:&#13;
♦&#13;
&#13;
Residence (Independent)&#13;
&#13;
♦&#13;
&#13;
Political Interest (Dependent)&#13;
&#13;
Education&#13;
(Extraneous)&#13;
&#13;
Here we are saying that the reason why residence was&#13;
associated with political interest was because education&#13;
was separately related to residence and to political interest.&#13;
The newer residents had more education than the older&#13;
ones, and people who have lower levels of education may&#13;
be less politically motivated.&#13;
SUMMARY&#13;
If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new&#13;
research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts&#13;
should at least in part use the logic and methodology of&#13;
the social sciences. Although this is only one of many&#13;
approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it&#13;
is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply&#13;
into the motivations underlying human behavior.&#13;
The above has been an elementary attempt to show&#13;
some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that&#13;
part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the&#13;
procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
129&#13;
&#13;
general form it attempts to establish relationships between&#13;
variables and then elaborates on those relationships .&#13;
REFERENC ES&#13;
&#13;
1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972),&#13;
Ch. 4.&#13;
2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban&#13;
Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412.&#13;
3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces,&#13;
50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249.&#13;
4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science&#13;
(Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2.&#13;
5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg,&#13;
The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will&#13;
draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion.&#13;
6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory&#13;
Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2.&#13;
7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York:&#13;
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20.&#13;
8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2.&#13;
9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs,&#13;
N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10.&#13;
10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago:&#13;
Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7.&#13;
11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point&#13;
difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor&#13;
are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate&#13;
methods for this that go beyond this discussion.&#13;
12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106.&#13;
13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An&#13;
Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) ,&#13;
pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3.&#13;
14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced.&#13;
15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning.&#13;
We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing&#13;
because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82.&#13;
16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39.&#13;
17) Ibid., pp. 54-82.&#13;
18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness."&#13;
19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69.&#13;
20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>162

SLOVAKIA

WINNING ESSAYS

Slovak League of America
Scholarship Program
I.

SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS
THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968
By Jane N o o n a n

Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous
but separate and geographically situated in the heart of
central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between
the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube
and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known
as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong
to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle
Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved
in the great European struggles.
During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was
greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that
empire.
In the course of that war, Czech political leaders
established a secret committee which directed the activities
of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G.
Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe
and the United States where he received encouragement
and support.
Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number
of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the
Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state,
as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a
territory forming a political union with the prospective
Polish Republic.

�SLOVAKIA

163

The Slovak League of America entered into contact
with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed
with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in
1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the
creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia
should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have
complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of
common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should
be within the competence of a common parliament. History
shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments
of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers.
Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing
the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore,
was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak
Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after
compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of
a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those
who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program
greatly improved the material conditions of the rural
population and averted disturbances.
The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high
and their passion for education prompted the new republic
t o establish additional free schools and by improving
existing schools.
The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field
of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed
the right of organization and thus organized labor had its
trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar
workers and businessmen their associations. Health and
other types of social insurance were either provided for
or encouraged by the State and provision was made for
State assistance to housing and co-ops.
As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was
Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role
far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political
leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the
Protestant faith .
Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a
sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it
was severly hit by the world economic depression of the

�164

SLOVAKIA

early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and
exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries
to weather the crisis.
Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia
was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations
and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which
brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League.
However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's
foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately
anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain
proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose
the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further
cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When
Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must
accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The
result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country
was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler.
After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself
to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the
country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was
swift. The administration was purged, the press put under
rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at
that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia.
But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia
as to whether to place it under German occupation or to
have it occupied by Hungary.
On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of
Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic.
Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church
and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The
Slovak people considered the act was the result of the
Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been
signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava
(the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been
incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations
spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order
to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that
there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence.
Even though the Slovak State was largely the result
of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom

�SLOVAKIA

165

and the principle of self-determination and self-government.
The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy
in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise
between the past and present, between an old tradition and
a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central
Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation.
In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary,
because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war
against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces,
during the Second World War, did not engage in combat
against any of the Western Powers.
In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of
course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly
two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the
Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up
for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains,
watching this national tragedy quietly.
Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed
in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated,
the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied
Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945.
Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew
to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was
to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed,
or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy
and communism was possible and that co-existence could
be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the
illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were
different from other Reds and that their methods would
turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary.
Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be
traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was
that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice
Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death
sentence for the past.
In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new
course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the
Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the
invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was

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SLOVAKIA

to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently,
asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall
Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed
against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This
was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in
Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist
undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the
Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier.
Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent
foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically
'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to
submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry
in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs,
while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost
totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people
who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead
as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed
that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are
unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples
of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic,
spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin.
This continued for approximately two decades.
By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of
Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political
crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's
educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one
trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation,
and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were
daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of
their own people in high government office.
Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job
as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to
transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east
of the Iron Curtain.

�SLOVAKIA

167

Literary and press censorship was abolished, many
victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel
and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first
strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was
allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges
for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed
to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the
government to reflect the will of the people and to respect
their traditions.
On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the
future as he published his "Action Program" in which he
outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press,
rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with
the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany.
Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as
a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national
symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created
a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued
Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything
attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there
was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the
popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms.
Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply
the principle that practicing socialism must respect the
traditions of the country.
All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians,
who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to
confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support
and popularity in every way possible.
And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of
Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia
from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most
valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist
dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated
to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek,
had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the
country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The
Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty

�168

SLOVAKIA

law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial
submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded
with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the
nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was
to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal
of Russian military force depended on the order in the
country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong
that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and
spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed
resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who
hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them
ablaze and their crews scurrying.
On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of
approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the
Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the
U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet
communism can tolerate.
In conclusion, one must remember it has been said
that the longest journey always starts with a single step,
and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak
people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian
oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will
be able to take more, even broader strides towards their
freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the
Slovaks will be forced to step back again.
No other nation has suffered so much nor been more
misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses
a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled;
yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the
free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of
her own household. So be it!
an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30,
1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its
territory, to Nazi Germany.

• Munich -

(First place -

College)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS
Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner &amp; Soru.
Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis,
1963.

�SLOVAKIA

169

Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia
University Press.
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.
MAGAZINES
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.

THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE
Marlene B a rt o s

It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,
records the performances of two plays in German; the one
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of
Slovak Literature.)

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3680">
                    <text>162

SLOVAKIA

WINNING ESSAYS

Slovak League of America
Scholarship Program
I.

SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS
THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968
By Jane N o o n a n

Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous
but separate and geographically situated in the heart of
central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between
the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube
and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known
as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong
to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle
Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved
in the great European struggles.
During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was
greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that
empire.
In the course of that war, Czech political leaders
established a secret committee which directed the activities
of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G.
Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe
and the United States where he received encouragement
and support.
Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number
of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the
Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state,
as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a
territory forming a political union with the prospective
Polish Republic.

�SLOVAKIA

163

The Slovak League of America entered into contact
with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed
with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in
1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the
creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia
should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have
complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of
common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should
be within the competence of a common parliament. History
shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments
of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers.
Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing
the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore,
was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak
Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after
compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of
a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those
who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program
greatly improved the material conditions of the rural
population and averted disturbances.
The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high
and their passion for education prompted the new republic
t o establish additional free schools and by improving
existing schools.
The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field
of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed
the right of organization and thus organized labor had its
trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar
workers and businessmen their associations. Health and
other types of social insurance were either provided for
or encouraged by the State and provision was made for
State assistance to housing and co-ops.
As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was
Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role
far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political
leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the
Protestant faith .
Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a
sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it
was severly hit by the world economic depression of the

�164

SLOVAKIA

early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and
exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries
to weather the crisis.
Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia
was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations
and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which
brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League.
However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's
foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately
anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain
proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose
the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further
cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When
Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must
accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The
result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country
was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler.
After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself
to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the
country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was
swift. The administration was purged, the press put under
rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at
that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia.
But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia
as to whether to place it under German occupation or to
have it occupied by Hungary.
On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of
Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic.
Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church
and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The
Slovak people considered the act was the result of the
Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been
signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava
(the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been
incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations
spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order
to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that
there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence.
Even though the Slovak State was largely the result
of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom

�SLOVAKIA

165

and the principle of self-determination and self-government.
The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy
in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise
between the past and present, between an old tradition and
a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central
Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation.
In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary,
because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war
against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces,
during the Second World War, did not engage in combat
against any of the Western Powers.
In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of
course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly
two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the
Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up
for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains,
watching this national tragedy quietly.
Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed
in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated,
the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied
Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945.
Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew
to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was
to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed,
or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy
and communism was possible and that co-existence could
be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the
illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were
different from other Reds and that their methods would
turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary.
Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be
traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was
that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice
Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death
sentence for the past.
In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new
course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the
Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the
invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was

�166

SLOVAKIA

to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently,
asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall
Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed
against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This
was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in
Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist
undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the
Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier.
Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent
foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically
'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to
submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry
in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs,
while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost
totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people
who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead
as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed
that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are
unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples
of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic,
spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin.
This continued for approximately two decades.
By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of
Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political
crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's
educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one
trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation,
and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were
daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of
their own people in high government office.
Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job
as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to
transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east
of the Iron Curtain.

�SLOVAKIA

167

Literary and press censorship was abolished, many
victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel
and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first
strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was
allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges
for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed
to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the
government to reflect the will of the people and to respect
their traditions.
On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the
future as he published his "Action Program" in which he
outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press,
rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with
the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany.
Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as
a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national
symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created
a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued
Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything
attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there
was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the
popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms.
Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply
the principle that practicing socialism must respect the
traditions of the country.
All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians,
who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to
confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support
and popularity in every way possible.
And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of
Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia
from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most
valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist
dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated
to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek,
had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the
country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The
Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty

�168

SLOVAKIA

law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial
submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded
with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the
nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was
to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal
of Russian military force depended on the order in the
country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong
that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and
spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed
resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who
hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them
ablaze and their crews scurrying.
On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of
approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the
Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the
U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet
communism can tolerate.
In conclusion, one must remember it has been said
that the longest journey always starts with a single step,
and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak
people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian
oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will
be able to take more, even broader strides towards their
freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the
Slovaks will be forced to step back again.
No other nation has suffered so much nor been more
misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses
a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled;
yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the
free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of
her own household. So be it!
an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30,
1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its
territory, to Nazi Germany.

• Munich -

(First place -

College)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS
Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner &amp; Soru.
Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis,
1963.

�SLOVAKIA

169

Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia
University Press.
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.
MAGAZINES
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.

THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE
Marlene B a rt o s

It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,
records the performances of two plays in German; the one
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of
Slovak Literature.)

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              <text>162&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
WINNING ESSAYS&#13;
&#13;
Slovak League of America&#13;
Scholarship Program&#13;
I.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS&#13;
THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968&#13;
By Jane N o o n a n&#13;
&#13;
Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous&#13;
but separate and geographically situated in the heart of&#13;
central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between&#13;
the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube&#13;
and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known&#13;
as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong&#13;
to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle&#13;
Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved&#13;
in the great European struggles.&#13;
During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was&#13;
greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.&#13;
This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that&#13;
empire.&#13;
In the course of that war, Czech political leaders&#13;
established a secret committee which directed the activities&#13;
of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G.&#13;
Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe&#13;
and the United States where he received encouragement&#13;
and support.&#13;
Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number&#13;
of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the&#13;
Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state,&#13;
as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a&#13;
territory forming a political union with the prospective&#13;
Polish Republic.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
163&#13;
&#13;
The Slovak League of America entered into contact&#13;
with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed&#13;
with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in&#13;
1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the&#13;
creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia&#13;
should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have&#13;
complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of&#13;
common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should&#13;
be within the competence of a common parliament. History&#13;
shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments&#13;
of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers.&#13;
Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing&#13;
the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore,&#13;
was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak&#13;
Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after&#13;
compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of&#13;
a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those&#13;
who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program&#13;
greatly improved the material conditions of the rural&#13;
population and averted disturbances.&#13;
The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high&#13;
and their passion for education prompted the new republic&#13;
t o establish additional free schools and by improving&#13;
existing schools.&#13;
The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field&#13;
of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed&#13;
the right of organization and thus organized labor had its&#13;
trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar&#13;
workers and businessmen their associations. Health and&#13;
other types of social insurance were either provided for&#13;
or encouraged by the State and provision was made for&#13;
State assistance to housing and co-ops.&#13;
As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was&#13;
Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role&#13;
far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political&#13;
leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the&#13;
Protestant faith .&#13;
Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a&#13;
sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it&#13;
was severly hit by the world economic depression of the&#13;
&#13;
164&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and&#13;
exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries&#13;
to weather the crisis.&#13;
Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia&#13;
was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations&#13;
and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which&#13;
brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League.&#13;
However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's&#13;
foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately&#13;
anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain&#13;
proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose&#13;
the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further&#13;
cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must&#13;
accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The&#13;
result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country&#13;
was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler.&#13;
After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself&#13;
to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the&#13;
country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was&#13;
swift. The administration was purged, the press put under&#13;
rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at&#13;
that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia.&#13;
But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia&#13;
as to whether to place it under German occupation or to&#13;
have it occupied by Hungary.&#13;
On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of&#13;
Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic.&#13;
Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church&#13;
and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The&#13;
Slovak people considered the act was the result of the&#13;
Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been&#13;
signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava&#13;
(the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been&#13;
incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations&#13;
spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order&#13;
to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that&#13;
there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence.&#13;
Even though the Slovak State was largely the result&#13;
of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
165&#13;
&#13;
and the principle of self-determination and self-government.&#13;
The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy&#13;
in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise&#13;
between the past and present, between an old tradition and&#13;
a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central&#13;
Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation.&#13;
In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary,&#13;
because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war&#13;
against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces,&#13;
during the Second World War, did not engage in combat&#13;
against any of the Western Powers.&#13;
In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of&#13;
course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly&#13;
two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the&#13;
Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up&#13;
for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains,&#13;
watching this national tragedy quietly.&#13;
Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed&#13;
in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated,&#13;
the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied&#13;
Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945.&#13;
Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew&#13;
to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was&#13;
to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed,&#13;
or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy&#13;
and communism was possible and that co-existence could&#13;
be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the&#13;
illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were&#13;
different from other Reds and that their methods would&#13;
turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary.&#13;
Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be&#13;
traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was&#13;
that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice&#13;
Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death&#13;
sentence for the past.&#13;
In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new&#13;
course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the&#13;
Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the&#13;
invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was&#13;
&#13;
166&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently,&#13;
asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall&#13;
Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed&#13;
against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This&#13;
was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist&#13;
undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the&#13;
Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier.&#13;
Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent&#13;
foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically&#13;
'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to&#13;
submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry&#13;
in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs,&#13;
while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost&#13;
totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people&#13;
who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead&#13;
as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed&#13;
that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are&#13;
unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples&#13;
of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic,&#13;
spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin.&#13;
This continued for approximately two decades.&#13;
By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political&#13;
crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's&#13;
educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one&#13;
trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation,&#13;
and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were&#13;
daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of&#13;
their own people in high government office.&#13;
Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job&#13;
as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to&#13;
transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east&#13;
of the Iron Curtain.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
167&#13;
&#13;
Literary and press censorship was abolished, many&#13;
victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel&#13;
and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first&#13;
strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was&#13;
allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges&#13;
for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed&#13;
to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the&#13;
government to reflect the will of the people and to respect&#13;
their traditions.&#13;
On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the&#13;
future as he published his "Action Program" in which he&#13;
outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press,&#13;
rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with&#13;
the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany.&#13;
Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as&#13;
a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national&#13;
symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created&#13;
a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued&#13;
Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything&#13;
attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there&#13;
was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the&#13;
popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms.&#13;
Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply&#13;
the principle that practicing socialism must respect the&#13;
traditions of the country.&#13;
All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians,&#13;
who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to&#13;
confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support&#13;
and popularity in every way possible.&#13;
And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of&#13;
Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia&#13;
from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most&#13;
valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist&#13;
dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated&#13;
to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek,&#13;
had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the&#13;
country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The&#13;
Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty&#13;
&#13;
168&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial&#13;
submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded&#13;
with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the&#13;
nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was&#13;
to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal&#13;
of Russian military force depended on the order in the&#13;
country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong&#13;
that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and&#13;
spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed&#13;
resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who&#13;
hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them&#13;
ablaze and their crews scurrying.&#13;
On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of&#13;
approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the&#13;
Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the&#13;
U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet&#13;
communism can tolerate.&#13;
In conclusion, one must remember it has been said&#13;
that the longest journey always starts with a single step,&#13;
and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak&#13;
people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian&#13;
oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will&#13;
be able to take more, even broader strides towards their&#13;
freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the&#13;
Slovaks will be forced to step back again.&#13;
No other nation has suffered so much nor been more&#13;
misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses&#13;
a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled;&#13;
yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the&#13;
free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of&#13;
her own household. So be it!&#13;
an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30,&#13;
1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its&#13;
territory, to Nazi Germany.&#13;
&#13;
• Munich -&#13;
&#13;
(First place -&#13;
&#13;
College)&#13;
&#13;
BIBLIOGRAPHY&#13;
&#13;
BOOKS&#13;
Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner &amp; Soru.&#13;
Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis,&#13;
1963.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
169&#13;
&#13;
Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule&#13;
in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965.&#13;
Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press.&#13;
Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons.&#13;
Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America.&#13;
Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia&#13;
University Press.&#13;
Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.&#13;
Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach.&#13;
MAGAZINES&#13;
Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968.&#13;
Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968.&#13;
Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968;&#13;
Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970;&#13;
Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970.&#13;
PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS&#13;
Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956.&#13;
Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes&#13;
Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes.&#13;
New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know&#13;
Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster.&#13;
Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds.&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE&#13;
Marlene B a rt o s&#13;
&#13;
It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy&#13;
such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can&#13;
best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt&#13;
to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring&#13;
nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and&#13;
musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future.&#13;
The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation&#13;
in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in&#13;
Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have&#13;
been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example,&#13;
records the performances of two plays in German; the one&#13;
entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and&#13;
Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of&#13;
Slovak Literature.)&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>96

SLOVAKIA

One Species, Many Cultures
Michael N

ov ak

Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and
by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the
ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of
Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila,
Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians
have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course
have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In
the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established
there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and
the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later
imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back
toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and
the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking
nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean
and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak
people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they
have endured almost unbroken political oppression.
Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my
grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States;
within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had
done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to
1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated.
They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription
in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break
the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," ""
and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of
freedom.
The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb.
Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other
Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand
folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic
saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the
arts of the Slovaks focus on the home.

�SLOVAKIA

97

The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky
and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is
only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of
Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is
almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social
classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans
are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps
the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past
necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our
history. Every American should learn about and, to some
extent, assimilate English political history and literature.
But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class
culture based in the northeastern section of the nation
a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or
to the character of the other cultures on this planet?
Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity,
but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard,
Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much
in their college days about the other cultures of the world
- about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life,
or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of
slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was
not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes
as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror
image of their own ethnicity.
The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years
been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A
culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic
a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own
self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out
of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet
one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence,
perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants
and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what
is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not
spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen
tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo,

�98

SLOVAKIA

Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do
not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices

- and this is not only because of television, or a generation
gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great
tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too
ethnocentrically, perceived.
I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common"
Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since
Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature
and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried
to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal,
those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those
characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us.
A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse.
A profound irony is involved in our common identity
as members of the human species. The species to which
we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness,
and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete.
That is, our species lives not only within the physical
atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also
within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are
the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of
meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned
action. What we have in common is that we are diverse.
Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so
many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes
obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive
cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex,
distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all
our own, both as individuals and as cultures.
In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend
reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the
relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us
because we inescapably encounter so many who differ
from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind
of common identity. What we have in common are our
finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean
we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we
are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity
lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how
they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to
become a moral human being is rather like (not the same

�SLOVAKIA

99

as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral
human being.
In a word, the way to become moral is not to become
universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the
same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral
identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many
parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We
face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities,
ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these
obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which
I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well.
A nun may define her life around her chastity, as
a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I,
a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity
(of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities
surrounding the central value by which I define my life.
The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy,
where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable
patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature
who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch
different reflections from one who reads him after studying
Russell, Hare and Austin.
What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the
voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral
growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and
"tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are
already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up
Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German
scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time;
each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is
a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for
infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and
personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth
to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development.
Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a
misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough
may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic
human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography

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of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and
Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure

of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their
chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social
class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively
won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to
respect concrete human persons different from oneself is
always present.
Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and
proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One
may be an attorney general of the United States without
becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be
moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because
one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially
different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it
cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination
of stories even about moral monsters.
When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated"
person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul
and in giving names to them. He will have a full range
of references and allusions with which to speak of what
he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist."
Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or
like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont?
Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions?
The state of soul is remarkably various in every case.
Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily
indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems
true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and
contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily
follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of
soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some
professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those
they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and
in some of their students there are depths untongued.
Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history,

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for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of
speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter
differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments
worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not
disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from
classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to
encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.)
On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or
classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight
and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education
today.
For the culture of the universities today is not the
culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western
civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most
administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students
a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals"
and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness.
Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the
Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above
his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and
below it a definition: "More than education ... More than
experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind."

Who today are proud to call themselves professionals?
Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal•
ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and
other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are
terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special•
izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and
effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life,
a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state
of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful
culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football
is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its
mirror-image festival.
In the daily world of politics, the word "professional"
is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians,
an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or
"fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise

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for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff
is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise,
spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase,
"an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question
- Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the
technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style,
in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's
doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent
naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some
constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a
surer grasp that "the real pro."
It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers
"a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have
the certification are truly considered by their peers to be
"the real pros."
Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of
culture must move on several levels.
The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of
mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This
is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This
same class also manages many of our traditional institutions
- business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of
Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n.
But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do.
"Above" the level of the professional culture lies the
"high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or
dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a
certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or
Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics
- sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that
can buy a new generation the education denied its parents
may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being
creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate"
capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good

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fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus,
not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like
Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not
"wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit.
It is true that the "high culture," once it has been
achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy
than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure.
They are provided with instruction. They finance artists
and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and
the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art
and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high
culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not
to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity
without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can
be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw,
and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being
forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in
which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a
certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society.
Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds
of professional performance. The main force of the word
"professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one
professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack"
is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he
needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself
to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no
larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within
which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his
skills, but not the spirit of their use.
When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the
person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques.
We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for
all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of
the social realities within which he operates. We mean that,
both regarding himself and regarding the world of his
activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch."
His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment
to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither
an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist.

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Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture
of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America.
As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of
considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may
attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be
articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context,
the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly
neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way
of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea.
But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without
depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments
than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to
their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons,
persons of considerable education and articulateness, are
somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking
what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range,
virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their
moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David
Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for
the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify.
The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are
often their society writ small.
Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their
role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in
Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the
city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But
what about the local cultures, those millions who admire
and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When
Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he
makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have
shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer"
a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new
professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To

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them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of
John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor
Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb
Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology
does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so
much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected
to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse
cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again."
Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The
Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or
Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy,
Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest
several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation.
Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from
fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions
whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic
worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite
vibrations.
Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine;
the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor
whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the
Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers
of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted
with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York
City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George
Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far
heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar
economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety
is this nation composed.
Among blacks, there are differences depending on
origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience
whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the
cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban
North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New
York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque
are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental
Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant
ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success
- are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches

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American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from
Boston and New York.
The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is
a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It
remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as
thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has
been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the
ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic,
capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of
the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is
the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal,
but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for
their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural
diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional
biases. Some, for example, make provision for black,
Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little,
perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their
analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence
reality demands.
It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common
culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents
the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that
Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But
it is not true that even highly educated people in any part
of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this
"common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who
attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of
the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the
young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of
New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare,
for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St.
Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others,
my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment
writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns
exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me
that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it
is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy
and religious studies who respond in significantly different
ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have

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interests and training in the sciences or social sciences;
their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine.
"Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school?
What is your religious and ethnic background? What do
these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for
purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive
perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the
cultural background within which the words of others gain
their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer
such questions. What we have most to gain from each other
is generated by our mutual differences. The different
horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring
to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth.
Consider the following propositions:
1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual
and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into
it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth.
2. This common culture is composed of many related but
divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them.
3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are
also other "common cultures" of great complexity and
diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial
and serious.
4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant
traditions within the common culture have been favored
over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature
and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials
have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from
the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over
religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the
modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated
our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our
schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most
important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of
love, fate and war.)
5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for
strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic
and religious differences but for "overcoming" them,

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for replacing them with a more or less universal culture.
The underlying model for this "universal" ideological
outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who
enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will
find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related
to their own cultural background, and others will not.
6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high
culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This
model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our
major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant
language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it
cannot be ignored.
Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton,
Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools
nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's
financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that
passes, in order to understand American reality, students
have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American
traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud,
Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the
Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How
can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without
learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone
comprehend Detroit without learning about black history
in America and Polish history in America - two out of
every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish,
while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites
remain Anglo-American and Jewish?
Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence
it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that
all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has
generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions,
whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked
Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners
of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is
not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to
assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and
to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails.
Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages

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the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be
a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those
who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the
given alignments of powers within the society." Against
Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the
art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for
the creation of new art but also for the building of a new
society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art
of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually."
Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance.
And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order
to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at
minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read
many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian
aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious
wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not
necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize
that there are analogies between the life stories of the
uneducated and those of the college trained.
A democracy needs an early discernment system, to
spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But
it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent
to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own
roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet
to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats,
it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both
proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically.
According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student
admitted to college through "open admissions" has within
him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic
arrogance, each student should be judged according to his
own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university
is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent
to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be
admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets
that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures
of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the
United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric.
When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well

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a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature
is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours,
dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign
"others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we
called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate
perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans."
We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.)
The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are
three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of
ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable
communities are one location. The humanities are, in this
sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or
celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively
few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming
army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily
in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third
location. Among these new professionals are many who
call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be
taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity.
We need, in America, a public and popular humanities
- a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed
studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety.
As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik
as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public
and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the
early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the
origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year
struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish
I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of
so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and
strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of
the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America
would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned
earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy
injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made
me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution
might have been. I would have had personal parallels by
which to judge more accurately what America had done
to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was

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I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots
On?)

We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that
derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past.
In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or
a small number of families controls the politics, economics
and media of communication. Against their vulgar power,
the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as
powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our
highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer
embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen
before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste"
and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves
their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained
a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for
the moral analogies between his life and those of others.
Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home
with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor
with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing
his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which
our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian
standard, for differences of station and talent are not
blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and
of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God.
Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that
concerning the large and important issues, they are almost
always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect;
it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of
the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization
is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our
brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could
wish that more of them would turn their skills toward
many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the
history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the
United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual
pluralism.
'' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using
the Slovak language in public.
(Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1,
Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta
Kappa. By permission of the publishers.)

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3723">
                    <text>96

SLOVAKIA

One Species, Many Cultures
Michael N

ov ak

Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and
by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the
ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of
Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila,
Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians
have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course
have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In
the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established
there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and
the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later
imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back
toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and
the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking
nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean
and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak
people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they
have endured almost unbroken political oppression.
Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my
grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States;
within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had
done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to
1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated.
They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription
in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break
the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," ""
and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of
freedom.
The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb.
Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other
Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand
folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic
saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the
arts of the Slovaks focus on the home.

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The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky
and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is
only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of
Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is
almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social
classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans
are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps
the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past
necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our
history. Every American should learn about and, to some
extent, assimilate English political history and literature.
But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class
culture based in the northeastern section of the nation
a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or
to the character of the other cultures on this planet?
Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity,
but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard,
Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much
in their college days about the other cultures of the world
- about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life,
or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of
slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was
not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes
as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror
image of their own ethnicity.
The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years
been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A
culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic
a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own
self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out
of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet
one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence,
perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants
and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what
is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not
spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen
tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo,

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Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do
not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices

- and this is not only because of television, or a generation
gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great
tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too
ethnocentrically, perceived.
I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common"
Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since
Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature
and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried
to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal,
those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those
characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us.
A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse.
A profound irony is involved in our common identity
as members of the human species. The species to which
we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness,
and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete.
That is, our species lives not only within the physical
atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also
within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are
the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of
meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned
action. What we have in common is that we are diverse.
Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so
many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes
obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive
cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex,
distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all
our own, both as individuals and as cultures.
In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend
reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the
relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us
because we inescapably encounter so many who differ
from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind
of common identity. What we have in common are our
finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean
we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we
are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity
lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how
they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to
become a moral human being is rather like (not the same

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as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral
human being.
In a word, the way to become moral is not to become
universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the
same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral
identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many
parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We
face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities,
ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these
obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which
I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well.
A nun may define her life around her chastity, as
a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I,
a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity
(of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities
surrounding the central value by which I define my life.
The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy,
where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable
patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature
who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch
different reflections from one who reads him after studying
Russell, Hare and Austin.
What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the
voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral
growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and
"tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are
already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up
Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German
scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time;
each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is
a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for
infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and
personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth
to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development.
Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a
misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough
may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic
human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography

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of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and
Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure

of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their
chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social
class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively
won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to
respect concrete human persons different from oneself is
always present.
Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and
proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One
may be an attorney general of the United States without
becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be
moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because
one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially
different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it
cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination
of stories even about moral monsters.
When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated"
person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul
and in giving names to them. He will have a full range
of references and allusions with which to speak of what
he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist."
Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or
like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont?
Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions?
The state of soul is remarkably various in every case.
Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily
indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems
true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and
contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily
follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of
soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some
professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those
they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and
in some of their students there are depths untongued.
Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history,

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for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of
speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter
differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments
worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not
disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from
classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to
encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.)
On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or
classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight
and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education
today.
For the culture of the universities today is not the
culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western
civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most
administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students
a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals"
and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness.
Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the
Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above
his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and
below it a definition: "More than education ... More than
experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind."

Who today are proud to call themselves professionals?
Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal•
ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and
other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are
terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special•
izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and
effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life,
a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state
of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful
culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football
is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its
mirror-image festival.
In the daily world of politics, the word "professional"
is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians,
an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or
"fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise

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for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff
is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise,
spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase,
"an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question
- Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the
technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style,
in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's
doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent
naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some
constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a
surer grasp that "the real pro."
It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers
"a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have
the certification are truly considered by their peers to be
"the real pros."
Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of
culture must move on several levels.
The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of
mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This
is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This
same class also manages many of our traditional institutions
- business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of
Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n.
But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do.
"Above" the level of the professional culture lies the
"high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or
dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a
certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or
Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics
- sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that
can buy a new generation the education denied its parents
may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being
creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate"
capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good

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fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus,
not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like
Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not
"wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit.
It is true that the "high culture," once it has been
achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy
than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure.
They are provided with instruction. They finance artists
and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and
the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art
and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high
culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not
to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity
without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can
be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw,
and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being
forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in
which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a
certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society.
Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds
of professional performance. The main force of the word
"professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one
professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack"
is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he
needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself
to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no
larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within
which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his
skills, but not the spirit of their use.
When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the
person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques.
We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for
all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of
the social realities within which he operates. We mean that,
both regarding himself and regarding the world of his
activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch."
His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment
to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither
an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist.

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Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture
of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America.
As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of
considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may
attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be
articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context,
the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly
neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way
of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea.
But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without
depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments
than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to
their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons,
persons of considerable education and articulateness, are
somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking
what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range,
virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their
moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David
Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for
the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify.
The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are
often their society writ small.
Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their
role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in
Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the
city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But
what about the local cultures, those millions who admire
and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When
Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he
makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have
shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer"
a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new
professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To

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them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of
John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor
Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb
Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology
does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so
much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected
to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse
cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again."
Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The
Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or
Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy,
Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest
several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation.
Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from
fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions
whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic
worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite
vibrations.
Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine;
the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor
whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the
Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers
of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted
with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York
City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George
Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far
heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar
economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety
is this nation composed.
Among blacks, there are differences depending on
origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience
whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the
cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban
North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New
York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque
are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental
Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant
ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success
- are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches

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American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from
Boston and New York.
The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is
a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It
remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as
thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has
been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the
ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic,
capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of
the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is
the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal,
but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for
their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural
diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional
biases. Some, for example, make provision for black,
Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little,
perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their
analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence
reality demands.
It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common
culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents
the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that
Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But
it is not true that even highly educated people in any part
of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this
"common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who
attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of
the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the
young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of
New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare,
for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St.
Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others,
my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment
writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns
exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me
that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it
is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy
and religious studies who respond in significantly different
ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have

�SLOVAKIA

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interests and training in the sciences or social sciences;
their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine.
"Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school?
What is your religious and ethnic background? What do
these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for
purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive
perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the
cultural background within which the words of others gain
their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer
such questions. What we have most to gain from each other
is generated by our mutual differences. The different
horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring
to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth.
Consider the following propositions:
1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual
and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into
it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth.
2. This common culture is composed of many related but
divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them.
3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are
also other "common cultures" of great complexity and
diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial
and serious.
4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant
traditions within the common culture have been favored
over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature
and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials
have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from
the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over
religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the
modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated
our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our
schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most
important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of
love, fate and war.)
5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for
strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic
and religious differences but for "overcoming" them,

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for replacing them with a more or less universal culture.
The underlying model for this "universal" ideological
outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who
enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will
find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related
to their own cultural background, and others will not.
6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high
culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This
model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our
major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant
language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it
cannot be ignored.
Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton,
Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools
nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's
financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that
passes, in order to understand American reality, students
have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American
traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud,
Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the
Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How
can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without
learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone
comprehend Detroit without learning about black history
in America and Polish history in America - two out of
every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish,
while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites
remain Anglo-American and Jewish?
Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence
it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that
all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has
generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions,
whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked
Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners
of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is
not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to
assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and
to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails.
Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages

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the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be
a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those
who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the
given alignments of powers within the society." Against
Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the
art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for
the creation of new art but also for the building of a new
society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art
of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually."
Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance.
And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order
to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at
minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read
many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian
aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious
wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not
necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize
that there are analogies between the life stories of the
uneducated and those of the college trained.
A democracy needs an early discernment system, to
spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But
it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent
to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own
roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet
to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats,
it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both
proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically.
According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student
admitted to college through "open admissions" has within
him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic
arrogance, each student should be judged according to his
own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university
is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent
to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be
admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets
that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures
of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the
United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric.
When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well

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a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature
is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours,
dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign
"others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we
called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate
perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans."
We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.)
The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are
three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of
ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable
communities are one location. The humanities are, in this
sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or
celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively
few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming
army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily
in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third
location. Among these new professionals are many who
call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be
taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity.
We need, in America, a public and popular humanities
- a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed
studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety.
As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik
as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public
and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the
early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the
origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year
struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish
I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of
so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and
strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of
the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America
would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned
earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy
injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made
me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution
might have been. I would have had personal parallels by
which to judge more accurately what America had done
to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was

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I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots
On?)

We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that
derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past.
In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or
a small number of families controls the politics, economics
and media of communication. Against their vulgar power,
the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as
powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our
highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer
embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen
before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste"
and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves
their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained
a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for
the moral analogies between his life and those of others.
Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home
with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor
with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing
his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which
our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian
standard, for differences of station and talent are not
blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and
of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God.
Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that
concerning the large and important issues, they are almost
always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect;
it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of
the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization
is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our
brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could
wish that more of them would turn their skills toward
many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the
history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the
United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual
pluralism.
'' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using
the Slovak language in public.
(Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1,
Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta
Kappa. By permission of the publishers.)

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&#13;
Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and&#13;
by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the&#13;
ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of&#13;
Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila,&#13;
Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians&#13;
have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course&#13;
have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In&#13;
the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established&#13;
there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and&#13;
the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later&#13;
imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back&#13;
toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and&#13;
the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking&#13;
nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean&#13;
and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak&#13;
people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they&#13;
have endured almost unbroken political oppression.&#13;
Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my&#13;
grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States;&#13;
within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had&#13;
done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to&#13;
1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated.&#13;
They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription&#13;
in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break&#13;
the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," ""&#13;
and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of&#13;
freedom.&#13;
The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb.&#13;
Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other&#13;
Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand&#13;
folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic&#13;
saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the&#13;
arts of the Slovaks focus on the home.&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
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The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky&#13;
and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is&#13;
only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of&#13;
Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is&#13;
almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social&#13;
classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans&#13;
are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps&#13;
the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past&#13;
necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our&#13;
history. Every American should learn about and, to some&#13;
extent, assimilate English political history and literature.&#13;
But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class&#13;
culture based in the northeastern section of the nation&#13;
a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or&#13;
to the character of the other cultures on this planet?&#13;
Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity,&#13;
but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard,&#13;
Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much&#13;
in their college days about the other cultures of the world&#13;
- about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life,&#13;
or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of&#13;
slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was&#13;
not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes&#13;
as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror&#13;
image of their own ethnicity.&#13;
The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years&#13;
been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A&#13;
culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic&#13;
a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own&#13;
self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out&#13;
of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet&#13;
one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence,&#13;
perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants&#13;
and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what&#13;
is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not&#13;
spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen&#13;
tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo,&#13;
&#13;
98&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do&#13;
not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices&#13;
&#13;
- and this is not only because of television, or a generation&#13;
gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great&#13;
tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too&#13;
ethnocentrically, perceived.&#13;
I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common"&#13;
Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since&#13;
Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature&#13;
and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried&#13;
to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal,&#13;
those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those&#13;
characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us.&#13;
A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse.&#13;
A profound irony is involved in our common identity&#13;
as members of the human species. The species to which&#13;
we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness,&#13;
and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete.&#13;
That is, our species lives not only within the physical&#13;
atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also&#13;
within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are&#13;
the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of&#13;
meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned&#13;
action. What we have in common is that we are diverse.&#13;
Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so&#13;
many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes&#13;
obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive&#13;
cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex,&#13;
distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all&#13;
our own, both as individuals and as cultures.&#13;
In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend&#13;
reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the&#13;
relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us&#13;
because we inescapably encounter so many who differ&#13;
from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind&#13;
of common identity. What we have in common are our&#13;
finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean&#13;
we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we&#13;
are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity&#13;
lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how&#13;
they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to&#13;
become a moral human being is rather like (not the same&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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&#13;
as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral&#13;
human being.&#13;
In a word, the way to become moral is not to become&#13;
universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the&#13;
same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral&#13;
identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many&#13;
parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We&#13;
face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities,&#13;
ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these&#13;
obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which&#13;
I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well.&#13;
A nun may define her life around her chastity, as&#13;
a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I,&#13;
a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity&#13;
(of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities&#13;
surrounding the central value by which I define my life.&#13;
The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy,&#13;
where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable&#13;
patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature&#13;
who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch&#13;
different reflections from one who reads him after studying&#13;
Russell, Hare and Austin.&#13;
What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the&#13;
voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral&#13;
growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and&#13;
"tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are&#13;
already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up&#13;
Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German&#13;
scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time;&#13;
each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is&#13;
a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for&#13;
infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and&#13;
personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth&#13;
to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development.&#13;
Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a&#13;
misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough&#13;
may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic&#13;
human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography&#13;
&#13;
100&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and&#13;
Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure&#13;
&#13;
of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their&#13;
chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social&#13;
class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively&#13;
won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to&#13;
respect concrete human persons different from oneself is&#13;
always present.&#13;
Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and&#13;
proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One&#13;
may be an attorney general of the United States without&#13;
becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be&#13;
moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because&#13;
one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially&#13;
different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it&#13;
cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination&#13;
of stories even about moral monsters.&#13;
When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated"&#13;
person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul&#13;
and in giving names to them. He will have a full range&#13;
of references and allusions with which to speak of what&#13;
he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist."&#13;
Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or&#13;
like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont?&#13;
Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions?&#13;
The state of soul is remarkably various in every case.&#13;
Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily&#13;
indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems&#13;
true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and&#13;
contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily&#13;
follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of&#13;
soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some&#13;
professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those&#13;
they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and&#13;
in some of their students there are depths untongued.&#13;
Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history,&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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101&#13;
&#13;
for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of&#13;
speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter&#13;
differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments&#13;
worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not&#13;
disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from&#13;
classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to&#13;
encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.)&#13;
On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or&#13;
classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight&#13;
and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education&#13;
today.&#13;
For the culture of the universities today is not the&#13;
culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western&#13;
civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most&#13;
administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students&#13;
a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals"&#13;
and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness.&#13;
Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the&#13;
Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above&#13;
his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and&#13;
below it a definition: "More than education ... More than&#13;
experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind."&#13;
&#13;
Who today are proud to call themselves professionals?&#13;
Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal•&#13;
ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and&#13;
other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are&#13;
terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special•&#13;
izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and&#13;
effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life,&#13;
a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state&#13;
of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful&#13;
culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football&#13;
is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its&#13;
mirror-image festival.&#13;
In the daily world of politics, the word "professional"&#13;
is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians,&#13;
an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or&#13;
"fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise&#13;
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102&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff&#13;
is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise,&#13;
spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase,&#13;
"an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question&#13;
- Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the&#13;
technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style,&#13;
in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's&#13;
doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent&#13;
naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some&#13;
constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a&#13;
surer grasp that "the real pro."&#13;
It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers&#13;
"a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have&#13;
the certification are truly considered by their peers to be&#13;
"the real pros."&#13;
Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of&#13;
culture must move on several levels.&#13;
The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of&#13;
mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This&#13;
is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This&#13;
same class also manages many of our traditional institutions&#13;
- business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of&#13;
Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n.&#13;
But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do.&#13;
"Above" the level of the professional culture lies the&#13;
"high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or&#13;
dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a&#13;
certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or&#13;
Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics&#13;
- sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that&#13;
can buy a new generation the education denied its parents&#13;
may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being&#13;
creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate"&#13;
capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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103&#13;
&#13;
fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus,&#13;
not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like&#13;
Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not&#13;
"wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit.&#13;
It is true that the "high culture," once it has been&#13;
achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy&#13;
than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure.&#13;
They are provided with instruction. They finance artists&#13;
and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and&#13;
the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art&#13;
and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high&#13;
culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not&#13;
to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity&#13;
without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can&#13;
be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw,&#13;
and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being&#13;
forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in&#13;
which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a&#13;
certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society.&#13;
Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds&#13;
of professional performance. The main force of the word&#13;
"professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one&#13;
professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack"&#13;
is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he&#13;
needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself&#13;
to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no&#13;
larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within&#13;
which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his&#13;
skills, but not the spirit of their use.&#13;
When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the&#13;
person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques.&#13;
We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for&#13;
all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of&#13;
the social realities within which he operates. We mean that,&#13;
both regarding himself and regarding the world of his&#13;
activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch."&#13;
His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment&#13;
to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither&#13;
an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist.&#13;
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104&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
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Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture&#13;
of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America.&#13;
As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of&#13;
considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may&#13;
attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be&#13;
articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context,&#13;
the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly&#13;
neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way&#13;
of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea.&#13;
But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without&#13;
depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments&#13;
than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to&#13;
their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons,&#13;
persons of considerable education and articulateness, are&#13;
somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking&#13;
what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range,&#13;
virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their&#13;
moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David&#13;
Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for&#13;
the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify.&#13;
The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are&#13;
often their society writ small.&#13;
Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their&#13;
role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in&#13;
Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the&#13;
city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But&#13;
what about the local cultures, those millions who admire&#13;
and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When&#13;
Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he&#13;
makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have&#13;
shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer"&#13;
a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new&#13;
professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of&#13;
John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor&#13;
Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb&#13;
Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology&#13;
does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so&#13;
much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected&#13;
to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse&#13;
cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again."&#13;
Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The&#13;
Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or&#13;
Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy,&#13;
Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest&#13;
several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation.&#13;
Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from&#13;
fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions&#13;
whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic&#13;
worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite&#13;
vibrations.&#13;
Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine;&#13;
the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor&#13;
whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the&#13;
Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers&#13;
of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted&#13;
with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York&#13;
City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George&#13;
Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far&#13;
heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar&#13;
economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety&#13;
is this nation composed.&#13;
Among blacks, there are differences depending on&#13;
origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience&#13;
whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the&#13;
cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban&#13;
North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New&#13;
York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque&#13;
are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental&#13;
Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant&#13;
ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success&#13;
- are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches&#13;
&#13;
106&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from&#13;
Boston and New York.&#13;
The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is&#13;
a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It&#13;
remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as&#13;
thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has&#13;
been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the&#13;
ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic,&#13;
capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of&#13;
the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is&#13;
the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal,&#13;
but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for&#13;
their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural&#13;
diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional&#13;
biases. Some, for example, make provision for black,&#13;
Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little,&#13;
perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their&#13;
analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence&#13;
reality demands.&#13;
It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common&#13;
culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents&#13;
the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that&#13;
Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But&#13;
it is not true that even highly educated people in any part&#13;
of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this&#13;
"common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who&#13;
attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of&#13;
the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the&#13;
young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of&#13;
New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare,&#13;
for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St.&#13;
Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others,&#13;
my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment&#13;
writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns&#13;
exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me&#13;
that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it&#13;
is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy&#13;
and religious studies who respond in significantly different&#13;
ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
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&#13;
interests and training in the sciences or social sciences;&#13;
their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine.&#13;
"Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school?&#13;
What is your religious and ethnic background? What do&#13;
these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for&#13;
purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive&#13;
perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the&#13;
cultural background within which the words of others gain&#13;
their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer&#13;
such questions. What we have most to gain from each other&#13;
is generated by our mutual differences. The different&#13;
horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring&#13;
to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth.&#13;
Consider the following propositions:&#13;
1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual&#13;
and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into&#13;
it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth.&#13;
2. This common culture is composed of many related but&#13;
divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them.&#13;
3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are&#13;
also other "common cultures" of great complexity and&#13;
diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial&#13;
and serious.&#13;
4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant&#13;
traditions within the common culture have been favored&#13;
over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature&#13;
and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials&#13;
have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from&#13;
the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over&#13;
religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the&#13;
modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated&#13;
our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our&#13;
schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most&#13;
important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of&#13;
love, fate and war.)&#13;
5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for&#13;
strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic&#13;
and religious differences but for "overcoming" them,&#13;
&#13;
108&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
for replacing them with a more or less universal culture.&#13;
The underlying model for this "universal" ideological&#13;
outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who&#13;
enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will&#13;
find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related&#13;
to their own cultural background, and others will not.&#13;
6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high&#13;
culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This&#13;
model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our&#13;
major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant&#13;
language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it&#13;
cannot be ignored.&#13;
Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton,&#13;
Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools&#13;
nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's&#13;
financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that&#13;
passes, in order to understand American reality, students&#13;
have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American&#13;
traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud,&#13;
Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the&#13;
Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How&#13;
can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without&#13;
learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone&#13;
comprehend Detroit without learning about black history&#13;
in America and Polish history in America - two out of&#13;
every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish,&#13;
while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites&#13;
remain Anglo-American and Jewish?&#13;
Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence&#13;
it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that&#13;
all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has&#13;
generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions,&#13;
whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked&#13;
Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners&#13;
of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is&#13;
not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to&#13;
assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and&#13;
to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails.&#13;
Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
109&#13;
&#13;
the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be&#13;
a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those&#13;
who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the&#13;
given alignments of powers within the society." Against&#13;
Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the&#13;
art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for&#13;
the creation of new art but also for the building of a new&#13;
society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art&#13;
of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually."&#13;
Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance.&#13;
And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order&#13;
to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at&#13;
minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read&#13;
many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian&#13;
aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious&#13;
wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not&#13;
necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize&#13;
that there are analogies between the life stories of the&#13;
uneducated and those of the college trained.&#13;
A democracy needs an early discernment system, to&#13;
spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But&#13;
it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent&#13;
to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own&#13;
roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet&#13;
to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats,&#13;
it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both&#13;
proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically.&#13;
According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student&#13;
admitted to college through "open admissions" has within&#13;
him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic&#13;
arrogance, each student should be judged according to his&#13;
own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university&#13;
is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent&#13;
to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be&#13;
admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets&#13;
that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures&#13;
of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the&#13;
United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric.&#13;
When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well&#13;
&#13;
110&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature&#13;
is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours,&#13;
dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign&#13;
"others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we&#13;
called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate&#13;
perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans."&#13;
We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.)&#13;
The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are&#13;
three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of&#13;
ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable&#13;
communities are one location. The humanities are, in this&#13;
sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or&#13;
celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively&#13;
few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming&#13;
army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily&#13;
in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third&#13;
location. Among these new professionals are many who&#13;
call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be&#13;
taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity.&#13;
We need, in America, a public and popular humanities&#13;
- a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed&#13;
studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety.&#13;
As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik&#13;
as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public&#13;
and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the&#13;
early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the&#13;
origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year&#13;
struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish&#13;
I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of&#13;
so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and&#13;
strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of&#13;
the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America&#13;
would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned&#13;
earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy&#13;
injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made&#13;
me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution&#13;
might have been. I would have had personal parallels by&#13;
which to judge more accurately what America had done&#13;
to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
111&#13;
&#13;
I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots&#13;
On?)&#13;
&#13;
We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that&#13;
derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past.&#13;
In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or&#13;
a small number of families controls the politics, economics&#13;
and media of communication. Against their vulgar power,&#13;
the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as&#13;
powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our&#13;
highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer&#13;
embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen&#13;
before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste"&#13;
and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves&#13;
their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained&#13;
a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for&#13;
the moral analogies between his life and those of others.&#13;
Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home&#13;
with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor&#13;
with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing&#13;
his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which&#13;
our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian&#13;
standard, for differences of station and talent are not&#13;
blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and&#13;
of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God.&#13;
Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that&#13;
concerning the large and important issues, they are almost&#13;
always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect;&#13;
it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of&#13;
the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization&#13;
is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our&#13;
brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could&#13;
wish that more of them would turn their skills toward&#13;
many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the&#13;
history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the&#13;
United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual&#13;
pluralism.&#13;
'' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using&#13;
the Slovak language in public.&#13;
(Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1,&#13;
Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta&#13;
Kappa. By permission of the publishers.)&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>One Species, Many Cultures</text>
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Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 96-111</text>
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                    <text>84

SLOVAKIA

Slovak Heritage
By Michael O'P a k e, Esq.

There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy
morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we
could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a
sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew
closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths
of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak
friends:
"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses
yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming
shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I
watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious
revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own
opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the
other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly
on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g
for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty
thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her:
"I wonder what it's like to be free."
Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of
America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take
freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought
with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by
the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne
and on Heartbreak Ridge.
Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk,
laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be
handled and practiced in order to be known and loved.
If freedom were taken away from American, then would
we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is.
Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's
home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers
would appreciate being free to pray and equally important,
to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary
or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million
Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God-

�SLOVAKIA

85

given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness
could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the
Iron Curtain.
Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners;
who praise every century but their own, every country but
this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. ,
But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_
celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you
pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat
-you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's
such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the,
white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard
our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of
America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue
of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we
Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should.
ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?"
That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while
still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they
were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud
Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some
·
additional questions.
The freedom and independence and religious liberty
which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old
country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent
Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One
enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the
Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of
Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood
were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence
and fear are still there.
Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows
in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all
the world to see.
Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals
to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a
people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful
religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out
their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is
your answer?

�86

SLOVAKIA

Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has
always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your
efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious
province be successful.
And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as
Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican
to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal,
arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend
you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you
doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense
of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters
from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal
audience.
The second question I would like you to ponder-are
you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate
here in America? Look around you. What do you see?
Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth.
Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our
society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the
texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy
yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good
time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters
of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver.
Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy
enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks
its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either?
It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept
of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into
lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual
when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the
past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens
our spiritual values.
One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the
unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak
heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give
to America.
What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely
linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is
the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task
or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?"

�SLOVAKIA

87

"Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so
it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in
the world is content to grow fat and soft.
The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work
of the Slovak is well-known and respected.
But how about the political involvement? Are you
satisfied?
Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the
entire United States?
Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building
churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We
can learn a lesson.
What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when
a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning
iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for
awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our
consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national
tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating
at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults,
drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American
Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority,
and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the
pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for
the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in
changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by
merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask,
"Is this right or wrong?"
One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel
your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak
organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the
activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are
some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in
freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your
part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take
the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold
so dear.
(Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of
America, May 19, 1973.)

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3744">
                    <text>84

SLOVAKIA

Slovak Heritage
By Michael O'P a k e, Esq.

There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy
morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we
could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a
sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew
closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths
of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak
friends:
"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses
yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming
shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I
watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious
revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own
opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the
other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly
on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g
for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty
thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her:
"I wonder what it's like to be free."
Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of
America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take
freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought
with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by
the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne
and on Heartbreak Ridge.
Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk,
laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be
handled and practiced in order to be known and loved.
If freedom were taken away from American, then would
we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is.
Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's
home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers
would appreciate being free to pray and equally important,
to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary
or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million
Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God-

�SLOVAKIA

85

given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness
could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the
Iron Curtain.
Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners;
who praise every century but their own, every country but
this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. ,
But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_
celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you
pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat
-you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's
such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the,
white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard
our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of
America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue
of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we
Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should.
ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?"
That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while
still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they
were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud
Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some
·
additional questions.
The freedom and independence and religious liberty
which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old
country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent
Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One
enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the
Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of
Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood
were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence
and fear are still there.
Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows
in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all
the world to see.
Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals
to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a
people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful
religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out
their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is
your answer?

�86

SLOVAKIA

Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has
always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your
efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious
province be successful.
And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as
Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican
to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal,
arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend
you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you
doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense
of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters
from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal
audience.
The second question I would like you to ponder-are
you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate
here in America? Look around you. What do you see?
Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth.
Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our
society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the
texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy
yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good
time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters
of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver.
Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy
enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks
its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either?
It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept
of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into
lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual
when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the
past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens
our spiritual values.
One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the
unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak
heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give
to America.
What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely
linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is
the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task
or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?"

�SLOVAKIA

87

"Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so
it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in
the world is content to grow fat and soft.
The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work
of the Slovak is well-known and respected.
But how about the political involvement? Are you
satisfied?
Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the
entire United States?
Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building
churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We
can learn a lesson.
What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when
a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning
iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for
awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our
consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national
tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating
at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults,
drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American
Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority,
and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the
pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for
the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in
changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by
merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask,
"Is this right or wrong?"
One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel
your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak
organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the
activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are
some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in
freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your
part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take
the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold
so dear.
(Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of
America, May 19, 1973.)

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              <text>84&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Heritage&#13;
By Michael O'P a k e, Esq.&#13;
&#13;
There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy&#13;
morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we&#13;
could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a&#13;
sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew&#13;
closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths&#13;
of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak&#13;
friends:&#13;
"Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses&#13;
yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming&#13;
shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I&#13;
watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious&#13;
revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own&#13;
opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the&#13;
other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly&#13;
on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g&#13;
for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty&#13;
thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her:&#13;
"I wonder what it's like to be free."&#13;
Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of&#13;
America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take&#13;
freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought&#13;
with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by&#13;
the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne&#13;
and on Heartbreak Ridge.&#13;
Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk,&#13;
laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be&#13;
handled and practiced in order to be known and loved.&#13;
If freedom were taken away from American, then would&#13;
we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is.&#13;
Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's&#13;
home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers&#13;
would appreciate being free to pray and equally important,&#13;
to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary&#13;
or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million&#13;
Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
85&#13;
&#13;
given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness&#13;
could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the&#13;
Iron Curtain.&#13;
Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners;&#13;
who praise every century but their own, every country but&#13;
this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. ,&#13;
But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_&#13;
celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you&#13;
pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat&#13;
-you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's&#13;
such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the,&#13;
white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard&#13;
our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of&#13;
America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue&#13;
of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we&#13;
Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should.&#13;
ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?"&#13;
That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while&#13;
still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they&#13;
were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud&#13;
Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some&#13;
·&#13;
additional questions.&#13;
The freedom and independence and religious liberty&#13;
which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old&#13;
country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent&#13;
Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One&#13;
enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the&#13;
Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of&#13;
Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood&#13;
were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence&#13;
and fear are still there.&#13;
Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows&#13;
in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all&#13;
the world to see.&#13;
Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals&#13;
to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a&#13;
people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful&#13;
religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out&#13;
their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is&#13;
your answer?&#13;
&#13;
86&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has&#13;
always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your&#13;
efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious&#13;
province be successful.&#13;
And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as&#13;
Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican&#13;
to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal,&#13;
arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend&#13;
you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you&#13;
doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense&#13;
of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters&#13;
from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal&#13;
audience.&#13;
The second question I would like you to ponder-are&#13;
you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate&#13;
here in America? Look around you. What do you see?&#13;
Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth.&#13;
Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our&#13;
society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the&#13;
texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy&#13;
yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good&#13;
time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters&#13;
of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver.&#13;
Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy&#13;
enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks&#13;
its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either?&#13;
It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept&#13;
of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into&#13;
lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual&#13;
when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the&#13;
past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens&#13;
our spiritual values.&#13;
One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the&#13;
unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak&#13;
heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give&#13;
to America.&#13;
What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely&#13;
linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is&#13;
the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task&#13;
or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?"&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
87&#13;
&#13;
"Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so&#13;
it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in&#13;
the world is content to grow fat and soft.&#13;
The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work&#13;
of the Slovak is well-known and respected.&#13;
But how about the political involvement? Are you&#13;
satisfied?&#13;
Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the&#13;
entire United States?&#13;
Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building&#13;
churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We&#13;
can learn a lesson.&#13;
What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when&#13;
a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning&#13;
iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for&#13;
awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our&#13;
consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national&#13;
tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating&#13;
at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults,&#13;
drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American&#13;
Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority,&#13;
and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the&#13;
pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for&#13;
the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in&#13;
changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by&#13;
merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask,&#13;
"Is this right or wrong?"&#13;
One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel&#13;
your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak&#13;
organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the&#13;
activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are&#13;
some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in&#13;
freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your&#13;
part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take&#13;
the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold&#13;
so dear.&#13;
(Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of&#13;
America, May 19, 1973.)&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Michael O'Pake, Esq.&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 84-87</text>
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                <text>O'Pake, Michael A., 1940-2010</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

67

Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.:

Slovak Pioneers Ln America
REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B.
(JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938)

Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the
Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the
Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement
of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey
of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three
men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic
leaders in America.
The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of
St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from
the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join
his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three
years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor
of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus
Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois.
As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth
he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle.
Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues
became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon
shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine
monastery. Foremost among these were the following:
Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the
future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine
Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who
became the first principal of the new Benedictine High
School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and
Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer
pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak,
pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years;
Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School
and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication

�68

SLOVAKIA

for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago.
These were the charter members of the Abbey.
Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of
St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and
offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church,
Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately
appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish
of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school,
a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish
soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago.
While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father
Gregory established life-long friendship with the following
future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis,
Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father
Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding
lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik
and Philip Hrobak.
Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine
monastery was realized when he was elected conventual
prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall
of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation
in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior
Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the
monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois.
Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior
of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's
dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father
George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27
boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both
the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510
Buckeye Road and East Boulevard.
Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's
Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The
new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko,
Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too,

�SLOVAKIA

69

the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method
Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin
and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning
of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph
Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda,
Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko.
This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father
Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a
seminary and eventually a university.
Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to
the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the
13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with
abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot.
Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca,
O.S.B. was elected.
The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their
toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began
to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot.
Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St.
Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral
duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack
on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an
inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end.
Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy
of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many
articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for
several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St.
Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the
West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a
Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that
appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country.
During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation
from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in
forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal
from the new state because the government in Prague failed
to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia.
Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and
patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused
the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of
the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule.

�70

SLOVAKIA

Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father
Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland,
an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak
patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard
who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our
Country and the Slovak nation under God.
SOURCES
Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr.
Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.
Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev.
Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B.
Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota
kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B.
Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931).
Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account
of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them
personally.

FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K
(SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936)

As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak
pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to
be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural
contributions. But not one of them received due recognition
for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in
behalf of our Slovak people." Father f&gt;ulik was one of the
most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy.
In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.&gt;ulik as
a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak
immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with
true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among
Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the
highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak
life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots.
A SERVANT OF GOD
Father Joseph :t.&gt;ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district,
Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and
Katarina f&gt;ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his

�SLOVAKIA

71

college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in
the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was
ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909.
The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish
parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing
the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he
built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until
November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's
parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March
1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa.
he built a new school. Father t.&gt;ulik was destined to remain
in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later.
Father !:&gt;ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by
the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural
center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The
parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal
point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire
area.
Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence
in Father f&gt;ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to
the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But
his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his
parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak
Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak
nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover,
he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal
intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran
faith. 1
A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION
OF AMERICA

At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain
a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.&gt;ulik's
prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for
his people that brought him into national focus as a truly
great leader in American Slovak life.
After the first World War it was his role to win the
Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to
mitivate them in this direction Father t.&gt;ulik made a decisive
break with a number of organizations that did not share
his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation

�72

SLOVAKIA

he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak
nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists.
Even before his election as president of the federation,
Father t'.&gt;ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life.
Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of
Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American
Slovaks might have become sorely disunited.
Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation,
Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a
delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej
Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange
of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy
was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the
Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of
America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course
and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary.
Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks
were again marching in the right direction.
Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak
People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic
Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers
of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November
19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.&gt;ulik presided at the priests'
meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided
to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the
frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the
announcement that was approved the following day by
representatives of the various Slovak societies.
At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.&gt;ulik that
a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka
from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that
autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3
These measures were adopted at the convention of the
Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father
t'.&gt;ulik was elected president.4
On January 14, 1920, Father i'.&gt;ulik called an executive
meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to
Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp

�SLOVAKIA

73

in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action
in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala,

the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the
federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they
were named to the positions of organizer and assistant
secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5
Under Father !&gt;ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance
and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia.
The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the
Slovak leaders in Slovakia.
An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government
of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that
called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had
personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement
with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !&gt;ulik's signature to the document proved
beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the
Slovak nation.6
Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less
than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its
convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7
Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at
t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f&gt;ulik, spokesman for
t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in
America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the
Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his
cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9
SUPREME CHAPLAIN
OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION
(JEDNOTA)

Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days
built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations .
Father !&gt;ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era,
closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola.
As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of

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SLOVAKIA

the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both
our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest
Jednota leaders who served the society and our common
cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life.
Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in
1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among
them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme
secretary for four decades.
Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention
that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain
for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America,
and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak
liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices
in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances
were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the
struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing
statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact.
At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected
Father t:&gt;ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him
alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the
honorary title of chaplain for life. 10
Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old
and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York
convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention
in 1931.12
Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely
to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme
chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota
and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark
on both organizations in which his official priestly office
and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation
and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great
assets for unquestioned leadership in his time.
At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in
America whose influence was felt in their native homeland
across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was
the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar
chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources
and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of

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75

Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found
recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks
themselves!
Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam
a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive
to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the
Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in
line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for
all nations.'
Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota,
from the highest officer to the last member, met the
challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak
freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks
from Magyar rule in Hungary.13
Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority.
Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic
action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired
leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can
rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been
guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests
that are too often motivated by mere expediency.
"Unique is the proper world to describe the total
achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great
to have an organization with many thousands of members,
to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of
which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact,
but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient
Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue
that contributed far more to our society in America than
mere material wealth.
I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have
given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the
future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have
accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14
Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the
Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately
depended upon human beings. He always gave his full
support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with
Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong
and effective among the American Slovaks. These two
complemented each other in the struggle for unity among

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American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive
factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his
friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked
Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15
Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his
sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of
Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in
the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16
Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak
figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the
very height of his brilliant career. A background to this
ironical development is found in the minutes of the First
Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues
and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself
outlined before his resignation at the annual executive
meeting in 1933.17
Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was
removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's
vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure
from the office of supreme chaplain.
IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION
One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention
was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was
held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer
of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more
than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of
our junior membership.
As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father
nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire
assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the
ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient
national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18
Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and
publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program
stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was
invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts
of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest

�SLOVAKIA

77

everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and
national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak
forefathers. 19
TREASURER OF THE
SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE
Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the
very beginning worked together in harmony in this country,
and that included cooperation in cultural and national
affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for
example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak,
Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive
Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to
the highly respected Father i'.&gt;ulik. This unusual trio did an
excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several
hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country.
A nationwide appeal by Father f&gt;ulik aroused the
interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously
to the project of higher education. A number of American
bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses
but contributed financially, too.20
Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f&gt;ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous
support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press
supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of
St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy
for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to
purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High
School in Cleveland, Ohio.
Father f&gt;ulik in a brief span of time between two World
Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and
vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit
and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well
as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations.
A TRAGIC ENDING

Father Joseph i'.&gt;ulik's life came to a tragic end when
he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip
on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936.
Although Father f&gt;ulik's life was comparatively brief,

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his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in
successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak
freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that
bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and
skillful workmanship.
Perhaps more than any single individual in the history
of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought
out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian
heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His
Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and
a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as
well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak
language, literature and culture.
Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B.
FOOTNOTES
1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.&gt;ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a
priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2.
2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and
autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4.
3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat.
organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa."
( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives
of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh,
Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !&gt;ullk and
A. Pirhalla.
4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the
report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ),
Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1.
5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920,
p. 1.

6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26,
1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !&gt;ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis,
secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee.
7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the
Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports
from the convention confirmed Fr. !&gt;ulik's principle expressed
when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed
speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie
Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek
was elected president in Chicago.
8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy

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79

until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the
framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After
the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October
20, 1920, p. 4.
9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4.
10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the
Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes
about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka.
11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, p. 288.
12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540.
13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.
14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, p. 17.

15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka,
and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21.
16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.
17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive
committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr.
f&gt;ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia"
(Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the
Jednota weekly.
18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa.
Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota.
Details are given in this report.
19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary
critics agreed that Fr. f&gt;ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent
speaker.
20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of
Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the
campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their
Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas
Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the
Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young
Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has
been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue
of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in
behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota
issue of April 24, 1929, p.1.
SOURCES
Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and
Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the

First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through
1932.
Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3758">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

67

Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.:

Slovak Pioneers Ln America
REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B.
(JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938)

Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the
Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the
Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement
of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey
of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three
men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic
leaders in America.
The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of
St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from
the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join
his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three
years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor
of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus
Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois.
As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth
he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle.
Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues
became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon
shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine
monastery. Foremost among these were the following:
Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the
future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine
Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who
became the first principal of the new Benedictine High
School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and
Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer
pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak,
pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years;
Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School
and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication

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for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago.
These were the charter members of the Abbey.
Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of
St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and
offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church,
Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately
appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish
of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school,
a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish
soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago.
While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father
Gregory established life-long friendship with the following
future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis,
Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father
Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding
lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik
and Philip Hrobak.
Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine
monastery was realized when he was elected conventual
prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall
of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation
in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior
Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the
monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois.
Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior
of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's
dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father
George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27
boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both
the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510
Buckeye Road and East Boulevard.
Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's
Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The
new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko,
Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too,

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the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method
Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin
and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning
of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph
Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda,
Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko.
This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father
Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a
seminary and eventually a university.
Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to
the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the
13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with
abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot.
Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca,
O.S.B. was elected.
The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their
toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began
to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot.
Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St.
Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral
duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack
on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an
inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end.
Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy
of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many
articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for
several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St.
Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the
West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a
Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that
appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country.
During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation
from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in
forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal
from the new state because the government in Prague failed
to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia.
Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and
patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused
the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of
the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule.

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Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father
Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland,
an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak
patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard
who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our
Country and the Slovak nation under God.
SOURCES
Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr.
Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.
Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev.
Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B.
Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota
kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B.
Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931).
Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account
of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them
personally.

FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K
(SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936)

As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak
pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to
be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural
contributions. But not one of them received due recognition
for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in
behalf of our Slovak people." Father f&gt;ulik was one of the
most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy.
In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.&gt;ulik as
a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak
immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with
true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among
Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the
highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak
life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots.
A SERVANT OF GOD
Father Joseph :t.&gt;ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district,
Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and
Katarina f&gt;ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his

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71

college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in
the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was
ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909.
The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish
parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing
the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he
built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until
November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's
parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March
1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa.
he built a new school. Father t.&gt;ulik was destined to remain
in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later.
Father !:&gt;ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by
the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural
center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The
parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal
point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire
area.
Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence
in Father f&gt;ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to
the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But
his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his
parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak
Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak
nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover,
he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal
intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran
faith. 1
A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION
OF AMERICA

At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain
a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.&gt;ulik's
prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for
his people that brought him into national focus as a truly
great leader in American Slovak life.
After the first World War it was his role to win the
Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to
mitivate them in this direction Father t.&gt;ulik made a decisive
break with a number of organizations that did not share
his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation

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he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak
nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists.
Even before his election as president of the federation,
Father t'.&gt;ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life.
Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of
Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American
Slovaks might have become sorely disunited.
Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation,
Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a
delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej
Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange
of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy
was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the
Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of
America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course
and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary.
Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks
were again marching in the right direction.
Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak
People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic
Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers
of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November
19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.&gt;ulik presided at the priests'
meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided
to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the
frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the
announcement that was approved the following day by
representatives of the various Slovak societies.
At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.&gt;ulik that
a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka
from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that
autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3
These measures were adopted at the convention of the
Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father
t'.&gt;ulik was elected president.4
On January 14, 1920, Father i'.&gt;ulik called an executive
meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to
Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp

�SLOVAKIA

73

in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action
in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala,

the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the
federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they
were named to the positions of organizer and assistant
secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5
Under Father !&gt;ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance
and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia.
The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the
Slovak leaders in Slovakia.
An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government
of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that
called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had
personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement
with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !&gt;ulik's signature to the document proved
beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the
Slovak nation.6
Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less
than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its
convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7
Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at
t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f&gt;ulik, spokesman for
t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in
America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the
Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his
cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9
SUPREME CHAPLAIN
OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION
(JEDNOTA)

Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days
built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations .
Father !&gt;ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era,
closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola.
As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of

�74

SLOVAKIA

the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both
our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest
Jednota leaders who served the society and our common
cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life.
Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in
1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among
them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme
secretary for four decades.
Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention
that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain
for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America,
and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak
liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices
in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances
were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the
struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing
statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact.
At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected
Father t:&gt;ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him
alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the
honorary title of chaplain for life. 10
Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old
and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York
convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention
in 1931.12
Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely
to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme
chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota
and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark
on both organizations in which his official priestly office
and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation
and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great
assets for unquestioned leadership in his time.
At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in
America whose influence was felt in their native homeland
across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was
the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar
chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources
and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of

�SLOVAKIA

75

Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found
recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks
themselves!
Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam
a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive
to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the
Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in
line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for
all nations.'
Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota,
from the highest officer to the last member, met the
challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak
freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks
from Magyar rule in Hungary.13
Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority.
Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic
action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired
leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can
rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been
guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests
that are too often motivated by mere expediency.
"Unique is the proper world to describe the total
achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great
to have an organization with many thousands of members,
to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of
which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact,
but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient
Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue
that contributed far more to our society in America than
mere material wealth.
I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have
given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the
future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have
accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14
Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the
Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately
depended upon human beings. He always gave his full
support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with
Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong
and effective among the American Slovaks. These two
complemented each other in the struggle for unity among

�76

SLOVAKIA

American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive
factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his
friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked
Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15
Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his
sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of
Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in
the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16
Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak
figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the
very height of his brilliant career. A background to this
ironical development is found in the minutes of the First
Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues
and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself
outlined before his resignation at the annual executive
meeting in 1933.17
Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was
removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's
vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure
from the office of supreme chaplain.
IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION
One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention
was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was
held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer
of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more
than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of
our junior membership.
As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father
nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire
assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the
ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient
national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18
Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and
publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program
stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was
invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts
of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest

�SLOVAKIA

77

everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and
national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak
forefathers. 19
TREASURER OF THE
SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE
Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the
very beginning worked together in harmony in this country,
and that included cooperation in cultural and national
affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for
example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak,
Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive
Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to
the highly respected Father i'.&gt;ulik. This unusual trio did an
excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several
hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country.
A nationwide appeal by Father f&gt;ulik aroused the
interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously
to the project of higher education. A number of American
bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses
but contributed financially, too.20
Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f&gt;ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous
support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press
supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of
St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy
for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to
purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High
School in Cleveland, Ohio.
Father f&gt;ulik in a brief span of time between two World
Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and
vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit
and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well
as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations.
A TRAGIC ENDING

Father Joseph i'.&gt;ulik's life came to a tragic end when
he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip
on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936.
Although Father f&gt;ulik's life was comparatively brief,

�78

SLOVAKIA

his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in
successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak
freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that
bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and
skillful workmanship.
Perhaps more than any single individual in the history
of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought
out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian
heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His
Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and
a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as
well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak
language, literature and culture.
Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B.
FOOTNOTES
1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.&gt;ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a
priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2.
2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and
autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4.
3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat.
organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa."
( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives
of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh,
Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !&gt;ullk and
A. Pirhalla.
4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the
report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ),
Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1.
5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920,
p. 1.

6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26,
1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !&gt;ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis,
secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee.
7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the
Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports
from the convention confirmed Fr. !&gt;ulik's principle expressed
when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed
speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie
Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek
was elected president in Chicago.
8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy

�SLOVAKIA

79

until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the
framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After
the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October
20, 1920, p. 4.
9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4.
10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the
Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes
about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka.
11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, p. 288.
12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540.
13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.
14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, p. 17.

15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka,
and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21.
16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.
17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive
committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr.
f&gt;ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia"
(Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the
Jednota weekly.
18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa.
Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota.
Details are given in this report.
19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary
critics agreed that Fr. f&gt;ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent
speaker.
20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of
Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the
campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their
Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas
Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the
Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young
Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has
been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue
of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in
behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota
issue of April 24, 1929, p.1.
SOURCES
Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and
Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the

First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through
1932.
Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91.

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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
67&#13;
&#13;
Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.:&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Pioneers Ln America&#13;
REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B.&#13;
(JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938)&#13;
&#13;
Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the&#13;
Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the&#13;
Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement&#13;
of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters&#13;
of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey&#13;
of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three&#13;
men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic&#13;
leaders in America.&#13;
The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of&#13;
St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from&#13;
the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join&#13;
his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three&#13;
years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor&#13;
of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus&#13;
Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois.&#13;
As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth&#13;
he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle.&#13;
Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues&#13;
became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon&#13;
shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine&#13;
monastery. Foremost among these were the following:&#13;
Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the&#13;
future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine&#13;
Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who&#13;
became the first principal of the new Benedictine High&#13;
School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and&#13;
Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer&#13;
pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak,&#13;
pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years;&#13;
Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School&#13;
and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication&#13;
&#13;
68&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago.&#13;
These were the charter members of the Abbey.&#13;
Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of&#13;
St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and&#13;
offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church,&#13;
Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately&#13;
appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish&#13;
of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school,&#13;
a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish&#13;
soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago.&#13;
While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father&#13;
Gregory established life-long friendship with the following&#13;
future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis,&#13;
Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father&#13;
Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding&#13;
lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik&#13;
and Philip Hrobak.&#13;
Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine&#13;
monastery was realized when he was elected conventual&#13;
prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall&#13;
of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation&#13;
in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior&#13;
Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the&#13;
monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois.&#13;
Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior&#13;
of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's&#13;
dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father&#13;
George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27&#13;
boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both&#13;
the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510&#13;
Buckeye Road and East Boulevard.&#13;
Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's&#13;
Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The&#13;
new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko,&#13;
Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too,&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
69&#13;
&#13;
the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method&#13;
Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin&#13;
and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning&#13;
of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph&#13;
Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda,&#13;
Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko.&#13;
This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father&#13;
Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a&#13;
seminary and eventually a university.&#13;
Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to&#13;
the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the&#13;
13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with&#13;
abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot.&#13;
Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca,&#13;
O.S.B. was elected.&#13;
The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their&#13;
toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began&#13;
to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot.&#13;
Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St.&#13;
Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral&#13;
duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack&#13;
on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an&#13;
inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end.&#13;
Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy&#13;
of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many&#13;
articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for&#13;
several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St.&#13;
Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the&#13;
West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a&#13;
Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that&#13;
appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country.&#13;
During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation&#13;
from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in&#13;
forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal&#13;
from the new state because the government in Prague failed&#13;
to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia.&#13;
Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and&#13;
patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused&#13;
the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of&#13;
the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule.&#13;
&#13;
70&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father&#13;
Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland,&#13;
an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak&#13;
patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard&#13;
who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our&#13;
Country and the Slovak nation under God.&#13;
SOURCES&#13;
Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr.&#13;
Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.&#13;
Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev.&#13;
Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B.&#13;
Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota&#13;
kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B.&#13;
Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931).&#13;
Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account&#13;
of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them&#13;
personally.&#13;
&#13;
FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K&#13;
(SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936)&#13;
&#13;
As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak&#13;
pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to&#13;
be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural&#13;
contributions. But not one of them received due recognition&#13;
for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in&#13;
behalf of our Slovak people." Father f&gt;ulik was one of the&#13;
most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy.&#13;
In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.&gt;ulik as&#13;
a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak&#13;
immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with&#13;
true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among&#13;
Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the&#13;
highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak&#13;
life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots.&#13;
A SERVANT OF GOD&#13;
Father Joseph :t.&gt;ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district,&#13;
Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and&#13;
Katarina f&gt;ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
71&#13;
&#13;
college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in&#13;
the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was&#13;
ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909.&#13;
The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish&#13;
parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing&#13;
the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he&#13;
built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until&#13;
November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's&#13;
parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March&#13;
1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa.&#13;
he built a new school. Father t.&gt;ulik was destined to remain&#13;
in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later.&#13;
Father !:&gt;ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by&#13;
the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural&#13;
center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The&#13;
parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal&#13;
point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire&#13;
area.&#13;
Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence&#13;
in Father f&gt;ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to&#13;
the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But&#13;
his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his&#13;
parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak&#13;
Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak&#13;
nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover,&#13;
he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal&#13;
intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran&#13;
faith. 1&#13;
A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION&#13;
OF AMERICA&#13;
&#13;
At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain&#13;
a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.&gt;ulik's&#13;
prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for&#13;
his people that brought him into national focus as a truly&#13;
great leader in American Slovak life.&#13;
After the first World War it was his role to win the&#13;
Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to&#13;
mitivate them in this direction Father t.&gt;ulik made a decisive&#13;
break with a number of organizations that did not share&#13;
his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation&#13;
&#13;
72&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak&#13;
nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists.&#13;
Even before his election as president of the federation,&#13;
Father t'.&gt;ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life.&#13;
Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of&#13;
Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American&#13;
Slovaks might have become sorely disunited.&#13;
Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation,&#13;
Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a&#13;
delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej&#13;
Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange&#13;
of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy&#13;
was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the&#13;
Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of&#13;
America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course&#13;
and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary.&#13;
Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks&#13;
were again marching in the right direction.&#13;
Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak&#13;
People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic&#13;
Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers&#13;
of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November&#13;
19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.&gt;ulik presided at the priests'&#13;
meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided&#13;
to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the&#13;
frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the&#13;
announcement that was approved the following day by&#13;
representatives of the various Slovak societies.&#13;
At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.&gt;ulik that&#13;
a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka&#13;
from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that&#13;
autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3&#13;
These measures were adopted at the convention of the&#13;
Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father&#13;
t'.&gt;ulik was elected president.4&#13;
On January 14, 1920, Father i'.&gt;ulik called an executive&#13;
meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to&#13;
Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
73&#13;
&#13;
in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action&#13;
in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala,&#13;
&#13;
the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the&#13;
federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they&#13;
were named to the positions of organizer and assistant&#13;
secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5&#13;
Under Father !&gt;ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance&#13;
and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia.&#13;
The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the&#13;
Slovak leaders in Slovakia.&#13;
An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government&#13;
of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that&#13;
called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had&#13;
personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement&#13;
with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !&gt;ulik's signature to the document proved&#13;
beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the&#13;
Slovak nation.6&#13;
Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less&#13;
than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its&#13;
convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7&#13;
Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at&#13;
t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f&gt;ulik, spokesman for&#13;
t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in&#13;
America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the&#13;
Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his&#13;
cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9&#13;
SUPREME CHAPLAIN&#13;
OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION&#13;
(JEDNOTA)&#13;
&#13;
Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days&#13;
built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations .&#13;
Father !&gt;ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era,&#13;
closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola.&#13;
As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of&#13;
&#13;
74&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both&#13;
our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest&#13;
Jednota leaders who served the society and our common&#13;
cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life.&#13;
Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in&#13;
1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among&#13;
them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme&#13;
secretary for four decades.&#13;
Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention&#13;
that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain&#13;
for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America,&#13;
and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak&#13;
liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices&#13;
in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances&#13;
were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the&#13;
struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing&#13;
statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact.&#13;
At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected&#13;
Father t:&gt;ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him&#13;
alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the&#13;
honorary title of chaplain for life. 10&#13;
Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old&#13;
and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York&#13;
convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention&#13;
in 1931.12&#13;
Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely&#13;
to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme&#13;
chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota&#13;
and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark&#13;
on both organizations in which his official priestly office&#13;
and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation&#13;
and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great&#13;
assets for unquestioned leadership in his time.&#13;
At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in&#13;
America whose influence was felt in their native homeland&#13;
across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was&#13;
the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar&#13;
chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources&#13;
and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
75&#13;
&#13;
Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found&#13;
recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks&#13;
themselves!&#13;
Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam&#13;
a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive&#13;
to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the&#13;
Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in&#13;
line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for&#13;
all nations.'&#13;
Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota,&#13;
from the highest officer to the last member, met the&#13;
challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak&#13;
freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks&#13;
from Magyar rule in Hungary.13&#13;
Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority.&#13;
Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic&#13;
action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired&#13;
leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can&#13;
rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been&#13;
guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests&#13;
that are too often motivated by mere expediency.&#13;
"Unique is the proper world to describe the total&#13;
achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great&#13;
to have an organization with many thousands of members,&#13;
to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of&#13;
which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact,&#13;
but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient&#13;
Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue&#13;
that contributed far more to our society in America than&#13;
mere material wealth.&#13;
I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have&#13;
given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the&#13;
future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have&#13;
accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14&#13;
Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the&#13;
Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately&#13;
depended upon human beings. He always gave his full&#13;
support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with&#13;
Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong&#13;
and effective among the American Slovaks. These two&#13;
complemented each other in the struggle for unity among&#13;
&#13;
76&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive&#13;
factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his&#13;
friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked&#13;
Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15&#13;
Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his&#13;
sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of&#13;
Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in&#13;
the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16&#13;
Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak&#13;
figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the&#13;
very height of his brilliant career. A background to this&#13;
ironical development is found in the minutes of the First&#13;
Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues&#13;
and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself&#13;
outlined before his resignation at the annual executive&#13;
meeting in 1933.17&#13;
Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was&#13;
removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's&#13;
vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure&#13;
from the office of supreme chaplain.&#13;
IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION&#13;
One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention&#13;
was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was&#13;
held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer&#13;
of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more&#13;
than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of&#13;
our junior membership.&#13;
As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father&#13;
nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire&#13;
assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the&#13;
ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient&#13;
national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18&#13;
Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and&#13;
publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program&#13;
stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was&#13;
invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts&#13;
of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
77&#13;
&#13;
everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and&#13;
national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak&#13;
forefathers. 19&#13;
TREASURER OF THE&#13;
SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE&#13;
Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the&#13;
very beginning worked together in harmony in this country,&#13;
and that included cooperation in cultural and national&#13;
affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for&#13;
example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak,&#13;
Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive&#13;
Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to&#13;
the highly respected Father i'.&gt;ulik. This unusual trio did an&#13;
excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several&#13;
hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country.&#13;
A nationwide appeal by Father f&gt;ulik aroused the&#13;
interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously&#13;
to the project of higher education. A number of American&#13;
bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses&#13;
but contributed financially, too.20&#13;
Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f&gt;ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous&#13;
support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press&#13;
supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of&#13;
St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy&#13;
for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to&#13;
purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High&#13;
School in Cleveland, Ohio.&#13;
Father f&gt;ulik in a brief span of time between two World&#13;
Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and&#13;
vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit&#13;
and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well&#13;
as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations.&#13;
A TRAGIC ENDING&#13;
&#13;
Father Joseph i'.&gt;ulik's life came to a tragic end when&#13;
he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip&#13;
on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936.&#13;
Although Father f&gt;ulik's life was comparatively brief,&#13;
&#13;
78&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in&#13;
successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak&#13;
freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that&#13;
bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and&#13;
skillful workmanship.&#13;
Perhaps more than any single individual in the history&#13;
of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought&#13;
out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian&#13;
heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His&#13;
Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and&#13;
a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as&#13;
well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak&#13;
language, literature and culture.&#13;
Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B.&#13;
FOOTNOTES&#13;
1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.&gt;ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a&#13;
priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2.&#13;
2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and&#13;
autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4.&#13;
3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat.&#13;
organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa."&#13;
( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives&#13;
of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh,&#13;
Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !&gt;ullk and&#13;
A. Pirhalla.&#13;
4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the&#13;
report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ),&#13;
Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1.&#13;
5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920,&#13;
p. 1.&#13;
&#13;
6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26,&#13;
1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !&gt;ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis,&#13;
secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee.&#13;
7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the&#13;
Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports&#13;
from the convention confirmed Fr. !&gt;ulik's principle expressed&#13;
when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed&#13;
speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie&#13;
Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek&#13;
was elected president in Chicago.&#13;
8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
79&#13;
&#13;
until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the&#13;
framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After&#13;
the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October&#13;
20, 1920, p. 4.&#13;
9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4.&#13;
10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the&#13;
Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes&#13;
about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka.&#13;
11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
Union, p. 288.&#13;
12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540.&#13;
13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.&#13;
14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
Union, p. 17.&#13;
&#13;
15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka,&#13;
and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention&#13;
of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21.&#13;
16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1.&#13;
17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive&#13;
committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr.&#13;
f&gt;ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia"&#13;
(Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the&#13;
Jednota weekly.&#13;
18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa.&#13;
Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota.&#13;
Details are given in this report.&#13;
19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary&#13;
critics agreed that Fr. f&gt;ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent&#13;
speaker.&#13;
20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of&#13;
Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the&#13;
campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their&#13;
Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas&#13;
Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the&#13;
Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young&#13;
Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has&#13;
been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue&#13;
of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in&#13;
behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota&#13;
issue of April 24, 1929, p.1.&#13;
SOURCES&#13;
Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and&#13;
Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the&#13;
&#13;
First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through&#13;
1932.&#13;
Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>80

SLOVAKIA

Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.:

Slovaks Ln Blandburg
AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY
About a month after school vacations began, we looked
forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation
of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed,
for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning
to late at night.
At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us
long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned
the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer.
The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night.
Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed
everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of
fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display
of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day
of unexcelled excitement.
The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR
which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing
horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines
or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added
feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the
Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had
served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed
from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily
attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought
with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind
of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American
Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen
again.
Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch
as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair
of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from
the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi-

�SLOVAKIA
81
--------------------------

son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent
as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays
in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners
were rewarded with great applause and free beer.
The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful
athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for
them in a series of contests that included running, jumping,
throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race,
the spoon-egg race, etc.
Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets
and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely
the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets
that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were
greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to
the other.
Finally, as if by common agreement when the last
sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence
filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le
returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before
retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the
children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days
ahead before the school bell would again summon them
to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of
learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was
far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly
happy and unforgetta ble holiday.
A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION
Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the
Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage
and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously
in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign
rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the
times.
July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e
day because it is an American national holiday and because
it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it
was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any
rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe
a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold

�82

SLOVAKIA

a parade throught the main street of our small town of
about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real
street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained
it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was
rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore
we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were
answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful
sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic
day.
Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized
with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English
oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to
offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and
Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing
of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and
Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was
like reading Latin.
Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks
gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must
give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band
of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ...
even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud
and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because
its members knew they were playing for a cause and
the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their
efforts.
Finally, the parade started for the church which was
about a mile at the each end of our town. The American
Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red)
were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the
marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major
Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star
Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from
across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more
reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into
their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene
was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps

�SLOVAKIA

83

it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American
Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance.
Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by
groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were
the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the
Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and
English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade
on the march for Slovak national freedom.
Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were
impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions
of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that
was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special
Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at
its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans
of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the
beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly
a great day for the Slovaks.
From that day on the townspeople looked upon the
Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized
in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath
a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity
as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation
of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom
under God in a free country ... and at the same time of
fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their
ancient Christian heritage.
(A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory -

pod nami

bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. ,

1972.)

DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science
and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker
last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than
three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the
subject of Slovak folklore and art.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
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                    <text>80

SLOVAKIA

Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.:

Slovaks Ln Blandburg
AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY
About a month after school vacations began, we looked
forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation
of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed,
for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning
to late at night.
At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us
long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned
the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer.
The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night.
Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed
everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of
fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display
of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day
of unexcelled excitement.
The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR
which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing
horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines
or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added
feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the
Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had
served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed
from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily
attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought
with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind
of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American
Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen
again.
Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch
as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair
of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from
the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi-

�SLOVAKIA
81
--------------------------

son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent
as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays
in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners
were rewarded with great applause and free beer.
The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful
athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for
them in a series of contests that included running, jumping,
throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race,
the spoon-egg race, etc.
Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets
and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely
the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets
that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were
greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to
the other.
Finally, as if by common agreement when the last
sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence
filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le
returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before
retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the
children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days
ahead before the school bell would again summon them
to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of
learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was
far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly
happy and unforgetta ble holiday.
A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION
Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the
Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage
and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously
in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign
rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the
times.
July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e
day because it is an American national holiday and because
it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it
was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any
rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe
a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold

�82

SLOVAKIA

a parade throught the main street of our small town of
about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real
street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained
it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was
rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore
we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were
answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful
sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic
day.
Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized
with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English
oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to
offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and
Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing
of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and
Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was
like reading Latin.
Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks
gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must
give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band
of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ...
even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud
and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because
its members knew they were playing for a cause and
the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their
efforts.
Finally, the parade started for the church which was
about a mile at the each end of our town. The American
Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red)
were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the
marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major
Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star
Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from
across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more
reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into
their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene
was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps

�SLOVAKIA

83

it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American
Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance.
Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by
groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were
the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the
Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and
English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade
on the march for Slovak national freedom.
Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were
impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions
of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that
was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special
Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at
its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans
of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the
beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly
a great day for the Slovaks.
From that day on the townspeople looked upon the
Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized
in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath
a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity
as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation
of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom
under God in a free country ... and at the same time of
fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their
ancient Christian heritage.
(A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory -

pod nami

bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. ,

1972.)

DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science
and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker
last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than
three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the
subject of Slovak folklore and art.

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              <text>80&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Andrew Pi er, O.S.B.:&#13;
&#13;
Slovaks Ln Blandburg&#13;
AN AMERICAN HOLIDAY&#13;
About a month after school vacations began, we looked&#13;
forward to the Fourth of July with impatient anticipation&#13;
of a great and exciting holiday. We were never disappointed,&#13;
for American Independence Day was traditionally celebrated with great fanfare, noise and fun from early morning&#13;
to late at night.&#13;
At first it all seemed strange to us, but it did not take us&#13;
long to get into the spirit of the day long before we learned&#13;
the historical significance of the great day in mid-summer.&#13;
The fervor of patriotism ran high from dawn to mid-night.&#13;
Explosives of black-powder, gun-fire and dynamite routed&#13;
everyone out of bed at the first light of day, the sound of&#13;
fire-crackers continued all day long and a bright display&#13;
of sparklers and rockets after dark finally climaxed a day&#13;
of unexcelled excitement.&#13;
The day's festivities were highlighted by a parade iR&#13;
which participants of all ages escorted or rode prancing&#13;
horses and sedate mules that were drafted from the mines&#13;
or farms to add color and life to the happy event. An added&#13;
feature was a troop of ex-soldiers and dragoons from the&#13;
Austro•Hungarian armed forces (mostly Slovaks who had&#13;
served in the imperial army) who rode on mules borrowed&#13;
from the mine-owners of the district for the occasion. Gaily&#13;
attired in their colorful uniforms ( which they had brought&#13;
with them to this country as souvenirs) they gave a kind&#13;
of 'foreign legion' picture and atmosphere to the American&#13;
Fourth of July parade, the like of which will never be seen&#13;
again.&#13;
Baseball attracted large crowds before and after lunch&#13;
as our town's heroes played for glory and victory in a pair&#13;
of traditional contests against a visiting team. At intermission an abbreviated game between rival teams picked from&#13;
the mines' department and the brick-yard division of Harbi-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
81&#13;
--------------------------&#13;
&#13;
son Walker Refractorie s provided no end of entertainm ent&#13;
as these 'amateurs' never failed to provide hilarious plays&#13;
in what turned out to be a comedy of errors. The winners&#13;
were rewarded with great applause and free beer.&#13;
The children were not neglected, nor were the youthful&#13;
athletes in their early teens. There were many prizes for&#13;
them in a series of contests that included running, jumping,&#13;
throwing the ball, potato-sack races, the three-legged race,&#13;
the spoon-egg race, etc.&#13;
Twilight was greeted by an awesome array of rockets&#13;
and sparklers that lighted up the sky. But this was merely&#13;
the prelude to a final breath-taki ng outburst of rockets&#13;
that exploded into beautiful pictorial designs that were&#13;
greeted exciting 'oh's and ah's' from one end of town to&#13;
the other.&#13;
Finally, as if by common agreement when the last&#13;
sparkler and rocket were reduced to ashes, a sudden silence&#13;
filled the town. Not even a dog barked as the townspeop le&#13;
returned to their homes to put their children to sleep before&#13;
retiring at the end of a perfect day .. . at least for the&#13;
children who went off to sleep and dream of the happy· days&#13;
ahead before the school bell would again summon them&#13;
to resume the perennial struggle in the endless pursuit of&#13;
learning and knowledge . But for them, at least, that day was&#13;
far distant as they dozed off into sweet dream after a truly&#13;
happy and unforgetta ble holiday.&#13;
A PARADE FOR THE SLOVAK NATION&#13;
Approxima tely a half century has passed by since the&#13;
Slovak nation awaited its liberation from political bondage&#13;
and the American Slovaks gave a helping hand generously&#13;
in the movement to free their native homeland from foreign&#13;
rule. I was only a boy but I remember the spirit of the&#13;
times.&#13;
July 4, 1917, stands out in my memory as a memorabl e&#13;
day because it is an American national holiday and because&#13;
it is so near to the feastday of SS. Cyril and Methodius (it&#13;
was celebrated on July 5 or July 7 in those days). At any&#13;
rate a patriotic-m inded group of Slovaks planned to observe&#13;
a double holiday on July 4 that year. They decided to hold&#13;
&#13;
82&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
a parade throught the main street of our small town of&#13;
about 2,000 in population. This was, in fact, the only real&#13;
street we had, and it was a dirt road at that. When it rained&#13;
it was a muddy thorofare ... and when it was dry it was&#13;
rather dusty. But we preferred dust to mud and therefore&#13;
we prayed fervently for a sunny day. Our prayers were&#13;
answered. July the Fourth was ushered in by a beautiful&#13;
sunrise and sunny skies prevailed throughout the historic&#13;
day.&#13;
Our priest was of Irish descent and he sympathized&#13;
with the Slovaks, for he knew at firsthand that English&#13;
oppression was no better than Magyar rule. He agreed to&#13;
offer up a Mass commemorating the feast of SS. Cyril and&#13;
Methodius, the ninth century missionary-Apostles who converted the Slovaks to Christianity, approved the singing&#13;
of Slovak hyms, and promised to read both the Epistle and&#13;
Gospel in the Slovak language personally ... after all it was&#13;
like reading Latin.&#13;
Long before the parade got underway the Slovaks&#13;
gathered in front of our home on a side-street (if we must&#13;
give the roadway a dignified name) and the small band&#13;
of musicians (three amateur accordionists) and a trumpetplayer soon attracted an increasing number of admirers ...&#13;
even without benefit of modern stereo the music was loud&#13;
and clear . . . the band performed with great spirit because&#13;
its members knew they were playing for a cause and&#13;
the ever-growing appreciative audience encouraged their&#13;
efforts.&#13;
Finally, the parade started for the church which was&#13;
about a mile at the each end of our town. The American&#13;
Flag and the Slovak Flag (the same colors: White-Blue-Red)&#13;
were proudly carried at the head of the parade and the&#13;
marchers waved smaller flags as they followed the major&#13;
Flag-bearers and the musicians. We all sang both the Star&#13;
Spangled Banner and My Country Tis of Thee (the youngsters with gusto and their elders, recent arrivals from&#13;
across the seas, with a muted foreign accent but with more&#13;
reverence) and the 'Hej, Slovaci' when the elders came into&#13;
their own ... they sang their heart out. Too bad this scene&#13;
was not recorded on film and an a sound track. Perhaps&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
83&#13;
&#13;
it may be re-created as a colorful chapter in American&#13;
Slovak folklorama that has great historic significance.&#13;
Half-way to the Church the parade was swelled by&#13;
groups of youngsters who joined in the march. There were&#13;
the 'native' Americans, as well as representatives of the&#13;
Polish, Moravian, Russian, Croatian, Irish, Scotch and&#13;
English communities ... a veritable United Nations parade&#13;
on the march for Slovak national freedom.&#13;
Needless to observe that the Church ceremonies were&#13;
impressive and the good pastor read the Slovak portions&#13;
of the Liturgy with unique Latin-Irish pronunciation that&#13;
was quite understandable and inspiring. And the special&#13;
Slovak choir that led the Congregational Singing was at&#13;
its best. Even the regular choir members who were veterans&#13;
of the Sunday Latin Mass were impressed both by the&#13;
beautiful Slovak melodies and the singers, too. It was truly&#13;
a great day for the Slovaks.&#13;
From that day on the townspeople looked upon the&#13;
Slovaks with new interest and respect, for they recognized&#13;
in them a hitherto quality that had been hidden beneath&#13;
a shy exterior, namely, a vigorous spirit of proud identity&#13;
as free men who marched and sang in public manifestation&#13;
of their profound devotion to the ideals of faith and freedom&#13;
under God in a free country ... and at the same time of&#13;
fierce pride in their Slovak ancestry and love of their&#13;
ancient Christian heritage.&#13;
(A translation from the Slovak book, Nad nami hory -&#13;
&#13;
pod nami&#13;
&#13;
bane . . . (Woodlands above us-Mines below), by Andrew Pier, 0 .S.B. ,&#13;
&#13;
1972.)&#13;
&#13;
DR. MARIA KOSOV .A of the Slovak Academy of Science&#13;
and Art in Bratislava, Slovakia, was the guest speaker&#13;
last September at the Cleveland Public Library. More than&#13;
three hundred attended the illustrated slide-lecture on the&#13;
subject of Slovak folklore and art.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

51

MARCH 14, 1974:

The 35th Anniversary
of Slovak Independence Day
By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B.

Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men
because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience
upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his
own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation
of God's natural law.
When individuals are deprived of their freedom the
inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any
nation to free development are denied the consequence is
tyranny.
In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow
of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The
War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American
colonies to establish political freedom in the new world.
Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the
struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the
founding of the American republic served as a precedent
and pattern for countries around the world.
Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking
the same language, having the same or a similar culture,
sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of
its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural
outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people
to be free .
The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy
one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears

�52

SLOVAEIA

of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom,
and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to
maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in
every age.
At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand
years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink
of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief
span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their
own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta
agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by
force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the
Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe.
Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which
the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or
at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in
Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in
World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned
quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what
was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state
in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting
pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a
communist country in which the citizen as a subject of
the state lost his freedom .
Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by
five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland,
Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy
military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will
of Moscow.
Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take
over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement
of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was
completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by
the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from
the steppes of Eurasia.
Despite the loss of their national freedom to the
victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their
homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given

�SLOVAKIA

53

right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the
communist system appears futile at the moment, they
continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces
of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in
the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation
from the yoke of tyranny.
Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in
the English language is the simple word, "independence."
And perhaps the least understood by many.
All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each
other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's
reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at
all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided
it does not encroach upon the freedom of others.
Independence rules out subservience to an alien power,
and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed
area within which they rule themselves according to the
principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation,
as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps
and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority
of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority
rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority
to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to
predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it.
Control of their national destiny was long denied the
Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more
than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free,
Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and
to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given
the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak
of the second World War and managed rather well in their
self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon
them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war,
as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia
was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle.
While there are those who continue to downgrade the
aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire
for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion
of liberty will deny them the right to be free.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3793">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

51

MARCH 14, 1974:

The 35th Anniversary
of Slovak Independence Day
By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B.

Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men
because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience
upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his
own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation
of God's natural law.
When individuals are deprived of their freedom the
inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any
nation to free development are denied the consequence is
tyranny.
In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow
of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The
War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American
colonies to establish political freedom in the new world.
Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the
struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the
founding of the American republic served as a precedent
and pattern for countries around the world.
Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking
the same language, having the same or a similar culture,
sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of
its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural
outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people
to be free .
The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy
one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears

�52

SLOVAEIA

of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom,
and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to
maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in
every age.
At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand
years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink
of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief
span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their
own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta
agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by
force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the
Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe.
Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which
the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or
at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in
Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in
World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned
quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what
was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state
in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting
pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a
communist country in which the citizen as a subject of
the state lost his freedom .
Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by
five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland,
Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy
military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will
of Moscow.
Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take
over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement
of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was
completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by
the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from
the steppes of Eurasia.
Despite the loss of their national freedom to the
victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their
homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given

�SLOVAKIA

53

right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the
communist system appears futile at the moment, they
continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces
of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in
the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation
from the yoke of tyranny.
Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in
the English language is the simple word, "independence."
And perhaps the least understood by many.
All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each
other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's
reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at
all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided
it does not encroach upon the freedom of others.
Independence rules out subservience to an alien power,
and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed
area within which they rule themselves according to the
principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation,
as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps
and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority
of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority
rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority
to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to
predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it.
Control of their national destiny was long denied the
Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more
than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free,
Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and
to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given
the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak
of the second World War and managed rather well in their
self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon
them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war,
as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia
was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle.
While there are those who continue to downgrade the
aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire
for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion
of liberty will deny them the right to be free.

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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
51&#13;
&#13;
MARCH 14, 1974:&#13;
&#13;
The 35th Anniversary&#13;
of Slovak Independence Day&#13;
By Andrew Pie r, O.S.B.&#13;
&#13;
Personal liberty is a God-given natural right to all men&#13;
because the Creator bestowed intelligence and a conscience&#13;
upon every man to whom he gave the power to make his&#13;
own decisions freely. Every infringement on human freedom, therefore, is contrary to the will of God and a violation&#13;
of God's natural law.&#13;
When individuals are deprived of their freedom the&#13;
inevitable result is oppression, and when the rights of any&#13;
nation to free development are denied the consequence is&#13;
tyranny.&#13;
In 1976 the second centennial of American independence will be commemorated in celebration of the overthrow&#13;
of British imperial tyranny two hundred years ago. The&#13;
War of Independence was waged by the thirteen American&#13;
colonies to establish political freedom in the new world.&#13;
Their successful revolt marked a historic milestone in the&#13;
struggle of modern man for human freedom, and the&#13;
founding of the American republic served as a precedent&#13;
and pattern for countries around the world.&#13;
Aspiration to national freedom, democracy, self-government and statehood in regions inhabited by people speaking&#13;
the same language, having the same or a similar culture,&#13;
sharing the same religion, having developed a literature of&#13;
its own, and cherishing a common tradition, are a natural&#13;
outgrowth of the inner most desires of a kindred people&#13;
to be free .&#13;
The path to national sovereignity is not always a rosy&#13;
one, for it is often bathed with the blood, sweat and tears&#13;
&#13;
52&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAEIA&#13;
&#13;
of men forced to wage a constant struggle to win freedom,&#13;
and having won it, they must be eternally vigilant to&#13;
maintain it. Untold sacrifices are the price of freedom in&#13;
every age.&#13;
At the end of World War I the Slovaks, after a thousand&#13;
years of virtual serfdom, emerged victoriously on the brink&#13;
of national freedom that was denied them until they declared their independence on March 14, 1939. For a brief&#13;
span of six years they enjoyed national freedom in their&#13;
own free Slovak Republic only to fall victims of the Yalta&#13;
agreement by which freedom was wrested from them by&#13;
force and they were incorporated once again in the CzechoSlovak state that was destined to become a satellite in the&#13;
Soviet sphere of influence in central Europe.&#13;
Self-appointe d champions of Czecho-Slovakia in which&#13;
the Slovaks have invariably been treated as colonials, or&#13;
at best as second-rate citizens, by the Czech politicians in&#13;
Prague at first hailed the "liberation" of the country in&#13;
World War II by the Russians, but they were disillusioned&#13;
quickly when a communist regime was imposed upon what&#13;
was marked at Teheran and Yalta as a Soviet satellite state&#13;
in the heart of Europe. More than that, under unrelenting&#13;
pressure from Moscow postwar Czecho-Slovakia became a&#13;
communist country in which the citizen as a subject of&#13;
the state lost his freedom .&#13;
Six years ago in mid-August the Soviet invasion by&#13;
five armies (forces of the USSR, East Germany, Poland,&#13;
Bulgaria and Hungary) of an allied state reduced CzechoSlovakia virtually to a conquered country in which enemy&#13;
military forces of occupation continue to enforce the will&#13;
of Moscow.&#13;
Liberation, so called, in 1945 led to a communist take&#13;
over in 1948; and twenty years later (1968) the enslavement&#13;
of a freedom-lovin g peoples, the Slovaks and Czechs, was&#13;
completed by the unprovoked invasion of their lands by&#13;
the self-styled champions of "a people's democracy" from&#13;
the steppes of Eurasia.&#13;
Despite the loss of their national freedom to the&#13;
victorious conquerors of World War II, the Slovaks in their&#13;
homeland have not ceased to aspire to their God-given&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
53&#13;
&#13;
right to freedom. Although their passive resistance to the&#13;
communist system appears futile at the moment, they&#13;
continue to hope for true liberation from the godless forces&#13;
of communist tyranny, while their fellow countrymen in&#13;
the free world keep alive their hope of ultimate liberation&#13;
from the yoke of tyranny.&#13;
Probably the most abused and misunderstood word in&#13;
the English language is the simple word, "independence."&#13;
And perhaps the least understood by many.&#13;
All of us are interdependent ... we depend upon each&#13;
other in so many ways: from infancy, through youth, adulthood and old age ... from the cradle to the grave. That's&#13;
reality! How can we, therefore, speak of independence at&#13;
all? In the sense that we have freedom of action, provided&#13;
it does not encroach upon the freedom of others.&#13;
Independence rules out subservience to an alien power,&#13;
and it is exercised by free people who live in a prescribed&#13;
area within which they rule themselves according to the&#13;
principles of justice, freedom, truth and self-preservation,&#13;
as well as under the inspiration of a spirit of esprit-decorps&#13;
and the ideals of a well-ordered society under the authority&#13;
of the law. Although in this form of society it is majority&#13;
rule that dominates, there are provisions for the minority&#13;
to voice their will-which on occasion has been known to&#13;
predominate, for better or worse. Nevertheless, independence works in this way, too ... as we know it.&#13;
Control of their national destiny was long denied the&#13;
Slovaks, but for a brief period in their history of more&#13;
than a dozen centuries in central Europe in their own free,&#13;
Slovak Republic (1939-1945) they proved to themselves and&#13;
to the whole world they are capable of self-rule if given&#13;
the opportunity ... which they seized before the outbreak&#13;
of the second World War and managed rather well in their&#13;
self-governing state despite the handicaps imposed upon&#13;
them, namely, the pressure of a powerful neighbor at war,&#13;
as well as the hardship of a wartime economy since Slovakia&#13;
was surrounded by nations engaged in a titanic struggle.&#13;
While there are those who continue to downgrade the&#13;
aspirations of the freedom-loving Slovaks and their desire&#13;
for a self-governing state of their own, no true champion&#13;
of liberty will deny them the right to be free.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>92

SLOVAKIA

Some Personal Observations

on the 1973 Slovak League
of America Conference
By Susan Po j er, B .A.

In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the
Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973,
as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept
because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute
to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American
and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess
that I knew very little about the history and political
development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and
my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled
to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately
for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and
my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs
and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with
my Slovak heritage.
As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak
Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the
Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of
poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality
in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and
reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience
a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my
ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where
I saw young and old come together to share their own
feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American.
During the morning session, we were all separated into
two panel groups (the youth and the older members) .
During the youth session many areas were discussed
covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage
Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies
Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in

�SLOVAKIA

93

history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks
were over, a general discussion ensued in which three
major points were emphasized.
The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and
even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves
was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states
elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing
in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage
and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs,
others held language classes, while still others tried to get
articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the
community were doing.
Another point discussed was the question of why there
exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The
concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one
large body with a substantial financial power could be
a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days
of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only
one giant organization could keep the youth involved and
interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals
were originally founded.
The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage
Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress
in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as
yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further
government funding of existing academic, library, and
Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way
of educating the public and more important of providing
our own youth with the educational opportunities (language
courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a
possible central publishing house and extensive monthly
magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in
Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the
Slovak heritage and identity.
The youth members present also requested the entire
conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by
publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines
a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators

�94

SLOVAKIA

to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these
centers.
During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker,
State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He
encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage.
Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the
Slovak people which we should be most proud of and
pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become
involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike
other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an
interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as
a group and as individuals. He also requested that we
support local Slovak candidates for office.
After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general
meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their
morning session. At the close of business, the Conference
adjourned until next year.
As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference
had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if
something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite
ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of
Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension
of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch
a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify
both situations immediately.
While riding home on the train, many ideas and
thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my
mind and I would like to share them here. The major
problem among the youth that I found when discussing
a topic was the large age difference of the participants.
Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and
many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to
18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult
group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation
into three age groups rather than two.
As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would
hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium
lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers

�SLOVAKIA

95

(university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here
and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia,
etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested
parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak
history, politics, language, literature and art.
I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part
of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects
of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as
many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come
and learn.
Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible,
monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group
of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve
as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example,
where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic
studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any
news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts
exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons,
news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the
press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published
on Slovakia.
I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973
Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made
suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new
ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented.
In summation I can say that this Conference has only
wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage
and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the
1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions.

THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan
Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th
birthday.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3730">
                    <text>92

SLOVAKIA

Some Personal Observations

on the 1973 Slovak League
of America Conference
By Susan Po j er, B .A.

In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the
Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973,
as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept
because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute
to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American
and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess
that I knew very little about the history and political
development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and
my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled
to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately
for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and
my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs
and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with
my Slovak heritage.
As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak
Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the
Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of
poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality
in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and
reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience
a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my
ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where
I saw young and old come together to share their own
feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American.
During the morning session, we were all separated into
two panel groups (the youth and the older members) .
During the youth session many areas were discussed
covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage
Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies
Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in

�SLOVAKIA

93

history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks
were over, a general discussion ensued in which three
major points were emphasized.
The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and
even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves
was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states
elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing
in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage
and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs,
others held language classes, while still others tried to get
articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the
community were doing.
Another point discussed was the question of why there
exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The
concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one
large body with a substantial financial power could be
a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days
of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only
one giant organization could keep the youth involved and
interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals
were originally founded.
The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage
Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress
in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as
yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further
government funding of existing academic, library, and
Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way
of educating the public and more important of providing
our own youth with the educational opportunities (language
courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a
possible central publishing house and extensive monthly
magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in
Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the
Slovak heritage and identity.
The youth members present also requested the entire
conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by
publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines
a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators

�94

SLOVAKIA

to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these
centers.
During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker,
State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He
encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage.
Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the
Slovak people which we should be most proud of and
pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become
involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike
other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an
interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as
a group and as individuals. He also requested that we
support local Slovak candidates for office.
After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general
meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their
morning session. At the close of business, the Conference
adjourned until next year.
As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference
had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if
something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite
ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of
Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension
of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch
a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify
both situations immediately.
While riding home on the train, many ideas and
thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my
mind and I would like to share them here. The major
problem among the youth that I found when discussing
a topic was the large age difference of the participants.
Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and
many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to
18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult
group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation
into three age groups rather than two.
As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would
hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium
lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers

�SLOVAKIA

95

(university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here
and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia,
etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested
parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak
history, politics, language, literature and art.
I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part
of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects
of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as
many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come
and learn.
Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible,
monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group
of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve
as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example,
where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic
studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any
news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts
exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons,
news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the
press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published
on Slovakia.
I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973
Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made
suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new
ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented.
In summation I can say that this Conference has only
wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage
and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the
1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions.

THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan
Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th
birthday.

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              <text>92&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Some Personal Observations&#13;
&#13;
on the 1973 Slovak League&#13;
of America Conference&#13;
By Susan Po j er, B .A.&#13;
&#13;
In March of 1973 I was asked to participate in the&#13;
Slovak League of America Conference held on May 19, 1973,&#13;
as a youth panel member, but was hesitant at first to accept&#13;
because I felt that I had nothing of any value to contribute&#13;
to such a gathering. Although I am a young Slovak-American&#13;
and have a B.A. degree in European history, I must confess&#13;
that I knew very little about the history and political&#13;
development of Slovakia. My knowledge of the language and&#13;
my ability to speak and understand Slovak had dwindled&#13;
to a few words and phrases over the years. Fortunately&#13;
for me, I still belong to a predominantly Slovak parish and&#13;
my parents have maintained many of the Slovak customs&#13;
and traditions so that I was not totally out of touch with&#13;
my Slovak heritage.&#13;
As I researched my own topic for discussion ( Slovak&#13;
Folk Art) I began to get a glimpse into the nature of the&#13;
Slovak people - their longing for beauty in the midst of&#13;
poverty and hardship, their toughness and practicality&#13;
in their everyday dealings with life and their piety and&#13;
reverence for God and his creations. I started to experience&#13;
a new-found pride in my ethnic background and in my&#13;
ancestors which was strengthened at the Conference where&#13;
I saw young and old come together to share their own&#13;
feelings as to what means to be a Slovak-American.&#13;
During the morning session, we were all separated into&#13;
two panel groups (the youth and the older members) .&#13;
During the youth session many areas were discussed&#13;
covering a wide range of topics - the new Ethnic Heritage&#13;
Studies Programs Act (Sen. Schweiker's Ethnic Studies&#13;
Act), fraternal societies, a trip to Slovakia, Slovakia in&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
93&#13;
&#13;
history, and my own on Slovak folk art. After these talks&#13;
were over, a general discussion ensued in which three&#13;
major points were emphasized.&#13;
The role of Slovak youth in educating the public and&#13;
even re-educating their own parents as well as themselves&#13;
was a topic heatedly discussed. Groups from many states&#13;
elaborated on what they, as Slovak-Americans, were doing&#13;
in their areas to help perpetuate the Slovak heritage&#13;
and inform the public. Some had formed social clubs,&#13;
others held language classes, while still others tried to get&#13;
articles in their local papers on what the Slovaks in the&#13;
community were doing.&#13;
Another point discussed was the question of why there&#13;
exists today so many different fraternal organizations. The&#13;
concensus was that the unification of all fraternals into one&#13;
large body with a substantial financial power could be&#13;
a great new force in Slovak circles. We felt that the days&#13;
of the dues-paying fraternals were numbered and that only&#13;
one giant organization could keep the youth involved and&#13;
interested in the ideals on which those many fraternals&#13;
were originally founded.&#13;
The third and most important point stressed throughout those morning discussions was the new Ethnic Heritage&#13;
Studies Programs Act which had been passed by Congress&#13;
in 1972. To date, however, no governmental funds have as&#13;
yet been appropriated. Everyone agreed that the establishment of a Slovak ethnic studies center and the further&#13;
government funding of existing academic, library, and&#13;
Slovak language facilities was the most constructive way&#13;
of educating the public and more important of providing&#13;
our own youth with the educational opportunities (language&#13;
courses, majors in Slovak studies for college students, a&#13;
possible central publishing house and extensive monthly&#13;
magazine or Slovak newspaper on events happening in&#13;
Slovakia, etc.) to thoroughly investigate all aspects of the&#13;
Slovak heritage and identity.&#13;
The youth members present also requested the entire&#13;
conference and heads of fraternals to support this Act by&#13;
publishing in their journals, newspapers, and magazines&#13;
a letter to encourage all readers to write to their legislators&#13;
&#13;
94&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
to put pressure on the executive branch to fund these&#13;
centers.&#13;
During lunch, we heard a distinguished guest speaker,&#13;
State Senator Michael A. O'Pake, of Pennsylvania. He&#13;
encouraged us all to be proud of our Slovak heritage.&#13;
Himself half Slovak, he pointed out the qualities in the&#13;
Slovak people which we should be most proud of and&#13;
pleaded to the assembly and to all Slovaks to become&#13;
involved in the governmental system. He stated that, unlike&#13;
other ethnic groups, the Slovaks never really took an&#13;
interest in politics and it is high time that they did, as&#13;
a group and as individuals. He also requested that we&#13;
support local Slovak candidates for office.&#13;
After lunch was over, we all assembled for a general&#13;
meeting in which the youth and the older members informed one another of what had been discussed during their&#13;
morning session. At the close of business, the Conference&#13;
adjourned until next year.&#13;
As I left the Statler Hilton Hotel, where the Conference&#13;
had taken place, I had a feeling of rejuvenation, as if&#13;
something inside of me had been reborn. I was also quite&#13;
ashamed of my lack of knowledge of many aspects of&#13;
Slovak culture as well as my almost total uncomprehension&#13;
of the talks given in Slovak in which I could only catch&#13;
a glimpse of a word here and there. I resolved to rectify&#13;
both situations immediately.&#13;
While riding home on the train, many ideas and&#13;
thoughts for next year's Conference began to form in my&#13;
mind and I would like to share them here. The major&#13;
problem among the youth that I found when discussing&#13;
a topic was the large age difference of the participants.&#13;
Young people from 15 to 35 years of age were there and&#13;
many discussions were beyond some. I feel that a Conference should be held for those ranging in age from 14 to&#13;
18 (high school level) and supervised by the young adult&#13;
group. Or, at least next year, there should be separation&#13;
into three age groups rather than two.&#13;
As a college student and an M.A. candidate, I would&#13;
hope to see in the near future a more scholarly symposium&#13;
lasting perhaps a weekend with guest lecturers and speakers&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
95&#13;
&#13;
(university professors, Slovak political leaders, from here&#13;
and from abroad, if possible, authors of books on Slovakia,&#13;
etc.) in which students, teachers, and other interested&#13;
parties could meet to discuss problems and topics on Slovak&#13;
history, politics, language, literature and art.&#13;
I would also like to see a weekend cultural fair as part&#13;
of the Conference. It could include displays on all aspects&#13;
of Slovak art, crafts, costumes, dancing, music as well as&#13;
many others so that the non-Slovak public could also come&#13;
and learn.&#13;
Finally, I would like to see a quarterly or, if possible,&#13;
monthly newsleter published for the young adult age group&#13;
of 19 to 35. In it could be articles on what groups throughout the country were doing. This newsletter might also serve&#13;
as a directory, constantly being up-dated, of, for example,&#13;
where Slovak could be learned, what universities and colleges give courses in aspects of Slovak culture and ethnic&#13;
studies, the availability of guest lecturers for groups, any&#13;
news of trips to Slovakia, news of Slovak arts and crafts&#13;
exhibits at local museums, etc., as well as language lessons,&#13;
news items on what is happening in Slovakia from the&#13;
press, and a listing of the latest books and articles published&#13;
on Slovakia.&#13;
I have tried to relate my own experiences at the 1973&#13;
Slovak League of America Conference. I have also made&#13;
suggestions for future Conferences, proposed some new&#13;
ideas. I would welcome any criticisms or further suggestions regarding the proposals I have presented.&#13;
In summation I can say that this Conference has only&#13;
wet my appetite to learn more about my Slovak heritage&#13;
and my role as a Slovak-American. I look forward to the&#13;
1974 Conference with great anticipation and would encourage more youth to attend and voice their opinions.&#13;
&#13;
THE NOV .A SCENA dramatic company premiered Ivan&#13;
Stodola's original ''Diogenes" version on the stage in Bratislava last May to celebrate the Slovak playwright's 85th&#13;
birthday.&#13;
&#13;
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pp. 92-95</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

57

Slovak Destiny
Stephen B . R o m a n, President

SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS
There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we
are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of
who we are, where we came from, and where we should be
going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually
they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares
diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision.
At such times we intuitively understand our relationship
and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and
distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind,
and to God.
Over a long period of time we developed a collective
consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together
to create a common bond among us. We are products of
a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct
character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full
range of human talents and achievements in that process.
Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain
and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which
was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period
of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and
more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our
fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never
broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation,
courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our
national personality-deepened, and strengthened it.
Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil.
This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical
characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves,
and faith in God.
From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other
virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment,

�58

SLOVAKIA

and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought
brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized
a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time
for the enrichment of the soul.
Who are we today?
We are no more, and no less.
than one generation in the development of this patricular
spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are
to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk
a few steps further along the road towards our human
destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We
are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who
were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us
responsible for further progress both as members of our
nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind.

A talent has been passed on to us for which we are
responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in
the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence.
Where do we go?
We continue in the footsteps of
our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with
a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for
so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone;
they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate
into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds
in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the
overall account of this process.

Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one
seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation
and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet,
though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a
time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our
nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and
execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in
our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our
will to enrich what we are.

Only then will we have grown under the test-will
w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by

�SLOVAKIA

59

measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out
well in the balance.
I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to
fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to
improve and enhance that part of the world where its
influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement
of humanity.
The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the
uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of
Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others
as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and
good will, for God and country.
May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike
a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all
peoples.

DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected
President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association.
A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years,
Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The
Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A."
The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from
Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of
Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree
in science education from Pennsylvania State University.
He did additional graduate work at Cornell University,
University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and
Bloomsburg State College.
He is an American Slovak.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3779">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

57

Slovak Destiny
Stephen B . R o m a n, President

SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS
There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we
are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of
who we are, where we came from, and where we should be
going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually
they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares
diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision.
At such times we intuitively understand our relationship
and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and
distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind,
and to God.
Over a long period of time we developed a collective
consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together
to create a common bond among us. We are products of
a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct
character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full
range of human talents and achievements in that process.
Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain
and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which
was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period
of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and
more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our
fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never
broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation,
courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our
national personality-deepened, and strengthened it.
Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil.
This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical
characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves,
and faith in God.
From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other
virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment,

�58

SLOVAKIA

and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought
brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized
a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time
for the enrichment of the soul.
Who are we today?
We are no more, and no less.
than one generation in the development of this patricular
spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are
to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk
a few steps further along the road towards our human
destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We
are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who
were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us
responsible for further progress both as members of our
nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind.

A talent has been passed on to us for which we are
responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in
the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence.
Where do we go?
We continue in the footsteps of
our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with
a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for
so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone;
they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate
into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds
in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the
overall account of this process.

Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one
seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation
and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet,
though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a
time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our
nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and
execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in
our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our
will to enrich what we are.

Only then will we have grown under the test-will
w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by

�SLOVAKIA

59

measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out
well in the balance.
I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to
fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to
improve and enhance that part of the world where its
influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement
of humanity.
The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the
uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of
Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others
as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and
good will, for God and country.
May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike
a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all
peoples.

DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected
President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association.
A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years,
Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The
Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A."
The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from
Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of
Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree
in science education from Pennsylvania State University.
He did additional graduate work at Cornell University,
University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and
Bloomsburg State College.
He is an American Slovak.

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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
57&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Destiny&#13;
Stephen B . R o m a n, President&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS&#13;
There are moments in the lives of Slovaks when we&#13;
are very clearly and sometimes very painfully aware of&#13;
who we are, where we came from, and where we should be&#13;
going. These intimate perceptions are not frequent. Usually&#13;
they come when the volume and tempo of persistent cares&#13;
diminish, or just before the making of a critical decision.&#13;
At such times we intuitively understand our relationship&#13;
and responsibility to ourselves, to our immediate and&#13;
distant relatives and friends, to our nation, to mankind,&#13;
and to God.&#13;
Over a long period of time we developed a collective&#13;
consciousness, a set of intrinsic values which blend together&#13;
to create a common bond among us. We are products of&#13;
a nation that has cherished and developed its distinct&#13;
character over millennia, and which has absorbed a full&#13;
range of human talents and achievements in that process.&#13;
Every page of our history bears the imprint of pain&#13;
and suffering-pain and suffering from which have emerged great values. We are descendants of a nation which&#13;
was not large in numbers. A nation, which, over a period&#13;
of time, had to confront wave after wave of stronger and&#13;
more aggressive neighbors. These attackers conquered our&#13;
fortresses and burnt down our settlements; but, they never&#13;
broke our spirit. No wonder then that, in our nation,&#13;
courage and tenacity have always triumphed over oppression and hardship. What we went through marked our&#13;
national personality-deepened, and strengthened it.&#13;
Our earliest forefathers found strength in the soil.&#13;
This close tie with the land gave our nation its typical&#13;
characteristics: industry, endurance, faith in ourselves,&#13;
and faith in God.&#13;
From a natural reconciliation with nature grew other&#13;
virtues: the virtues of hospitality, of justice, of judgment,&#13;
&#13;
58&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
and of creativity. The feeling of togetherness brought&#13;
brotherhood. From oppression and want, we crystalized&#13;
a sense of fair play. The reality of mortal life brought judgement; and, a growing quality in day-to-day life gave time&#13;
for the enrichment of the soul.&#13;
Who are we today?&#13;
We are no more, and no less.&#13;
than one generation in the development of this patricular&#13;
spirit. We have inherited the gift of our history. We are&#13;
to advance the tradition of our forefathers and, walk&#13;
a few steps further along the road towards our human&#13;
destiny, which they marched on over the centuries. We&#13;
are the custodians of their virtues. We are the ones who&#13;
were left to aggrandize their tradition; and, this makes us&#13;
responsible for further progress both as members of our&#13;
nation, and as part of the commonwealth of mankind.&#13;
&#13;
A talent has been passed on to us for which we are&#13;
responsible, and which we have to return, with interest, in&#13;
the spirit of the best tradition and trust in Divine Providence.&#13;
Where do we go?&#13;
We continue in the footsteps of&#13;
our fathers, perhaps with greater strides, perhaps with&#13;
a stronger will, hopefully with an ever higher goal: confident because of the firm steps behind us; responsible for&#13;
so many steps ahead. Our successes will not be ours alone;&#13;
they will be shared by the nation; they should penetrate&#13;
into the consciousness of mankind. Each one of us adds&#13;
in his own way; each one of us takes credit towards the&#13;
overall account of this process.&#13;
&#13;
Our people have seen many a crisis. The last one&#13;
seems to have no equal; the strong have seized our nation&#13;
and our nation is, again, praying and suffering. Yet,&#13;
though the enemy may take its comforts from it, for a&#13;
time - silence it - they cannot obliterate our souls. Our&#13;
nation will survive this current evil. Our task is to surmount this trial; to achieve new successes in the shape and&#13;
execution of democracy and freedom. We must grow in&#13;
our humanity, in our unshakeable self-confidence, in our&#13;
will to enrich what we are.&#13;
&#13;
Only then will we have grown under the test-will&#13;
w-e feel needed-will we have pride that we are judged by&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
59&#13;
&#13;
measures applicable to all mankind, and that we come out&#13;
well in the balance.&#13;
I believe that every nation has a Divine destiny to&#13;
fulfill. Slovak destiny, although at times obscure, is to&#13;
improve and enhance that part of the world where its&#13;
influence can be a positive factor for genuine advancement&#13;
of humanity.&#13;
The solid value of the word of a Slovak and the&#13;
uniquely spiritual warmth of the sons and daughters of&#13;
Slovakia can be a radiant source of edification to others&#13;
as they exemplify what can be accomplished by work and&#13;
good will, for God and country.&#13;
May the name SLOVAK soon begin to ring out melodiously in the steeples of the Family of Nations and strike&#13;
a responsive chord of recognition in the hearts of all&#13;
peoples.&#13;
&#13;
DR. STEPHEN LUCAS, associate professor of Elementary Education at Edinboro State College, has been elected&#13;
President of the Pennsylvania Science Teachers Association.&#13;
A member of the Board of Directors for the past two years,&#13;
Dr. Lucas has contributed articles and papers to "The&#13;
Pennsylvania Science Teacher and the Voice of P .S.T .A."&#13;
The recipient of a Bachelor of Science degree from&#13;
Clarion State College, Dr. Lucas received his Master of&#13;
Education in Biology and his Doctor of Education Degree&#13;
in science education from Pennsylvania State University.&#13;
He did additional graduate work at Cornell University,&#13;
University of Vermont, North Caroline State College and&#13;
Bloomsburg State College.&#13;
He is an American Slovak.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>Stephen B. Roman, President, Slovak World Congress&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 57-59</text>
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                <text>Roman, Stephen, 1921-1988</text>
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                    <text>SLOVAKIA

Stephen S e n

t

5

f k , S. J.

Maximilian Hell, S.J.
SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN
1720-1792
On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the
250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell,
which was sponsored by the international organization
UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures
selected from a learned conference that was convoked in
honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist
and remarkable teacher.
The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among
those who were considered and assigned a place on the
calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in
fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the
liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on
his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of
prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific
pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an
opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps
to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features
that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until
now.
In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the
Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the
papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp.
40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of
that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one
many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the
inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic
growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which
appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and
by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical
stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional

�6

SLOVAKIA

degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes
that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely
flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately
researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation.
Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of
Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the
highlights of his life and to survey the general environment
in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that
had contributed to the molding of his character and the
bent of his scientific activities.
FAMILY INFLUENCES

The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest
influences in life come from the home was borne out in
the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who
came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects.
His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is
very likely that he was of German background although his
birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his
working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally
agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this
surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced
in his working position so that although he was still a very
young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining
technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not
only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment
readily and was able to increase production significantly,
but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern
to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the
mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as
well as to machines.
In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his
manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his
achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of
a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified
experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in
Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he
decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought
the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region;
Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily.

�SLOVAKIA

7

His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense
of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his
f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow
workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends
and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early
promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial
engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position
he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical
prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction
of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three
separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica
mines from utter ruin or from closing.
Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was
imperiled because the underground water level had risen
to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were
all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a
practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn
from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery
to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water
accumulation.
In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II
seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath.
In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all
mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias
Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a
procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny
not to carry out this order.
Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising
and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened
because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction
and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure
effective and profitable production. An executive order
brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the
industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened
with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview
with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction
and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit
and economic prosperity to this part of his realm.
After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a
widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his

�8

SLOVAKIA

children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he
married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with
four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some
way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an
outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the
various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica
mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition
and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and
inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the
scientific and technical principles underlying these devices
are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to
our day.
On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was
already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his
baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was
given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and
significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies
because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife.
The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector
of the pumping operation in the mines.
The Hell family had special regard for religious and
intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about
providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted
and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for
mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining
school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell
family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials,
charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and
many learning aids accessible to the children, and they
readily became very familiar with all these resources,
deriving an excellent general and broadening education out
of this circumstance.
The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much
opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak
mining towns where socio-economic development was at
a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order
to survey the background with at least cursory interest.
HANSKA $TIAVNICA

was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it

�SLOVAKIA

9

was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the
capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred
buildings more than Bratislava.
Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining
in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In
the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the
city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for
its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high
order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field
of technology and scientists of established repute came to
reside in Banska stiavnica.
The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned
primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors.
In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal
treasury or finance department and the recognized head
of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed
a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish
menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later
most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands
of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled
by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the
capital of its own citizens who were characteristically
energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The
increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining
industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising
level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities,
with the remarkable development of the educational system
and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica.
In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of
mining which later evolved into a school of advanced
learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for
specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its
kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its
departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique
distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in
chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were
conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school.
The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory

�10

SLOVAKIA

method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before
long, other European polytechnic schools and universities
also did so.
Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an
environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of
learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of
established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example:
Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of
experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in
America had devoted some time to specialized study in the
laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for
young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska
stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was
offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan
Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of
this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the
supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire.
It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the
Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural
scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists,
was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International
Society of Mining Science was established at this congress.
Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the
Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the
faculty at the Mining Academy.

Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and
prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At
that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight
thousand workers and specialized technicians.
The population of the city was always predominantly
Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered
these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360
German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived
in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German
and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer
able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local
mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and

�SLOVAKIA

11

metal works were superseded by other industrial interests
that were introduced into Banska stiavnica.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL
Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication
of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family
in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full
development of his natural endowments. Although his
health began to fail, the aged father still continued to
discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and
at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently
thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys
acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore
and some basic in the study of science from their father
right at home. Later they were able to build on these
fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining
Academy.
Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were
remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in
vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which
was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits
had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta
where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns
was the education and proper training of the younger
generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys
of their school won many accolades for their dramatic
presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations.
Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining
Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric
and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles
Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and
physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields
and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda
produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special
reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook
of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes
of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still

�12

SLOVAKIA

had some value in practical application as late as the
beginning of our century.
There is no question about the lasting influence of the
Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life.
Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination
to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what
devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together
with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of
this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often
as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in
his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive
religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the
natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers,
the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska
Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at
the Jesuit senior high school.
In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in
Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen.
He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus.
Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences,
principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was
completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for
further study. This was the first time that he left his native
Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only
temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store
of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be
shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments
prove that this aspiration was no empty dream.
Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the
department of philosophy. In his day, this department also
offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and
astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed
in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also
published his first book Elementa algebrae.
The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for
the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who
took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich,
professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics
and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who

�SLOVAKIA

13

was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and
astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth
to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an
established reputation in the world of science, for he was
the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in
Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey
and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting
and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental
astronomy, mathematics and physics.
He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he
esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology
and his practical understanding of mining machines and
equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz
chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to
serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced
him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him
an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became
enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered
that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct
application of his attractions and his natural capacities for
natural science and mathematics.
It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of
study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to
actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to
benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate
capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this
nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was
honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and
geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself
added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his
free time he continued the study of astronomy which
fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective
in his work with Slovak high school students as well as
in his activities among the local people. They admired him
greatly and were impressed by his personality and his
intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend
Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too,
had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided
to leave the Society before ordination.
After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca,
Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted

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four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent
hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this
same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor
of Philosophy.
After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to
his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him
to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was
employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with
Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing
a new pumping device to control the water level in the
mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay
in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or
on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational
force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was
of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked
out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved
in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and
deepening his own mastery of physics.
Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of
the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to
pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time
when the United States undertook operations to extract
crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of
the Hell brothers became the common property of all men.
While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary
period in the Jesuit formation program and he became
a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the
Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very
influential in the mining industry and who was well
acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of
his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the
Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time,
helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining
supervision.
It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining
Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The
tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's
son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction
on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically
on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of

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15

Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal
presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation
with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of
mining in Banska stiavnica.
Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining
statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from
German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect
Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task
of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven
abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with
a command of clear and precise mining terminology.
Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a
matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and
his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752
Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached
him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell
welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly
in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of
learning.
After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell
was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was
to establish a new college and build an observatory. He
devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the
course of this time, however, he not only supervised the
construction of the college and its observatory but he also
taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work
of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who
were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were
in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some
handbooks in mathematics.
In formal professional circles Hell earned not only
recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his
scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics,
physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist
and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was
invited to that city and was named director of the new
observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge
of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure

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in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of
equipment that was available in that day.
In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the
movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the
observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated
with projects of scientific institutes outside the country,
supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic
interest and information, and conducted sessions in the
practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly
bodies.
From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to
correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical
aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the
endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to
teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring
builders, construction engineers and artists.
In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his
teaching commitments because of the burdens of office.
He had become court astronomer and mathematician as
well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides
Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him
by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years,
except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought
its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations
and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the
sun, the moon and the stars.
Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle
for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his
deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar
and an accomplished scientist together with his winning
disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good
in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science
and learning in other countries.
This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was
a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not
initiate such a publication until two decades later.
THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL
Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada

�SLOVAKIA

17

&lt;1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a
challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements
of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the
man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon
stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a
markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter
to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate
placement in proper historic and generic classifications."
Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost
an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we
choose to review his contributions to his native land and
to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions
m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit
scholar.
It is an interesting detail of research findings that the
first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests
in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were
begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by
his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates,"
addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his
proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose
members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural
science, economics and political science of Hungary.
Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document
justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church
and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the
aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in
parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and
his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration
in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa
exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial
library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of
a learned society.
A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned
society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in
Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria
Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised
that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count
Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia
Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774,

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the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian
Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected
association.
For a long time Hell had given much thought to the
prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He
had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives
of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square
with Kalla.r's.
Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy
as a scientific institute. He believed that:
It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given
discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current
context and degree of development together with all available findings
that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will
be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in
attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other
hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery
in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of
bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation
and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the
general store of data already available in that field. Members of
a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and
learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences
facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned
societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already
available.

By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is
intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this
reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of
science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral
feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this
was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also
truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of
the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of
thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history,
law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is
not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed
by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came
to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position.
Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial

�SLOVAKIA

19

security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be
supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that
would be promoted throughout all the countries of the
Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse
this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy
be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the
University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time
it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his
hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and
activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain.
The international science institute which was founded in
Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established
in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by
the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and
Kollar.
A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the
Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the
history of learning and education, an observatory had more
than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic
and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability
to combine scientific theory with practical application. His
scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in
astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and
military strategists as well. He was proficient in using
scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical
uses.
Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager
to have his publications. One year after his accession to
the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell
to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take
charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the
icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769.
With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's
offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and
for the observation study.
He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had
experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of
the same region, they were of compatible disposition and

vic

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had many interests in common. The younger man was
entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and
by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of
the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look
after the essentially scientific details connected with the
task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific
diary and official records.
A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the
flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders,
the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and
culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell
added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis,
the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence
on storms, etc.
On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long
expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey
was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On
October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde
Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they
set themselves there was even more strenuous than their
journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly
strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer
was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire
landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog.
They set to work energetically building their research
station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date
of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and
the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log,
his astute observations together with his scientific notations
and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon
became a substantial contribution to the composite fund
of world facts in astronomy.
On returning from this expedition, Hell presented
himself before a session convoked by the Academy of
Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report
on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He
promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king.
As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual
pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined
the bounty of the King.

�SLOVAKIA

21

When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his
notes in greater detail and an account of his research and
observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to
astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work
on this subject. It was published as a French study in
Journal des savants in 1776.
Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a
meticulously detailed account which was to be published in
three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was
never completed because the suppression of the Society of
Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of
the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates
and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened
with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that
prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another
obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the
expenses that would be entailed by such a publication.
John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the
expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations,
also produced a valuable work. It was published under the
sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it
was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out
various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese
languages have in common with Magyar.
Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of
the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never
went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's
contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the
astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date
calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well
as in his data relevant to general observations from this
expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer
Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in
Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them.
Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen
painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed
their correctness and reliability in the light of modern
scientific methods and theories.

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CONCLUDING SUMMARY

Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest
was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related
branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and
geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established
and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz,
Jager and Budapest.
When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that
physics and natural science laboratories came into being
at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact
that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not
only within the borders of his own country but in all
Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not
attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who
opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or
daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically
patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life
and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated
devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task.
Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still
remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of
his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is
practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on
Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for
he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources
exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved
in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the
observatory at the University of Vienna which is also
official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory.
Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in
various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher
and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It
is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not
at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one
who could have performed or continued Hell's commit-

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23

ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he
was always a leader who was greatly involved in the
scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was
offered membership in many notable scientific societies
and associations.
A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his
detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this
project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters
in honor of Hell.
The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify
to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects
glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire
a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad.
Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k
and Sister Martina T y b o r

THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic
market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial
facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was
established and put into operation. Moreover, a special
auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500
autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of
30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million
crowns (about $10,000,000.00).

ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in
Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet
Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping
is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and
three small craft.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3814">
                    <text>SLOVAKIA

Stephen S e n

t

5

f k , S. J.

Maximilian Hell, S.J.
SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN
1720-1792
On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the
250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell,
which was sponsored by the international organization
UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures
selected from a learned conference that was convoked in
honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist
and remarkable teacher.
The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among
those who were considered and assigned a place on the
calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in
fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the
liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on
his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of
prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific
pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an
opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps
to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features
that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until
now.
In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the
Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the
papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp.
40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of
that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one
many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the
inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic
growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which
appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and
by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical
stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional

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degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes
that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely
flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately
researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation.
Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of
Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the
highlights of his life and to survey the general environment
in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that
had contributed to the molding of his character and the
bent of his scientific activities.
FAMILY INFLUENCES

The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest
influences in life come from the home was borne out in
the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who
came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects.
His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is
very likely that he was of German background although his
birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his
working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally
agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this
surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced
in his working position so that although he was still a very
young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining
technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not
only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment
readily and was able to increase production significantly,
but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern
to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the
mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as
well as to machines.
In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his
manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his
achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of
a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified
experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in
Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he
decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought
the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region;
Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily.

�SLOVAKIA

7

His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense
of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his
f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow
workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends
and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early
promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial
engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position
he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical
prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction
of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three
separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica
mines from utter ruin or from closing.
Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was
imperiled because the underground water level had risen
to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were
all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a
practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn
from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery
to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water
accumulation.
In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II
seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath.
In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all
mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias
Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a
procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny
not to carry out this order.
Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising
and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened
because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction
and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure
effective and profitable production. An executive order
brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the
industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened
with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview
with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction
and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit
and economic prosperity to this part of his realm.
After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a
widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his

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children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he
married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with
four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some
way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an
outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the
various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica
mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition
and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and
inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the
scientific and technical principles underlying these devices
are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to
our day.
On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was
already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his
baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was
given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and
significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies
because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife.
The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector
of the pumping operation in the mines.
The Hell family had special regard for religious and
intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about
providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted
and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for
mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining
school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell
family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials,
charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and
many learning aids accessible to the children, and they
readily became very familiar with all these resources,
deriving an excellent general and broadening education out
of this circumstance.
The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much
opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak
mining towns where socio-economic development was at
a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order
to survey the background with at least cursory interest.
HANSKA $TIAVNICA

was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it

�SLOVAKIA

9

was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the
capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred
buildings more than Bratislava.
Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining
in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In
the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the
city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for
its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high
order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field
of technology and scientists of established repute came to
reside in Banska stiavnica.
The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned
primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors.
In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal
treasury or finance department and the recognized head
of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed
a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish
menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later
most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands
of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled
by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the
capital of its own citizens who were characteristically
energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The
increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining
industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising
level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities,
with the remarkable development of the educational system
and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica.
In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of
mining which later evolved into a school of advanced
learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for
specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its
kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its
departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique
distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in
chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were
conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school.
The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory

�10

SLOVAKIA

method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before
long, other European polytechnic schools and universities
also did so.
Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an
environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of
learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of
established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example:
Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of
experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in
America had devoted some time to specialized study in the
laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for
young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska
stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was
offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan
Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of
this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the
supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire.
It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the
Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural
scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists,
was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International
Society of Mining Science was established at this congress.
Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the
Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the
faculty at the Mining Academy.

Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and
prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At
that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight
thousand workers and specialized technicians.
The population of the city was always predominantly
Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered
these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360
German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived
in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German
and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer
able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local
mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and

�SLOVAKIA

11

metal works were superseded by other industrial interests
that were introduced into Banska stiavnica.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL
Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication
of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family
in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full
development of his natural endowments. Although his
health began to fail, the aged father still continued to
discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and
at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently
thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys
acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore
and some basic in the study of science from their father
right at home. Later they were able to build on these
fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining
Academy.
Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were
remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in
vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which
was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits
had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta
where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns
was the education and proper training of the younger
generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys
of their school won many accolades for their dramatic
presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations.
Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining
Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric
and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles
Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and
physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields
and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda
produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special
reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook
of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes
of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still

�12

SLOVAKIA

had some value in practical application as late as the
beginning of our century.
There is no question about the lasting influence of the
Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life.
Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination
to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what
devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together
with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of
this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often
as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in
his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive
religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the
natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers,
the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska
Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at
the Jesuit senior high school.
In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in
Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen.
He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus.
Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences,
principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was
completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for
further study. This was the first time that he left his native
Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only
temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store
of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be
shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments
prove that this aspiration was no empty dream.
Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the
department of philosophy. In his day, this department also
offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and
astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed
in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also
published his first book Elementa algebrae.
The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for
the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who
took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich,
professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics
and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who

�SLOVAKIA

13

was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and
astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth
to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an
established reputation in the world of science, for he was
the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in
Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey
and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting
and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental
astronomy, mathematics and physics.
He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he
esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology
and his practical understanding of mining machines and
equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz
chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to
serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced
him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him
an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became
enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered
that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct
application of his attractions and his natural capacities for
natural science and mathematics.
It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of
study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to
actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to
benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate
capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this
nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was
honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and
geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself
added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his
free time he continued the study of astronomy which
fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective
in his work with Slovak high school students as well as
in his activities among the local people. They admired him
greatly and were impressed by his personality and his
intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend
Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too,
had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided
to leave the Society before ordination.
After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca,
Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted

�14

SLOVAKIA

four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent
hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this
same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor
of Philosophy.
After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to
his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him
to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was
employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with
Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing
a new pumping device to control the water level in the
mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay
in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or
on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational
force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was
of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked
out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved
in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and
deepening his own mastery of physics.
Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of
the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to
pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time
when the United States undertook operations to extract
crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of
the Hell brothers became the common property of all men.
While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary
period in the Jesuit formation program and he became
a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the
Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very
influential in the mining industry and who was well
acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of
his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the
Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time,
helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining
supervision.
It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining
Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The
tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's
son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction
on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically
on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of

�SLOVAKIA

15

Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal
presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation
with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of
mining in Banska stiavnica.
Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining
statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from
German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect
Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task
of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven
abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with
a command of clear and precise mining terminology.
Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a
matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and
his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752
Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached
him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell
welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly
in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of
learning.
After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell
was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was
to establish a new college and build an observatory. He
devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the
course of this time, however, he not only supervised the
construction of the college and its observatory but he also
taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work
of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who
were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were
in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some
handbooks in mathematics.
In formal professional circles Hell earned not only
recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his
scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics,
physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist
and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was
invited to that city and was named director of the new
observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge
of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure

�16

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in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of
equipment that was available in that day.
In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the
movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the
observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated
with projects of scientific institutes outside the country,
supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic
interest and information, and conducted sessions in the
practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly
bodies.
From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to
correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical
aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the
endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to
teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring
builders, construction engineers and artists.
In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his
teaching commitments because of the burdens of office.
He had become court astronomer and mathematician as
well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides
Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him
by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years,
except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought
its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations
and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the
sun, the moon and the stars.
Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle
for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his
deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar
and an accomplished scientist together with his winning
disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good
in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science
and learning in other countries.
This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was
a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not
initiate such a publication until two decades later.
THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL
Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada

�SLOVAKIA

17

&lt;1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a
challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements
of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the
man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon
stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a
markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter
to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate
placement in proper historic and generic classifications."
Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost
an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we
choose to review his contributions to his native land and
to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions
m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit
scholar.
It is an interesting detail of research findings that the
first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests
in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were
begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by
his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates,"
addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his
proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose
members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural
science, economics and political science of Hungary.
Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document
justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church
and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the
aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in
parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and
his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration
in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa
exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial
library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of
a learned society.
A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned
society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in
Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria
Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised
that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count
Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia
Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774,

�18

SLOVAKIA

the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian
Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected
association.
For a long time Hell had given much thought to the
prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He
had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives
of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square
with Kalla.r's.
Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy
as a scientific institute. He believed that:
It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given
discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current
context and degree of development together with all available findings
that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will
be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in
attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other
hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery
in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of
bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation
and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the
general store of data already available in that field. Members of
a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and
learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences
facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned
societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already
available.

By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is
intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this
reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of
science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral
feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this
was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also
truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of
the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of
thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history,
law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is
not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed
by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came
to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position.
Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial

�SLOVAKIA

19

security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be
supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that
would be promoted throughout all the countries of the
Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse
this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy
be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the
University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time
it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his
hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and
activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain.
The international science institute which was founded in
Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established
in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by
the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and
Kollar.
A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the
Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the
history of learning and education, an observatory had more
than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic
and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability
to combine scientific theory with practical application. His
scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in
astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and
military strategists as well. He was proficient in using
scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical
uses.
Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager
to have his publications. One year after his accession to
the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell
to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take
charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the
icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769.
With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's
offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and
for the observation study.
He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had
experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of
the same region, they were of compatible disposition and

vic

�20

SLOVAKIA

had many interests in common. The younger man was
entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and
by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of
the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look
after the essentially scientific details connected with the
task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific
diary and official records.
A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the
flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders,
the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and
culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell
added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis,
the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence
on storms, etc.
On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long
expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey
was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On
October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde
Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they
set themselves there was even more strenuous than their
journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly
strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer
was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire
landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog.
They set to work energetically building their research
station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date
of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and
the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log,
his astute observations together with his scientific notations
and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon
became a substantial contribution to the composite fund
of world facts in astronomy.
On returning from this expedition, Hell presented
himself before a session convoked by the Academy of
Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report
on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He
promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king.
As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual
pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined
the bounty of the King.

�SLOVAKIA

21

When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his
notes in greater detail and an account of his research and
observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to
astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work
on this subject. It was published as a French study in
Journal des savants in 1776.
Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a
meticulously detailed account which was to be published in
three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was
never completed because the suppression of the Society of
Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of
the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates
and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened
with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that
prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another
obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the
expenses that would be entailed by such a publication.
John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the
expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations,
also produced a valuable work. It was published under the
sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it
was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out
various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese
languages have in common with Magyar.
Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of
the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never
went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's
contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the
astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date
calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well
as in his data relevant to general observations from this
expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer
Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in
Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them.
Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen
painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed
their correctness and reliability in the light of modern
scientific methods and theories.

�22

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CONCLUDING SUMMARY

Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest
was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related
branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and
geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established
and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz,
Jager and Budapest.
When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that
physics and natural science laboratories came into being
at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact
that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not
only within the borders of his own country but in all
Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not
attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who
opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or
daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically
patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life
and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated
devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task.
Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still
remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of
his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is
practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on
Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for
he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources
exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved
in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the
observatory at the University of Vienna which is also
official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory.
Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in
various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher
and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It
is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not
at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one
who could have performed or continued Hell's commit-

�SLOVAKIA

23

ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he
was always a leader who was greatly involved in the
scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was
offered membership in many notable scientific societies
and associations.
A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his
detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this
project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters
in honor of Hell.
The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify
to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects
glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire
a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad.
Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k
and Sister Martina T y b o r

THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic
market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial
facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was
established and put into operation. Moreover, a special
auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500
autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of
30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million
crowns (about $10,000,000.00).

ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in
Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet
Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping
is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and
three small craft.

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                  <text>1974, Vol. 24</text>
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                  <text>The Slovak League of America</text>
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              <text>SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Stephen S e n&#13;
&#13;
t&#13;
&#13;
5&#13;
&#13;
f k , S. J.&#13;
&#13;
Maximilian Hell, S.J.&#13;
SLOVAK SCIENTIST OF WORLD RENOWN&#13;
1720-1792&#13;
On the occasion of a world-wide commemoration of the&#13;
250th anniversary of the birth of the Jesuit Maximilian Hell,&#13;
which was sponsored by the international organization&#13;
UNESCO, the Slovak Museum of Mining in Banska Stiavnica, Slovakia, published a worthy volume of lectures&#13;
selected from a learned conference that was convoked in&#13;
honor of the achievements of this distinguished scientist&#13;
and remarkable teacher.&#13;
The fact that a Slovak scholar was rightfully among&#13;
those who were considered and assigned a place on the&#13;
calendar of world-wide celebrations and that he was, in&#13;
fact, universally recognized and honored-even with the&#13;
liistinction of a commemorative UNESCO postal stampnaturally reflects honor not only on the man but also on&#13;
his homeland, Slovakia. It likewise brings a degree of&#13;
prestige of Slovak scholars who are devoted to scientific&#13;
pursuit and it provides even the average layman with an&#13;
opportunity to turn attention to the Slovak past and perhaps&#13;
to catch in it at least a glimpse of some significant features&#13;
that have long been indistinct or wholly unknown until&#13;
now.&#13;
In the thoughtful study titled "Banska Stiavnica-the&#13;
Natural Environment of Maximilian Hell," (one of the&#13;
papers published in the above-mentioned volume, cf. pp.&#13;
40 ff.) Dr. Jozef Vlachovic writes: "A thoughtful study of&#13;
that period in the history of Banska Stiavnica brings one&#13;
many a surprise and prompts frank admiration for the&#13;
inhabitants of that town in its early days of economic&#13;
growth. Largely because of their unmitigated effort, which&#13;
appears to have been almost superhuman at times, and&#13;
by reason of their remarkable intellectual gifts and physical&#13;
stamina, they developed their community to an exceptional&#13;
&#13;
6&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
degree of prosperity and progress." Dr. Vlachovic also notes&#13;
that many aspects of the city's history and its. uniquely&#13;
flourishing mining industry have not yet been adequately&#13;
researched and should become the object of proper scholarly investigation.&#13;
Encouraged by this observation, this writer has undertaken at least a bri~f exploration of the life and times of&#13;
Maximilian Hell. The main objective · is to examine the&#13;
highlights of his life and to survey the general environment&#13;
in which the scientist was shaped, noting the influences that&#13;
had contributed to the molding of his character and the&#13;
bent of his scientific activities.&#13;
FAMILY INFLUENCES&#13;
&#13;
The axiomatic principle that the earliest and strongest&#13;
influences in life come from the home was borne out in&#13;
the early shaping of the personality of Maximilian Hell who&#13;
came of a family that was extraordinary in some respects.&#13;
His father was Matthias Cornelius Hell, born c. 1650. It is&#13;
very likely that he was of German background although his&#13;
birthplace was Horny Slavkov near Pribram. He.began his&#13;
working career in the Czech mining industry. It is generally&#13;
agreed that he must have been gifted and industrious; this&#13;
surmise is substantiated by the fact that he rapidly advanced&#13;
in his working position so that although he was still a very&#13;
young man, he was soon ranked as a highly qualified mining&#13;
technician. He was, however, the kind of technician who not&#13;
only mastered the intricacies of the industrial equipment&#13;
readily and was able to increase production significantly,&#13;
but he could also turn his keen perception and deep concern&#13;
to the welfare and safety of the men who worked in the&#13;
mines. His sense of responsibility reached out to men as&#13;
well as to machines.&#13;
In 1694, when Matthias Hell was in the prime of his&#13;
manhood and had already enjoyed some recognition for his&#13;
achievements, Count :Cudovit Thavonath, the chairman of&#13;
a mining commission and recruiter of highly qualified&#13;
experts for the mining industry, offered him a position in&#13;
Banska stiavnica. The offer was attractive to Hell and he&#13;
decided to accept it. This was the circumstance that brought&#13;
the Heil family to the stiavnica mining region;&#13;
Matthias Hell adjusted to the new surroundings easily.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
7&#13;
&#13;
His characteristic devotion to duty and scrupulous sense&#13;
of' responsibility, his competence and skill as well as his&#13;
f:r1endly and understanding attitude toward his fellow&#13;
workers and his subordinates soon won him many friends&#13;
and admirers. These traits also recommended him for early&#13;
promotion, and before long he was named chief industrial&#13;
engineer of the stiavnica mining enterprise. In this position&#13;
he became the promoter of remarkably improved technical&#13;
prbcedtires. He also won great acciaim for the construction&#13;
of water works in the vicinity of Banska stiavnica. On three&#13;
separate occasions it was Hell who saved the stiavnica&#13;
mines from utter ruin or from closing.&#13;
Around 1700, the entire stiavnica mining operation was&#13;
imperiled because the underground water level had risen&#13;
to a critical high. In the face of this danger, the mines were&#13;
all but abandoned until Matthias Hell master-minded a&#13;
practical plan to save them. Harnessing water power drawn&#13;
from the dikes built in the mine area, he put machinery&#13;
to work-for pumpirtg out the excess underground water&#13;
accumulation.&#13;
In 1703, the revolutionary forces of George Rakoczy II&#13;
seized central Slovakia and dispossessed Count Thavonath.&#13;
In these troubled time mine production declined appreciably · and Rakoczy ordered General Berceny to halt all&#13;
mining operations and to level the entire facility. Matthias&#13;
Hell knew how very unwise and irresponsible such a&#13;
procedure would be and he prevailed upon General Berceny&#13;
not to carry out this order.&#13;
Later, after the suppression of the Rakoczy uprising&#13;
and a ret:urn to normalcy, the mines were again threatened&#13;
because there were insufficient funds for reconstruction&#13;
and .the proper updating of the plant in order to insure&#13;
effective and profitable production. An executive order&#13;
brought work to a standstill and it appeared that the&#13;
industry was doomed. In this predicament, Hell intervened&#13;
with a personal appeal made in the course of an interview&#13;
with Emperor Joseph I of Vienna. He succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereign to realize that the reconstruction&#13;
and restoration of the mines would bring public benefit&#13;
and economic prosperity to this part of his realm.&#13;
After the death of his wife, Matthias Hell lived as a&#13;
widower for some time, doing his best to bring up his&#13;
&#13;
8&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
children satisfactorily. On September 22, 1707, however, he&#13;
married Julia Victoria Steindel who came of a GermanSlovak family in $tiavnica. This marriage was blest with&#13;
four sons, each of whom distinguished himself in some&#13;
way of life. The eldest, Ignatius Cornelius, became an&#13;
outstanding engineer engaged in analyzing and assaying the&#13;
various types of ore that were extracted in the $tiavnica&#13;
mines. Joseph Charles, the second eldest, earned recognition&#13;
and a degree of fame for a number of discoveries and&#13;
inventions related to the mining industry. Some of the&#13;
scientific and technical principles underlying these devices&#13;
are still used to advantage throughout the world, even to&#13;
our day.&#13;
On May 15, 1720, when Matthias Cornelius Hell was&#13;
already seventy years old, his third son was born. At his&#13;
baptism in the Jesuit church in Banska $tiavnica he was&#13;
given the name Maximilian. The occasion was solemn and&#13;
significant, and a special aura was added to the ceremonies&#13;
because the godparents were Count Tavonath and his wife.&#13;
The fourth son in the family was Michael who distinguished himself in the local community as a chief inspector&#13;
of the pumping operation in the mines.&#13;
The Hell family had special regard for religious and&#13;
intellectual training. The parents were solicitous about&#13;
providing for their children a solid and wholesome preparation for life, and the children were intellectually gifted&#13;
and responsive, all of them showing a special aptitude for&#13;
mathematical and natural sciences. The fact that the mining&#13;
school center was located at Vindsachta where the Hell&#13;
family lived, made drawing boards and mapping materials,&#13;
charts and model of mine working equipment, libraries and&#13;
many learning aids accessible to the children, and they&#13;
readily became very familiar with all these resources,&#13;
deriving an excellent general and broadening education out&#13;
of this circumstance.&#13;
The scientific genius of Maximilian Hell found much&#13;
opportunity for expression in this milieu of central-Slovak&#13;
mining towns where socio-economic development was at&#13;
a peak. This factor makes it advisable to pause a bit in order&#13;
to survey the background with at least cursory interest.&#13;
HANSKA $TIAVNICA&#13;
&#13;
was a leading city in Slovakia. As a matter of fact, it&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
9&#13;
&#13;
was second in rank, coming right after Bratislava, the&#13;
capital city, and by actual count it had three hundred&#13;
buildings more than Bratislava.&#13;
Very early references to goldsmiths and to metal mining&#13;
in the area can be traced back to at least the year 1075. In&#13;
the sixteenth century events so shaped themselves that the&#13;
city had every assurance of securely laid foundations for&#13;
its cultural growth and for long-range prosperity of a high&#13;
order. A large number of outstanding leaders in the field&#13;
of technology and scientists of established repute came to&#13;
reside in Banska stiavnica.&#13;
The success and prosperity of the city were conditioned&#13;
primarily on the natural underground richness of its mineral deposits and secondarily on other significant factors.&#13;
In 1587 Banska stiavnica became the seat of the municipal&#13;
treasury or finance department and the recognized head&#13;
of seven mining cities in central Slovakia that had formed&#13;
a partnership for mutual defense in the face of the Turkish&#13;
menace and for united resistance to John Zapol'sky. Later&#13;
most of the city's mining interests passed into the hands&#13;
of affluent citizens so that the industry was not controlled&#13;
by foreign investors but it developed and thrived on the&#13;
capital of its own citizens who were characteristically&#13;
energetic, hard-working and well educated individuals. The&#13;
increase of mining output and the expansion of the mining&#13;
industry as a whole were commensurate with the rising&#13;
level of scholastic standards and academic opportunities,&#13;
with the remarkable development of the educational system&#13;
and with the rapidly advancing cultural status of the townspeople in stiavnica.&#13;
In 1725 Banska stiavnica opened a technical school of&#13;
mining which later evolved into a school of advanced&#13;
learning and by 1770 became the Mining Academy for&#13;
specialized study. It was the first advanced school of its&#13;
kind in all Europe, attracting widespread attention for its&#13;
departments of chemistry and physics. It had the unique&#13;
distinction of being the first school in the history of education to introduce the laboratory method of instruction in&#13;
chemistry. European technical schools were greatly interested in the outcomes of scientific experiments that were&#13;
conducted in the innovated laboratory classes at the school.&#13;
The Polytechnic Institute of Paris adopted the laboratory&#13;
&#13;
10&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
method of instruction in chemistry as it had been introduced in the Academy of Mining in Banska stiavnica. Before&#13;
long, other European polytechnic schools and universities&#13;
also did so.&#13;
Excellently equipped laboratories, an eminently qualified staff of teachers and research scholars as well as an&#13;
environment and atmosphere conducive to pursuits of&#13;
learning and research attracted scientists and inventors of&#13;
established name to come to Banska stiavnica. For example:&#13;
Volta, Tandi, Lippi, Savarezi, Melograni and a number of&#13;
experts associated with the Spanish mining endeavors in&#13;
America had devoted some time to specialized study in the&#13;
laboratories at Banska stiavnica. The great demand for&#13;
young engineers who had finished their studies at Banska&#13;
stiavnica testifies to the high quality of schooling that was&#13;
offered here. Early in the nineteenth century the sultan&#13;
Mohammed invited into his service twelve graduates of&#13;
this school, one of whom-John Knechtel-became the&#13;
supervisor of mines in the Turkish empire.&#13;
It was mainly because of the stimulus provided by the&#13;
Mining Academy that the first world congress of natural&#13;
scientists, attended largely by metallurgists and chemists,&#13;
was held in Sklene Teplice in 1786. The International&#13;
Society of Mining Science was established at this congress.&#13;
Among its charter members were Anton Ruprecht and the&#13;
Jesuit Nicholas Poda, both of whom were members of the&#13;
faculty at the Mining Academy.&#13;
&#13;
Banska stiavnica reached the peak of its glory and&#13;
prosperity in the first half of the eighteenth century. At&#13;
that time its mining enterprises employed at least eight&#13;
thousand workers and specialized technicians.&#13;
The population of the city was always predominantly&#13;
Slovak. In 1715, for example, its leading families registered&#13;
these national origins or backgrounds: 424 Slovak, 360&#13;
German, and only 20 Magyar. Practically everyone who lived&#13;
in the city was fluent in three languages: Slovak, German&#13;
and Magyar. By the close of the eighteenth century, however, the city began to decline because it was no longer&#13;
able to provide adequate job opportunities in the local&#13;
mines and foundries. In the nineteenth century mining and&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
11&#13;
&#13;
metal works were superseded by other industrial interests&#13;
that were introduced into Banska stiavnica.&#13;
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAXIMILIAN HELL&#13;
Early in his life Maximilian Hell gave every indication&#13;
of precocious gifts and talents, and the home and family&#13;
in which he was nurtured greatly contributed to the full&#13;
development of his natural endowments. Although his&#13;
health began to fail, the aged father still continued to&#13;
discharge his responsibilities as chief mining engineer and&#13;
at the same time, he conscientiously saw to the consistently&#13;
thorough and sound training of his sons. All four boys&#13;
acquired their earliest acquaintance with scientific lore&#13;
and some basic in the study of science from their father&#13;
right at home. Later they were able to build on these&#13;
fundamentals when they attended the already famed Mining&#13;
Academy.&#13;
Even in his boyhood, Maximilian was strongly influenced by the Jesuit professors in Banska stiavnica who were&#13;
remarkably dedicated priests and were now involved in&#13;
vital movement to restore Catholicism in this town which&#13;
was recovering after the defeat of Rakoczy. These Jesuits&#13;
had a well established mission in the village Vindsachta&#13;
where the Hell family lived. One of their principal concerns&#13;
was the education and proper training of the younger&#13;
generation. As one measure toward this end they had founded a junior high school in Banska stiavnica and the boys&#13;
of their school won many accolades for their dramatic&#13;
presentations and declamations as well as for their performances in public examinations.&#13;
Later a number of Jesuits also taught at the Mining&#13;
Academy, especially in the departments of Latin, rhetoric&#13;
and poetry. Father Nicholas Poda and Father Charles&#13;
Tierenberger were heads of mathematics, mechanics and&#13;
physics. They were famed experts in their specialized fields&#13;
and they were excellent educators as well. Father Poda&#13;
produced a textbook on mechanical engineering with special&#13;
reference to the mining industry. It was the first textbook&#13;
of its kind. For many decades the hand written lecture notes&#13;
of Father Tierenberger were valued as a kind of mathematics handbook. Much of their substance and method still&#13;
&#13;
12&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
had some value in practical application as late as the&#13;
beginning of our century.&#13;
There is no question about the lasting influence of the&#13;
Jesuits upon the formative years of Maximilian Hell's life.&#13;
Even from early boyhood he cultivated a strong inclination&#13;
to develop his talents in their Society. He knew with what&#13;
devotion the Jesuits promoted science and learning together&#13;
with profound spirituality, for he had living examples of&#13;
this kind of life in action and in its full reality as often&#13;
as he looked about at the inspiration of Jesuit teachers in&#13;
his midst, men who were effectively combined intensive&#13;
religious life with specialized skills and scholarship in the&#13;
natural sciences. On the recommendation of local teachers,&#13;
the father sent his growing son to schools in Banska&#13;
Bystrica where he could enroll in humanities courses at&#13;
the Jesuit senior high school.&#13;
In 1738 Maximilian Hell entered the Jesuit novitiate in&#13;
Trencin. He was then a promising young man of eighteen.&#13;
He devoted two years to the exclusive study of the fundamentals of religious life as it is lived in the Society of Jesus.&#13;
Marginally, he continued his interest in the natural sciences,&#13;
principally in mathematics. After his novitiate training was&#13;
completed in 1740, his superiors sent him to Vienna for&#13;
further study. This was the first time that he left his native&#13;
Slovakia but he knew that his absence would be only&#13;
temporary, that he would return one day with a rich store&#13;
of enlarged knowledge and new experiences that could be&#13;
shared with his countrymen. His life and accomplishments&#13;
prove that this aspiration was no empty dream.&#13;
Hell began his studies in Vienna by enrolling in the&#13;
department of philosophy. In his day, this department also&#13;
offered courses in what was catalogued as natural philoso phy and included the study of mathematics, physics and&#13;
astronomy. These were the courses that interested Maximilian Hell the most. During the time that he was absorbed&#13;
in mastering these natural sciences at Vienna, he also&#13;
published his first book Elementa algebrae.&#13;
The university at Vienna opened a new phase of life for&#13;
the aspiring Jesuit. Two outstanding Jesuit educators who&#13;
took note of this brilliant student were Erasmus Frolich,&#13;
professor of mathematics, applied science in mechanics&#13;
and history; and Joseph Franz, lecturer in philosophy, who&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
13&#13;
&#13;
was also devoted to exploring problems in mmmg and&#13;
astronomy-subjects from the dark pits in the deep earth&#13;
to the distant vaults in the skies. Franz already enjoyed an&#13;
established reputation in the world of science, for he was&#13;
the founder and the director of the Oriental Institute in&#13;
Vienna. Both his diplomatic and his study tours in Turkey&#13;
and in Asia Minor had yielded him a great deal of interesting&#13;
and useful information, especially in matters of Oriental&#13;
astronomy, mathematics and physics.&#13;
He became very fond of Maximilian Hell whom he&#13;
esteemed mainly because of his grasp in mining technology&#13;
and his practical understanding of mining machines and&#13;
equipment. Aware of these qualifications in Hell, Franz&#13;
chose him to be the recipient of a special fellowship and to&#13;
serve as an assistant in his department. Later he introduced&#13;
him to the wonders of astronomy and in time he made him&#13;
an assistant in the Jesuit observatory. Maximilian became&#13;
enchanted by this science of the heavens and he discovered&#13;
that here at least was his greatest prospect for the direct&#13;
application of his attractions and his natural capacities for&#13;
natural science and mathematics.&#13;
It is standard Jesuit practice that after two years of&#13;
study in philosophy, a candidate devotes a year or two to&#13;
actual teaching and work in the apostolate in order to&#13;
benefit from such realistic experience and to test innate&#13;
capacities. On his personal initiative Maximilian Hell petitioned his superiors to assign him to some work of this&#13;
nature in his native Slovakia. This reasonable request was&#13;
honored and he was sent to teach Latin, Greek, history and&#13;
geography at the high school in Levoca. Later he himself&#13;
added mathematics to the courses that he taught and in his&#13;
free time he continued the study of astronomy which&#13;
fascinated him thoroughly. He proved to be very effective&#13;
in his work with Slovak high school students as well as&#13;
in his activities among the local people. They admired him&#13;
greatly and were impressed by his personality and his&#13;
intellectual gifts. From Levoca Hell often visited his friend&#13;
Adam Kollar who taught in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. He, too,&#13;
had had Jesuit training in the background but he decided&#13;
to leave the Society before ordination.&#13;
After two years of teaching at the high school in Levoca,&#13;
Hell returned to Vienna for theological studies which lasted&#13;
&#13;
14&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
four years, and finally in 1751 he achieved the most ardent&#13;
hope of his lifetime when he was ordained priest. In this&#13;
same year he was also awarded the academic degree Doctor&#13;
of Philosophy.&#13;
After ordination he taught for some time at the humanities school in Banska Bystrica which was quite close to&#13;
his native Banska stiavnica. This made it possible for him&#13;
to keep in close touch with his brother Joseph who was&#13;
employed as a mechanical engineer. Pooling his talents with&#13;
Samuel Makovini he was busily engaged in constructing&#13;
a new pumping device to control the water level in the&#13;
mines. The unusual feature of this pumping machine lay&#13;
in the fact that it was not dependent on motor power or&#13;
on levers, on pressure valves or pistons, but its operational&#13;
force was pressurized water power alone. Maximilian was&#13;
of great help to Joseph in this undertaking, for he worked&#13;
out sensitive mathematical calculations that were involved&#13;
in the planning. At the same time he was broadening and&#13;
deepening his own mastery of physics.&#13;
Interestingly, 110 years later this ingenious concept of&#13;
the Hell brothers of using the force of pressurized air to&#13;
pump liquids was put to practical use for the first time&#13;
when the United States undertook operations to extract&#13;
crude oil out of Pennsylvania oil fields. The discovery of&#13;
the Hell brothers became the common property of all men.&#13;
While he was in Banska Bystrica, Maximilian successfully completed what is termed the third probationary&#13;
period in the Jesuit formation program and he became&#13;
a full-fledged member, dedicated to a lifetime career in the&#13;
Society. At the request of Count Konigseck, who was very&#13;
influential in the mining industry and who was well&#13;
acquainted with the Hell family, and with the sanction of&#13;
his immediate -superiors, the young Jesuit tutored the&#13;
Count's son in mathematics and physics for some time,&#13;
helping to prepare him for a lifetime office in mining&#13;
supervision.&#13;
It should be kept in mind that at this time the Mining&#13;
Academy was not yet founded in Banska stiavnica. The&#13;
tutorial service that Hell performed for Count Konigseck's&#13;
son really made of him a pioneer in mining instruction&#13;
on the secondary level. It was ten years later-specifically&#13;
on April 3, 1770-that Empress Maria Theresa, Queen of&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
15&#13;
&#13;
Hungary and Bohemia, granted approbation to the proposal&#13;
presented by Count Novohradsky after mature deliberation&#13;
with Professor Hell, for the founding of the Mining Academy which was to be an advanced technical institute of&#13;
mining in Banska stiavnica.&#13;
Hell was also commissioned to translate the mining&#13;
statutes of Hungary (the old multinational state) from&#13;
German into Latin. This event too indicates what respect&#13;
Maximilian Hell commanded in scientific circles, for a task&#13;
of this kind could be entrusted only to one with proven&#13;
abilities not only in fluent Latin expression but also with&#13;
a command of clear and precise mining terminology.&#13;
Though Hell was greatly preoccupied with these activities, his study of astronomy did not suffer in any way. As a&#13;
matter of fact, he made steady progress in this science and&#13;
his prestige among astronomers continued to grow. In 1752&#13;
Dean Borgias Keri of the University of Trnava approached&#13;
him about the founding of a university observatory. Hell&#13;
welcomed the proposition, for if he had a particular ambition, it was to see his native Slovakia advance significantly&#13;
in scientific scholarship as well as in all branches of&#13;
learning.&#13;
After an all-too-brief stay of one year in Trnava, Hell&#13;
was assigned to Kluz in present-day Rumania where he was&#13;
to establish a new college and build an observatory. He&#13;
devoted three years of intensive work to this task. In the&#13;
course of this time, however, he not only supervised the&#13;
construction of the college and its observatory but he also&#13;
taught mathematics and found time for the apostolic work&#13;
of pastoral service among the Slovaks and Germans who&#13;
were beginning to settle in Kluz and its vicinity and were&#13;
in need of priestly ministry. By way of a marginal professional undertaking, he also compiled and published some&#13;
handbooks in mathematics.&#13;
In formal professional circles Hell earned not only&#13;
recognition but even evident regard and esteem for his&#13;
scholarly proficiency and his achievements in mathematics,&#13;
physics and astronomy. After the eminent natural scientist&#13;
and mathematician John Marinoni died in Vienna, Hell was&#13;
invited to that city and was named director of the new&#13;
observatory at the University of Vienna. In the discharge&#13;
of this office he created extraordinary and needful pressure&#13;
&#13;
16&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
in order to provide for the observatory the newest kind of&#13;
equipment that was available in that day.&#13;
In line of duty, he devoted meticulous attention to the&#13;
movement of heavenly bodies, conducted guided tours of the&#13;
observatory on behalf of noteworthy visitors, collaborated&#13;
with projects of scientific institutes outside the country,&#13;
supervised the publication of calendars of astronomic&#13;
interest and information, and conducted sessions in the&#13;
practical study of astronomy and observation of heavenly&#13;
bodies.&#13;
From 1755 on, Hell undertook very serious efforts to&#13;
correlate and coordinate the theoretic and the practical&#13;
aspects of science. He was gratifyingly successful in the&#13;
endeavor. With a sense of elation he accepted an offer to&#13;
teach mechanics and to conduct lectures for aspiring&#13;
builders, construction engineers and artists.&#13;
In time, Hell found himself constrained to resign his&#13;
teaching commitments because of the burdens of office.&#13;
He had become court astronomer and mathematician as&#13;
well as editor of the learned astronomy annual Ephemerides&#13;
Astronomicae. The greatest of demands were made on him&#13;
by this journal which he compiled and edited for 37 years,&#13;
except for some brief and intermittent periods. It brought&#13;
its readers pertinent mathematical tables and calculations&#13;
and almanac-styled articles on heavenly phenomena, primarily the movement of the principal heavenly bodies: the&#13;
sun, the moon and the stars.&#13;
Hell also made of this annual the publications vehicle&#13;
for reports on astronomic observations from many European observatories. His prestigious position as well as his&#13;
deservedly respected reputation as a remarkable scholar&#13;
and an accomplished scientist together with his winning&#13;
disposition and gracious manner all worked to the good&#13;
in attracting the cooperation of significant men of science&#13;
and learning in other countries.&#13;
This editing of a scientific journal of this nature was&#13;
a pioneering venture. England launched a similar publication only ten years later. The Berlin Academy did not&#13;
initiate such a publication until two decades later.&#13;
THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF MAXIMILIAN HELL&#13;
Writing in the periodical The Slovak Jesuits in Canada&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
17&#13;
&#13;
&lt;1970, p. 48) Dr. Robert Bajcar observes that "It is a&#13;
challenging and complex task to evaluate the achievements&#13;
of Maximilian Hell. This is due largely to the fact that the&#13;
man himself is an impressive personality of uncommon&#13;
stature and his is a broad spectrum of interests with a&#13;
markedly varied field of activity. Nor is it a simple matter&#13;
to do this uniquely versatile scientist justice by appropriate&#13;
placement in proper historic and generic classifications."&#13;
Dr. Bajcar feels that Maximilian Hell is first and foremost&#13;
an astronomer. In this appreciation of Hell, however, we&#13;
choose to review his contributions to his native land and&#13;
to speak of his scientific expedition to the polar regions&#13;
m the company of John ~ajnovic, another Slovak Jesuit&#13;
scholar.&#13;
It is an interesting detail of research findings that the&#13;
first efforts to organize scientific activities and interests&#13;
in the multinational and polyglot country of Hungary were&#13;
begun in Slovak lands. In 1763 Adam Kollar, honored by&#13;
his colleagues with the epithet "The Slovak Socrates,"&#13;
addressed to Hungarian scholars and learned citizens his&#13;
proposal for founding a Hungarian learned society whose&#13;
members would concern themselves with active participation in or the support of research into the history, natural&#13;
science, economics and political science of Hungary.&#13;
Two years later, Kollar published a Latin document&#13;
justifying the taxation of properties owned by the Church&#13;
and the nobility. This offended many sensibilities and the&#13;
aristocracy retaliated with an official proclamation in&#13;
parliament by which Kollar was denounced as a traitor and&#13;
his paper was publicly burned at an open demonstration&#13;
in the courtyard of the Bratislava townhall. Maria Theresa&#13;
exonerated Kollar, her official director at the imperial&#13;
library, but she tabled his proposal for the founding of&#13;
a learned society.&#13;
A second endeavor to establish a Hungarian learned&#13;
society was made in 1771. This one, too, was initiated in&#13;
Slovakia. This time the proposition was presented to Maria&#13;
Theresa anonymously although it is generally surmised&#13;
that is was formulated by Kollar, Trstiansky and Count&#13;
Teleki. The proposed body was to be called Academia&#13;
Augusta and was to consist of four departments: philosophy, history, political economy and education. In May, 1774,&#13;
&#13;
18&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
the court counselor authorized Adam Kollar and Maximilian&#13;
Hell to draft the charter and the by-laws of the projected&#13;
association.&#13;
For a long time Hell had given much thought to the&#13;
prospects of organizing scientific thought and activities. He&#13;
had his own preconceptions about the nature and objectives&#13;
of a learned body, and unhappily his ideas did not square&#13;
with Kalla.r's.&#13;
Hell envisioned niceties of distinction between the university as a pedagogical institution and the learned academy&#13;
as a scientific institute. He believed that:&#13;
It is the function of a lecturer or a professor in a given&#13;
discipline to present the subject matter of a course within its current&#13;
context and degree of development together with all available findings&#13;
that are related to it at that time and in such a manner that it will&#13;
be readily comprehended and assimilated by the average student in&#13;
attendance ... An active member of the learned society, on the other&#13;
hand, is responsible not only for demonstrating professional mastery&#13;
in his specialized field, but he likewise bears the responsibility of&#13;
bring,i ng the fruits and findings of personal study, eocperimentation&#13;
and research, the responsibility of making new contribution to the&#13;
general store of data already available in that field. Members of&#13;
a learned institute bring discovery and enrichment to science and&#13;
learning; professors, by contrast, present to their classes and audiences&#13;
facts and explanations bearing on the findings made by learned&#13;
societies in order to enlarge and expand knowledge that is already&#13;
available.&#13;
&#13;
By Hell's definition then, the essential scientist is&#13;
intrinsically a discoverer of new facts or new ideas. For this&#13;
reason, Hell was convinced that this unique aspect of&#13;
science scholarship had to be a characteristic and integral&#13;
feature of the authentic academy of sciences. There is fundamental truth in the perceptive thinking of Hell but this&#13;
was thoroughly radical thinking in his day. It was also&#13;
truly radical, for example, to consider Hell's exclusion of&#13;
the hwnanities from the academy. His philosophy of&#13;
thinking out the structure of the academy ruled out history,&#13;
law, linguistics, the fine arts and related disciplines. It is&#13;
not surprising then that Hell's plan was vigorously opposed&#13;
by the humanists. As a matter of fact, Kollar himself came&#13;
to take a stand against Hell and his unrelenting position.&#13;
Hell also had ideas of his own concerning the financial&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
19&#13;
&#13;
security of the proposed academy. He proposed that it be&#13;
supported by the publication of scientific almanacs that&#13;
would be promoted throughout all the countries of the&#13;
Habsburg empire. Officialdom in Hungary did not endorse&#13;
this plan but offered the counter-proposal that the academy&#13;
be established with headquarters in Trnava, where the&#13;
University of Trnava would see to its functioning. This time&#13;
it was Hell's proposal that was relegated ad acta. But his&#13;
hopes and his efforts to organize scientific thought and&#13;
activities in home reasonable way were not entirely in vain.&#13;
The international science institute which was founded in&#13;
Sklene Teplice in 1786 never would have been established&#13;
in Slovakia had its establishment not been proceded by&#13;
the hopeful plans and efforts of scientists like Hell and&#13;
Kollar.&#13;
A significant contribution of Maximilian Hell to the&#13;
Slovak world of science was his construction of an observatory at the University of Trnava. At this time in the&#13;
history of learning and education, an observatory had more&#13;
than scientific value exclusively; it also satisfied academic&#13;
and practical roles. Hell's peculiar genius lay in his ability&#13;
to combine scientific theory with practical application. His&#13;
scientific almanacs were sought not only by specialists in&#13;
astronomy but by geographers, mariners, travelers and&#13;
military strategists as well. He was proficient in using&#13;
scientific knowledge to good purpose for many practical&#13;
uses.&#13;
Danish astronomers and sailors were especially eager&#13;
to have his publications. One year after his accession to&#13;
the throne, the young King Christian officially invited Hell&#13;
to come to Denmark and offered him a commission to take&#13;
charge of astronomic observation on Warde Island in the&#13;
icy North Sea during the eclipse of the sun on June 3, 1769.&#13;
With the consent of Maria Theresa, Hell accepted the King's&#13;
offer and made necessary preparations for the journey and&#13;
for the observation study.&#13;
He chose for his companion a fellow-Jesuit John sajnowho was his junior by thirteen years. Sajnovic had&#13;
experience as an assistant at the Trnava University observatory which Hell had founded. Both men were natives of&#13;
the same region, they were of compatible disposition and&#13;
&#13;
vic&#13;
&#13;
20&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
had many interests in common. The younger man was&#13;
entrusted with all the details of the journey by land and&#13;
by sea, and he was to prepare the physical features of&#13;
the observation station on Warde Island. Hell was to look&#13;
after the essentially scientific details connected with the&#13;
task of observation and with the keeping of a scientific&#13;
diary and official records.&#13;
A secondary assignment for sajnovic was to study the&#13;
flora and fauna of Lapland as well as the native Laplanders,&#13;
the Eskimos and the Finns; their language, customs and&#13;
culture-truly a formidable and responsible task. Hell&#13;
added to his main objectives a study of the aurora borealis,&#13;
the magnetic needle and the Gulf Stream-its influence&#13;
on storms, etc.&#13;
On April 28, 1768 Hell and sajnovic set out on the long&#13;
expedition from Vienna to the Arctic Circle. The journey&#13;
was long and taxing, requiring all of five months. On&#13;
October 1, they finally reached their destination, Warde&#13;
Island in the frozen North Sea. The work to which they&#13;
set themselves there was even more strenuous than their&#13;
journey had been. Their new surroundings were utterly&#13;
strange, strange beyond all expectations. The polar summer&#13;
was chilling, the sky was usually overcast, and the entire&#13;
landscape and seascape were shrouded in fog.&#13;
They set to work energetically building their research&#13;
station and made eager preparation for June 3, the date&#13;
of the eclipse when Venus was to pass between the sun and&#13;
the earth, blotting out the sun's light. Hell's scientific log,&#13;
his astute observations together with his scientific notations&#13;
and calculations made in connection with this phenomenon&#13;
became a substantial contribution to the composite fund&#13;
of world facts in astronomy.&#13;
On returning from this expedition, Hell presented&#13;
himself before a session convoked by the Academy of&#13;
Sciences at Copenhagen and delivered a thorough report&#13;
on his journey, his observations and his conclusions. He&#13;
promised to send a copy of this report to the Danish king.&#13;
As a token of gratitude, Christian II granted Hell an annual&#13;
pension of a thousand gulden but Hell graciously declined&#13;
the bounty of the King.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
21&#13;
&#13;
When Hell reached Vienna, he worked out some of his&#13;
notes in greater detail and an account of his research and&#13;
observation was published in a 1771 annual devoted to&#13;
astronomy. Shortly afterwards he prepared another work&#13;
on this subject. It was published as a French study in&#13;
Journal des savants in 1776.&#13;
Hell had set himself the further task of preparing a&#13;
meticulously detailed account which was to be published in&#13;
three comprehensive volumes but this scholarly work was&#13;
never completed because the suppression of the Society of&#13;
Jesus brought it to a halt. This unfortunate dissolution of&#13;
the Jesuits also caused Hell to lose all his faithful associates&#13;
and co-workers of long standing. Besides, he was burdened&#13;
with an overwhelming multiplicity of pressing duties that&#13;
prevented his application to the projected volumes. Another&#13;
obstacle was the lack of financial resources to defray the&#13;
expenses that would be entailed by such a publication.&#13;
John sajnovic, Hell's companion and associate on the&#13;
expedition to the Arctic for the solar eclipse observations,&#13;
also produced a valuable work. It was published under the&#13;
sponsorship of the University of Trnava. One feature of it&#13;
was the linguistic study in which sajnovic pointed out&#13;
various elements that the Lapp, the Finnish and the Chinese&#13;
languages have in common with Magyar.&#13;
Because Hell's long promised three-volume account of&#13;
the Arctic project with all its scientific implications never&#13;
went to print, differences of opinion on the merits of Hell's&#13;
contribution began to appear among some groups of interested scientists. De la Lande and Encke were among the&#13;
astronomers who cast doubts on Hell's time and date&#13;
calculations in the researching of the solar eclipse as well&#13;
as in his data relevant to general observations from this&#13;
expedition. Much later, however, the American astronomer&#13;
Newcomb made an exhaustive study of Hell's records in&#13;
Vienna and he confirmed the findings of the polar expedition as Hell had reported them.&#13;
Closer to our day the Danish astronomer Nielsen&#13;
painstakingly reviewed Hell's calculations and reaffirmed&#13;
their correctness and reliability in the light of modern&#13;
scientific methods and theories.&#13;
&#13;
22&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
CONCLUDING SUMMARY&#13;
&#13;
Maximilian Hell was an outstanding scholar and scientist whom Slovakia gave to the world. His major interest&#13;
was in astronomy but he was also an authority in related&#13;
branches of science, mainly in mathematics, physics, meteorology, physical geography, and mining geodesy and&#13;
geodynamics. As a young man in his prime, he established&#13;
and conducted astronomic observatories in Trnava, Kluz,&#13;
Jager and Budapest.&#13;
When we realize that in Hell's day astronomical observatories were the foremost of scientific institutes, and that&#13;
physics and natural science laboratories came into being&#13;
at a later time, we begin to appreciate more fully the fact&#13;
that Hell's achievements were of prime significance not&#13;
only within the borders of his own country but in all&#13;
Europe as well. Hell himself was not-and he did not&#13;
attempt to be-the kind of scientific research scholar who&#13;
opens new fields of study on the basis of revolutionary or&#13;
daring hypothetic premises; he was the characteristically&#13;
patient, painstaking, persistant scholar whose whole life&#13;
and achievement was grounded in diligent and unmitigated&#13;
devotion to work and in dogged perseverance in a task.&#13;
Too great a portion of Hell's scientific endeavor still&#13;
remains unexamined and inadequately appraised. Much of&#13;
his correspondence which deals with scientific interests is&#13;
practically untouched. Pinzger published a monograph on&#13;
Hell in which he included some samplings of this correspondence but his sources were not truly representative, for&#13;
he limited himself to Austrian and Hungarian sources&#13;
exclusively. The bulk of Hell's corr~spondence is reserved&#13;
in the Academy of Sciences and in the archives of the&#13;
observatory at the University of Vienna which is also&#13;
official guardian of a special fund or trust in Hell's memory.&#13;
Besides meriting recognition as a research scholar in&#13;
various branches of science, Hell also deserves to be remembered as an educator of note. He was a renowned teacher&#13;
and a distinguished lecturer at the University of Vienna. It&#13;
is generally agreed that in the entire realm there was not&#13;
at that time a scholar who was his equal, much less any one&#13;
who could have performed or continued Hell's commit-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
23&#13;
&#13;
ments more creditably or more satisfactorily. Because he&#13;
was always a leader who was greatly involved in the&#13;
scientific movements and activities of all Europe, he was&#13;
offered membership in many notable scientific societies&#13;
and associations.&#13;
A further achievement of Maximilian Hell was his&#13;
detailed mapping of the surface of the moon. The International Union of Astronomers recognized the value of this&#13;
project and honored it by naming one of the moon's craters&#13;
in honor of Hell.&#13;
The life and achievements of this Jesuit scholar testify&#13;
to the fact that Slovakia has much in her past that reflects&#13;
glory upon the Slovaks as a nation. This should inspire&#13;
a sense of wholesome pride and ambition in today's generation of descendants of Slovak families at home and .abroad.&#13;
Translated by Barbara F t ci c n i k&#13;
and Sister Martina T y b o r&#13;
&#13;
THE EASTERN SLOVAK CITY of Presov, historic&#13;
market-town for centuries, is expanding its industrial&#13;
facilities . Last year a modern super chicken-farm was&#13;
established and put into operation. Moreover, a special&#13;
auto-service with a daily capacity for approximately 500&#13;
autos was inaugurated. The center covering an area of&#13;
30,000 sq. meters was built at a cost of almost 50 million&#13;
crowns (about $10,000,000.00).&#13;
&#13;
ALTHOUGH EACH YEAR the Slovak shipbuilders in&#13;
Koma.mo, Slovakia, make scores of vessels for the Soviet&#13;
Union which employs them on the Danube, Slovak shipping&#13;
is limited to a pair of ships, the Slavin and Trnava, and&#13;
three small craft.&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 5-23</text>
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                    <text>24

SLOVAKIA

--- --------

Tiso' s Formative Years
and Early Political Career
Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D.

Dr. Jozef Tiso, like most Slovaks who attained national
prominence, had very simple, humble beginnings. Tiso was
born on October 13, 1887 of peasant stock in the small
Slovak town of Vel'ka Bytca. Two days later he was
christened a Roman Catholic with the name Jozef Gaspar.
With regard to the origin of the name Tiso there is no
agreement, but most likely it was derived from the Slavic
word, tis, meaning yew tree. The name Tiso in Vel'ka
Bytca has been traced back to 1525. Several individuals of
that name achieved some distinction in Slovak history. One
of them, a priest, Mikulas Tiso, was active in the Slovak
national movement during the 19th century. 1
Most of Jozef Tiso's ancestors, however, were simple
peasants or tradesmen. His grandfather, Jozef Tiso, also
of Vel'ka Bytca, was born on August 11, 1838. In 1860 he
married Veronica Fundarek, who bore him a son in 1862;
he was Gaspar Tiso, father of the future leader of Slovakia.
Gaspar Tiso during most of his adult life operated a butcher
business in Vel'ka Bytca. He was a nationally conscious
Slovak and active during most of his adult life in Slovak
national and political organizations. In 1894 he founded
a Catholic Circle in Vel'ka Bytca, which was dissolved by
the Hungarian government in 1901 but later revived. Even
after 1918 Gaspar Tiso represented the Slovak People's
Party in his town. 2
On September 2, 1882 Gaspar married Terezia Budiska,
a member of a well-known family of potters from Vel'ka
Bytca. From this union seven children were born: Pavol,
Jozef, Maria, Jan, Hanna, Jozefka, and Terezia.
Gaspar and Terezia Tiso were simple people who instilled in their children the simple peasant virtues: the value
of hard work and a firm belief in God. Their family mottos
were: "Pray and work," and "Fellow strive and God will
bless you." 3

�SLOVAKIA

25

Dr. Jozef Tiso spent most of his formative years in the
town of Vel'ka Bytca. Situated in the northwest corner of
Slovakia, it was that area which was a traditional stronghold of Slovak nationalism. Vel'ka Bytca had withstood the
onslaught of Magyarization and survived as a nationally
conscious town. Reminiscing many years later Tiso said
of Bytca:
I am a Bytcan. If tinkers have a kingdom, well now Bytca
would certainly be the chief city of this kingdom. Well, if you will,
I am also a descendant of tinkers. Among us there are no differences
between artisans and farmers and workers. A tinker is an artisan,
but also a worker and the poorest salaried, working on a patch of
land which is more rock than soil-in a word also ·a farmer.4

Tiso's family was not especially poor nor was it a rich
one: it can be classified as a middle peasant family.
Regarding his family's situation Tiso said:
We had a decent roof over our heads, we had a clean, nice
village home and always a loaf of bread on a table covered with
a cloth. Thus we had what a man needs for a decent life. This was
our wealth. And what we had was from work.5

Tiso began his formal education in the lower school in
Bytca in 1894. At that time the Bytca school was a three
language one. During the first year Slovak and Magyar
were taught; in the second year, German; and in the third
year all three languages were alternated. Subjects included
in the curriculum were the natural scie?ces, Hungarian
history, and geography. Although the purpose of the
curriculum was to Magyarize, there were several nationally
conscious Slovak instructors in the Bytca school: one of
these, Pavel Trusina, taught Tiso the Slovak language.6
Jozef Tiso during these years of study in Bytca proved
to be a good student; therefore in 1898 after the completion
of his fourth year he was sent to the middle school in
nearby Zilina. Gaspar and Terezia Tiso had originally
planned to educate their eldest son, Pavel, but he dropped
out after one year at the Zilina school to take up the family
butcher trade in Bytca. Jozef Tiso soon proved to be a much
better student than his brother. He won the admiration
of all his professors. He did well in all his subjects and
showed a special talent in mastering foreign languages.
Magyar and German were mere playthings to him according
to the recollections of one of his classmates.7 One professor
named Bicovsky referring to Tiso allegedly told the class,

�26

SLOVAKIA

"You will see this boy one day will be a great man." 8 Jozef
Tiso was also well liked by his fellow classmates. He was
remembered as being humble, pleasant, and easygoing,
always demonstrating an uncommon interest in helping his
classmates with their work. 9 While in zilina Tiso lived
with Anton Sturm, a friend of the family, who remembered
him as a conscientious student who never had to be forced
to prepare his school assignments.10
It was in zilina that Tiso made the decision to enter
the priesthood. This was not an uncommon choice for
Slovaks peasants. Many Slovak peasant families had a son
or daughter in the Church. A clerical career was one of the
few ways a Slovak peasant could raise his social status or
acquire an education. Having made the decision, Tiso set
off in 1902 after the completion of his fourth year at zilina
for the Nitra Gymnasium. The Nitra school was much
more a Magyar institution than the zilina one had been.
The Nitra faculty, moreover, had a low opinion of the
zilina school, regarding its curriculum in Magyar subjects
particularly inferior to its ow~. Young students there were
frequently ridiculed, but Tiso was not for he proved to be
an exceptional student. He mastered with little difficulty
the most difficult assignments in Latin and German, and
remained there four years. 11
The outstanding theological students of the time were
sent to Vienna to the Pazmaneum, the leading Catholic
seminary in the Habsburg Empire. Tiso in 1906 was one of
those chosen to complete his theological studies there.
Once at the Pazmaneum, he continued his good scholastic
record and came into contact with some of the leading
clerics of the Empire. He received lectures from Franz
Martin Schindler12 and Ignaz Seipel, leaders of the Austrian
Christian Social movement. During Tiso's years of study
at the Pazmaneum Pope Leo's social encyclical, Rerum
Novarum was receiving wide attention. Many seminars
were devoted to it and came to form an important part of
Tiso's social philosophy. Tiso's training was otherwise in
traditional Catholic theology and Thomistic philosophy.
According to the confidential files of the Pazmaneum Tiso
was an exemplary seminarian. Concerning Tiso the psychological-moral profile stated: "Natural behavior: serious;
morals : exemplary; mode of conversation with superiors:

�SLOVAKIA

27

humble, with equals: affable; character: oustanding; application: indefatigable . Observations : behaves with a mature character." 13
The intellectual atmosphere of Vienna was very dif.
ferent from what Tiso was accustomed to in Nitra and
zilina. There were Socialists, Christian Socials, liberals,
and others, some of them hostile to the Catholic world view
that Tiso espoused. It was in Vienna in fact that Tiso had
his first contact with the progressive wing of the Slovak
intelligentsia, the Hlasists. Tiso opposed Hlasists thought
even then; he regarded it a threat to the conservative
Catholic view. Friction between Tiso and a Hlasist even
took place in Tiso's home town of Bytca where he spent
the holidays. The medical doctor in Bytca, Minarik, a
Hlasist, accused Tiso of not being a real Slovak, when Tiso
supported the parish priest, Teselsky, a member of the
Hungarian People's Party and a known Magyarone. There
were differences between Tiso and Teselsky, but Tiso preferred the Magyarone to the progressive minded Minarik. 14
Dr. Jozef Tiso was ordained a priest on July 14, 1910
by Bishop August Fischer-Colbr ie, and shortly thereafter
said his first mass in his home parish church in Vel'ka
Bytca. A year later he was awarded a doctorate in theology.
Tiso's first assignment as a priest was to the small remote
village of Oscadnica, a poor Slovak village.
Tiso was not only concerned with the spiritual welfare
of the people of Oscadnica, but also became very interested
in their economic standard, their health, sanitation, and
dietary habits. He organized self-help associations and
tackled the problem of alcoholism which was so widespread in Slovak villages. Tiso referred to his experience
in Oscadnica as his second university. 15 After about a year
in Oscadnica, Tiso was transferred to another village,
Rajec, where he continued his work. In Rajec he founded
a Slovak peasant bank designed to strengthen the financial
resources of the village and free the peasant from debts.16
Dr. Tiso was not in Rajec long before he was again
transferred, this time to a larger town, Banovce nad Bebravou, located about 70 miles northwest of Bratislava. He
was appointed chaplain there and in 1924 promoted to
pastor, a post he held until 1945. Tiso, during the many
years of his pastorate in Banovce did much for the improve-

�28

SLOVAKIA

ment of the town. He undertook the pavement of the town's
streets and the regulation of the Bebrava River and Radisla
Creek which ran near Banovce. To further the interests of
the town's noted cabinet makers he organized a cooperative.
He worked, too, with the city council and founded a bank
to finance a sewer system and water supply. Tiso formu•
lated other plans for the modernization of Banovce, such
as electrification and pavement of roads to every village
in the district, but these remained only in the planning
stage. His primary goal remained the industrialization of
Banovce. 17 Alarmed by the spread of secularism and progressive thought, Tiso also set out to strengthen Catholic
education in Banovce. He revived the Catholic educational
society Orol and he founded both a Catholic teachers'
college and a Catholic cultural house. 18 All Tiso's work did
much to make him popular in the Banovce area and to
make it the center of his political strength.
In 1914 Tiso was called up by the government to serve
as chaplain in the Austrian army. Toward the end of 1914 he
was sent to Maribor in Styria. There he became acquainted
with Slovene priests and their work in organizing peasant
cooperatives. He later applied some of their ideas in his
work for the economic development of Banovce.19 After
a year in the military service, Tiso contracted nephritis and
had to be recalled from the front. Following his recovery
he was appointed spiritual director at the Nitra seminary,
later professor of theology, and personal secretary to the
Bishop of Nitra. Tiso maintained these posts throughout
the reminder of the war.
Tiso was later attacked for his activity during the war
and during the Slovak National Revolution, when Slovakia
seceded from Hungary to join with the Czechs in the new
Czecho-Slovakia (1918-19 ). His political opponents charged
him with having had pro-Magyar sympathies at the time.
These charges resulted from the fact that Tiso contributed
to Nytramegyei Szemle, a Magyar journal in Nitra, articles
glorifying Hungary's war efforts. Ivan Derer, Social Democratic Minister of Education in Czecho-Slovakia in the
1920's, largely responsible for such charges, also maintained
that Tiso before 1918 spelled his Name, Tiszo, in the Magyar
fashion, and that Tiso had supported the integrity of the
Hungarian state. Derer wrote that Tiso, moreover, was

�SLOVAKIA

29

opposed to the Martin Declaration and had even served
on the Magyar Nitra Council. 20 Tiso came naturally under
suspicion since he served during the war as personal secretary to the Bishop, Viliam Batthanyi, of Nitra, a notorious
advocate of Magyarization. Labeling a Populist a Magyarone
was a favorite device of Czech and Slovak centralists used
to discredit the idea of Slovak autonomy. It was done repeatedly in the twenty years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
Sometimes the charges were appropriate while at other
times, as with Tiso, they had little basis in fact. Whatever
pro-Magyar feelings Tiso may have had before 1918 were
gone by the time the Czecho-Slovak army approached Nitra.
Before 1918 Tiso belonged to the politically passive
Slovak majority. He was active before October, 1918 but
mainly with welfare and town improvement projects. Prior
to 1918 he had neither planned to enter politics nor was
he trained for such a career. 21 Tiso's rather sudden involvement in politics is difficult to explain, but very likely, much
like Hlinka, Tiso was drawn into the Populist movement
by the revolutionary anti-clerical character of the new state.
Indeed soon after the National Revolution Tiso joined the
Slovak People's Party and began to work for it in Nitra.
He was largely responsible for making the whole south
Nitra district a party stronghold.22 Nitra in 1918 was very
much a Magyar town with only two educated Slovak leaders, Dr. Eugen Filkorn and Dr. Jozef Tiso. Both worked
hard in Nitra to obliterate its Magyar character and make
it Slovak once wore. They published a Slovak newspaper
entitled, Nitra and organized a Slovak National Council.
Meanwhile Slovak Populists under Hlinka's direction
prepared themselves for the first legislative election scheduled for April, 1920. In this election Hlinka formed a
common front with the Czech Populists, led by Msgr. Jan
Sramek; it was known as the "Czechoslovak People's Party."
The election was a great disappointment to the Slovak
Populists who secured only twelve seats out of fifty-seven
assigned to Slovakia in the Prague Parliament.23 The Social
Democrats were the big winners there with twenty-three
mandates. The revolutionary wave that swept Slovakia after
the war was mainly responsible for the Social Democratic
victory, though the fact that there was little in the Populist
platform to attract the peasant masses of Slovakia also

�30

SLOVAKIA

partly explains the vote. Hlinka's main concern at the time
was the progressive, anti-clerical character of the new
government, not the social and economic condition of
peasants. This is clear from Hlinka's decision to present
a common front with Czech Catholics.
Tiso in a newspaper editorial of the time attributed
the success of the Social Democrats to the fact that some
200,000 Czech soldiers and officials had voted for the Social
Democrats and other Czecho-Slovak parties. This gave the
world a false picture of true political feelings of the
Slovaks. 24
In that election Tiso won in the Trnava district but
turned his post over to another candidate. Tiso remained
in Nitra dividing his time between teaching and his work
for the Populists. He delivered speeches, organized party
activities, and contributed articles to the party's leading
organ, Slovak. In 1921 he was appointed personal secretary
to the new bishop in Nitra, Karol Kmet'ko, a former
member of the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Council. For
the next few years both worked together in building up the
party strength in Nitra. But while Kmet'ko preferred peaceful discussion, Tiso felt the Slovak cause benefited more by
demonstrations. As a result, a certain coolness developed
between the two men. Even worse, Tiso's inflammatory
speeches soon got him into trouble with the authorities.
In 1923 Tiso was sentenced to six weeks imprisonment; of
which he served two, because he delivered a fiery speech in
Nitra, which was said to have incited the people. Following
this episode Tiso felt it best to resign his post as secretary
to Kmet'ko, knowing the bishop's feeling with regard to
such activity. Tiso then in 1924 left Nitra to become pastor
of the Catholic Church in Banovce.25
Meanwhile the Slovak Populists were making their
recovery from the election disappointment of 1920. The
fruitless union with the Czech Lidaks 26 was ended in 1921.
A year later the Slovak People's Party name was changed
to the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSUS).
The Centralistic policies of Prague and the economic
problems in Slovakia contributed to the growth of the
HSUS. Within three or four years it became a broad-based
mass party. By 1923 the party could claim 876 city organiza-

�SLOVAKIA

31

tions, 1065 village organizations and nine newspapers. 27 But
not all were content with the party's leadership. Many of
the radical members in the party were displeased with
what they considered Hlinka's conciliatory position toward
the government.
The party had approved the Constitution of 1920 and
supported Masaryk in the first presidential election. But
on the other hand Hlinka did keep the party in opposition
throughout the first legislature, and in 1922 presented to
the Prague Parliament the first proposal for Slovak autonomy. Accordingly, Czecho-Slovakia would be divided into
three parts: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia, and Ruthe•
nia, each with its own diet having authority over local
administration, school, churches, justice, public welfare,
and finances. 28
The proposal was rejected. In the next election in 1925
the HS~S scored its greatest success receiving 489,111
votes 29 and 23 seats in Prague. Tiso was elected deputy
again and took up his seat in Parliament.
At this time Tiso was not yet a leading member of the
Populist party, but nevertheless one of the party's rising
young stars. Much of the leadership still belonged to the
predprevratovd group, those from the pre-1918 era which
included besides Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Buday,3° Florian Tomanek to name a few. Tiso belonged to the younger
group of party deputies, those between 30 and 40 years
of age.
Tiso was young and inexperienced when he walked into
the Prague Parliament, yet within a few years had gained
the reputation of being one of the most skillful representatives in the Slovak Club. Hlinka soon came to appreciate
his parliamentary ability and his capacity for long, tedious
work. There were considerable differences though between
Tiso and Hlinka. Tiso was not as impulsive nor romantically
oriented toward politics as was Hlinka; he was more a
hard, cold realist when it came to appraising political
situations.31 Though Tiso became frequently impassioned
while speaking, his ideas always conformed to a logical
pattern and were argued from a philosophical or historical
point of view.
In 1925-1926 the new central government of Anton

�32

SLOVAKIA

Svehla, in face of a renewed campaign of Hungarian
revisionists, set out to broaden the government coalition
by bringing in German and Slovak opposition parties. Tiso
favored participating in the government. He felt something
could be gained by it for Slovakia. At this critical time
Hlinka departed for the United States to attend an Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. In his absence a directory of
five, including Tiso, ran the party. Also, before Hlinka left
he designated Tiso president of the Slovak Club in Prague
to manage party affairs in the parliament. Soon after Hlinka
was gone a struggle developed between the old predprevratovi Populists and the younger generation. Juriga and
Tomanek were offended by Hlinka's passing over them in
favor of the younger Tiso to head the Slovak Club.32 The
friction, however, was mild since Hlinka's authority was
strong enough to prevent such inter-party squabbles from
becoming serious.
In Hlinka's absence it was left to Tiso to take up the
whole question of HSES position with regard to the government coalition. Tiso led the negotiations with Svehla, but
felt unqualified to make a final decision alone. In July,
1926 Tiso sent a letter to Hlinka urging him to return
quickly from the United States so that a decision could
be made.33 Hlinka at first opposed the idea of entering
a coalition, but during the course of his visit to the United
States he was urged by American Slovaks to try cooperation
with the government.
Hlinka arrived in Slovakia in October, negotiations
were immediately accelerated and an agreement concluded
for HSES participation in the coalition. Tiso had hoped to
obtain some concessions for Slovakia as a condition for the
party's participation in the government, but the party was
disappointed, especially the radicals. The hated zupa law
of 1923 which had centralized government administration
was removed and the country was divided into three
administrative units: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia,
and Ruthenia, each with krajinsky (regional) president and
a council with powers to handle cultural, educational, and
humanitarian affairs. The powers of the council were,
however, limited, since the krajinsky president, who was
nominated by the central government, had power to veto
any resolution passed by the council. Furthermore, the

�SLOVAKIA

33

central government had powers in the selection of the
council's members. 34
Tiso at first spoke out against the law, but after its
passage defended it to a degree. At least, he said, with the
new law there was recognition of a Slovak krajina and
from this, autonomy could be built.35
The People's Party officially entered the government
in January, 1927, with Tiso as Minister of Health and
Marko Gazik as Minister of Unification. Tiso in his capacity
accomplished much. His greatest efforts were turned toward
the modernization of the health spas of Polianka, strbske
Pleso, Tatranska Lomnica, Cerveny Klastor and Sliac in
Slovakia. Due to Tiso's work, Sliac became the most wellknown and most frequented of all Slovak spas.36 Tiso's
support of the government during these years was regarded
by the radical Populists as a betrayal of party principles.
These extremists, moreover, disliked the new administration law of 1928 which had replaced the 1923 one.
Tiso at this time together with Jozef Buday belonged
to the moderate wing of the party, while the radicals
gathered around their leader, Vojtech Tuka. On January 1,
1928 Tuka published a sensational article which claimed
that the declaration signed in Martin in 1918 contained
a secret clause, (Vacuum Juris) stating that after ten years
the Slovaks could reconsider their union with the Czechs.
Tuka was subsequently put on trial and sentenced to fifteen
years in prison.
The whole Tuka affair caused great turmoil in the country. To the opponents of Slovak autonomy Tuka was proof
that the Slovak People's Party had dangerous Magyarone
elements in it. Many Populists, on the other hand, made
the Tuka trial into a cause celebre, regarding Tuka a martyr
for the Slovak cause. Hlinka refused to condemn Tuka, and,
in a gesture of disapproval at Tuka's imprisonment, pulled
the party out of the government and once again put it into
opposition. It lost some 85,000 votes and five seats in the
Parliament in the 1929 elections.37
With the removal of Tuka from the scene, Tiso's
importance and influence in the party in the next few years
climbed steadily. At a Populist meeting in Ruzomberok in
January, 1930, Tiso was chosen, along with Karol Mederly,38

�34

SLOVAKIA

one of the party's vice-presidents.39 By this time, too, Tiso
had established himself as the leading ideologist in the
party and one of the most articulate spokesmen for the
Slovak cause. Tiso was well on his way to becoming
successor to Andrej Hlinka as leader of the Slovak Populist
movement.
FOOTNOTES
1) Most of the biographical information on Tiso's family and early
life is taken from Konstantin l:ulen Po Sviitoplukovi druha nasa
hlava (Cleveland: Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947) and
"Z bohateho zivota nasho prveho prezidenta": Slovak, XX:1/248
(Bratislava), October 27, 1939.
2) "Smutok pana prezidenta," Katolicke noviny (Bratislava), February
14, 1943.
3) Jozef K. Hrabovsky, "U Tisovcov vo Vel'kej Bytci," Slovak, XXXI/24,
January 29, 1939.
4) Quoted in l:ulen, Po Sviitoplukovi • . . , p. 24.
5) Quoted in Ibid. , p. 29.
6) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.
7) J., "Za Boha a narod: Spomienky na skolske roky prezidenta Jozefa
Tisu," Slovak, XX:1/248, October 27, 1939.
8) Quoted in Ibid.
9) Tido Gaspar, Der Praesident der Slowakischen Repubiik (Pressburg: Johann 0. Petreas, 1943), p. 6.
10) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.
11) "Za Boha a narod .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1939.
12) Franz Martin Schindler ( 1847-1922) was professor of moral theology
in Vienna. He was one of the ideologists of the Christian Social
movement.
13) Quoted in Milan S. f:lurica, Die slowakische Politik 1938/39 im
Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Bonn: Emil Semmel Verlag, 1967),
p. 21.
14) l:ulen, Po Svatoplukovi ... , pp. 33-34.
15) Ibid., p. 36.
16) Ibid- , pp. 37-38.
17) Albert Mistina, "Tiso-clovek," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III (Hamilton,
Ontario: Franti§ek Fuga, 1967), pp. 9-12.
18) Ibid., Dr. Jan Gleiman, "Tisovo mesto," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III,
pp. 20-25.
19) Jozef Tiso, Tiso o sebe, ed. Jozef Pauco (Passaic, New Jersey: Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952), pp. 101-102.
20) Dr. Ivan Derer, Slovensky vyvoj a l'udacka zrada (Praha: Kvasnicka
a Hampl, 1946), pp. 347-348. Imrich Stanek, Zrada a pad, Hlinkovsti
separatiste a tak zvan11 siovensky stat (Praha, 1956) pp. 387-388.

�SLOVAKIA

35

21) Tiso o sebe, p. 122.
22) Gaspar, p. 11. Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ••. , pp. 63-66.
23) Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950 (Milwaukee:
The Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 16.
24) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (1864-1926) (Bratislava, 1934), p. 438.
25) Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ... , pp. 66-67. "Z bohateho zivota . . . ,"
Slovak, October 27, 1939.
26) Lida.ks were the members of Sramek's "Czechoslovak People's Party."
27 ) Juraj Kramer, Slovenske autonomisticke hnutie v rokoch 1918-1929
(Bratislava: Slovenska akademia vied, 1962), pp. 263-266.
28) See Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode prazskeho snemu (19181938), Vol. I (Bratislava: 1943), p. 87.
29) C. A. Macar,tney, Hungary and her Successors (London: Oxford
University Press, 1965), p. 118.
30) Jozef Buday was born in 1877 in Trencin and ordained a priest in
1899. During Hlinka's imprisonment 1919-1920 he served as acting
president of the party. He was deputy and senator in 1920's and
1930's. He was a leader of the Society of St. Adalbert and author
of several Catholic books. He died in 1939. Jan Mest'ancik, "Jozef
Buday v sluzbach cirkvi a naroda," Literarny Almanach (1970),
pp. 89-106.
31) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso (Sidney: The Association of Australian Slovaks, 1967), p. 12.
32) Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, p. 550.
33) Ibid-, pp. 550-551.
34) Sidor, Slovenska politika, I, pp. 303-304.
35) Ibid., p. 314.
36) "Z bohateho zivota .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1929.
37) Macartney, p. 118. Juriga and Tomanek left the party in protest to
Hlinka's defense of Tuka and formed their own party, Juriga's
People's Party. It got about 5,000 votes in the 1929 election.
38) Karol Mederly (b. 1887) - was the party's legal expert and was
responsible for drawing up proposals for autonomy. He was also
director of Populist press works. From 1929 he served as a party
deputy and senator, and after November, 1938 vice-president of the
Slovak Parliament. He was a member of the party Paesidium and
the party's central court. On October 18, 1947 he was sentenced by
the pro-Communist National Tribunal to six years imprisonment.
Jozef Chreno, Maly slovnik slovenskeho st&lt;itu, 1918-1945 (Bratislava,
1965), pp. 122-123.
39) L. G. Fagul'a, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava : Generalny sekretariat
HSUS, 1943) , p. 120.

SLOVAKIA'S best known thermal spa (natural mineral
springs), Piest'any, dedicated a new summer swimmingpooL

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3807">
                    <text>24

SLOVAKIA

--- --------

Tiso' s Formative Years
and Early Political Career
Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D.

Dr. Jozef Tiso, like most Slovaks who attained national
prominence, had very simple, humble beginnings. Tiso was
born on October 13, 1887 of peasant stock in the small
Slovak town of Vel'ka Bytca. Two days later he was
christened a Roman Catholic with the name Jozef Gaspar.
With regard to the origin of the name Tiso there is no
agreement, but most likely it was derived from the Slavic
word, tis, meaning yew tree. The name Tiso in Vel'ka
Bytca has been traced back to 1525. Several individuals of
that name achieved some distinction in Slovak history. One
of them, a priest, Mikulas Tiso, was active in the Slovak
national movement during the 19th century. 1
Most of Jozef Tiso's ancestors, however, were simple
peasants or tradesmen. His grandfather, Jozef Tiso, also
of Vel'ka Bytca, was born on August 11, 1838. In 1860 he
married Veronica Fundarek, who bore him a son in 1862;
he was Gaspar Tiso, father of the future leader of Slovakia.
Gaspar Tiso during most of his adult life operated a butcher
business in Vel'ka Bytca. He was a nationally conscious
Slovak and active during most of his adult life in Slovak
national and political organizations. In 1894 he founded
a Catholic Circle in Vel'ka Bytca, which was dissolved by
the Hungarian government in 1901 but later revived. Even
after 1918 Gaspar Tiso represented the Slovak People's
Party in his town. 2
On September 2, 1882 Gaspar married Terezia Budiska,
a member of a well-known family of potters from Vel'ka
Bytca. From this union seven children were born: Pavol,
Jozef, Maria, Jan, Hanna, Jozefka, and Terezia.
Gaspar and Terezia Tiso were simple people who instilled in their children the simple peasant virtues: the value
of hard work and a firm belief in God. Their family mottos
were: "Pray and work," and "Fellow strive and God will
bless you." 3

�SLOVAKIA

25

Dr. Jozef Tiso spent most of his formative years in the
town of Vel'ka Bytca. Situated in the northwest corner of
Slovakia, it was that area which was a traditional stronghold of Slovak nationalism. Vel'ka Bytca had withstood the
onslaught of Magyarization and survived as a nationally
conscious town. Reminiscing many years later Tiso said
of Bytca:
I am a Bytcan. If tinkers have a kingdom, well now Bytca
would certainly be the chief city of this kingdom. Well, if you will,
I am also a descendant of tinkers. Among us there are no differences
between artisans and farmers and workers. A tinker is an artisan,
but also a worker and the poorest salaried, working on a patch of
land which is more rock than soil-in a word also ·a farmer.4

Tiso's family was not especially poor nor was it a rich
one: it can be classified as a middle peasant family.
Regarding his family's situation Tiso said:
We had a decent roof over our heads, we had a clean, nice
village home and always a loaf of bread on a table covered with
a cloth. Thus we had what a man needs for a decent life. This was
our wealth. And what we had was from work.5

Tiso began his formal education in the lower school in
Bytca in 1894. At that time the Bytca school was a three
language one. During the first year Slovak and Magyar
were taught; in the second year, German; and in the third
year all three languages were alternated. Subjects included
in the curriculum were the natural scie?ces, Hungarian
history, and geography. Although the purpose of the
curriculum was to Magyarize, there were several nationally
conscious Slovak instructors in the Bytca school: one of
these, Pavel Trusina, taught Tiso the Slovak language.6
Jozef Tiso during these years of study in Bytca proved
to be a good student; therefore in 1898 after the completion
of his fourth year he was sent to the middle school in
nearby Zilina. Gaspar and Terezia Tiso had originally
planned to educate their eldest son, Pavel, but he dropped
out after one year at the Zilina school to take up the family
butcher trade in Bytca. Jozef Tiso soon proved to be a much
better student than his brother. He won the admiration
of all his professors. He did well in all his subjects and
showed a special talent in mastering foreign languages.
Magyar and German were mere playthings to him according
to the recollections of one of his classmates.7 One professor
named Bicovsky referring to Tiso allegedly told the class,

�26

SLOVAKIA

"You will see this boy one day will be a great man." 8 Jozef
Tiso was also well liked by his fellow classmates. He was
remembered as being humble, pleasant, and easygoing,
always demonstrating an uncommon interest in helping his
classmates with their work. 9 While in zilina Tiso lived
with Anton Sturm, a friend of the family, who remembered
him as a conscientious student who never had to be forced
to prepare his school assignments.10
It was in zilina that Tiso made the decision to enter
the priesthood. This was not an uncommon choice for
Slovaks peasants. Many Slovak peasant families had a son
or daughter in the Church. A clerical career was one of the
few ways a Slovak peasant could raise his social status or
acquire an education. Having made the decision, Tiso set
off in 1902 after the completion of his fourth year at zilina
for the Nitra Gymnasium. The Nitra school was much
more a Magyar institution than the zilina one had been.
The Nitra faculty, moreover, had a low opinion of the
zilina school, regarding its curriculum in Magyar subjects
particularly inferior to its ow~. Young students there were
frequently ridiculed, but Tiso was not for he proved to be
an exceptional student. He mastered with little difficulty
the most difficult assignments in Latin and German, and
remained there four years. 11
The outstanding theological students of the time were
sent to Vienna to the Pazmaneum, the leading Catholic
seminary in the Habsburg Empire. Tiso in 1906 was one of
those chosen to complete his theological studies there.
Once at the Pazmaneum, he continued his good scholastic
record and came into contact with some of the leading
clerics of the Empire. He received lectures from Franz
Martin Schindler12 and Ignaz Seipel, leaders of the Austrian
Christian Social movement. During Tiso's years of study
at the Pazmaneum Pope Leo's social encyclical, Rerum
Novarum was receiving wide attention. Many seminars
were devoted to it and came to form an important part of
Tiso's social philosophy. Tiso's training was otherwise in
traditional Catholic theology and Thomistic philosophy.
According to the confidential files of the Pazmaneum Tiso
was an exemplary seminarian. Concerning Tiso the psychological-moral profile stated: "Natural behavior: serious;
morals : exemplary; mode of conversation with superiors:

�SLOVAKIA

27

humble, with equals: affable; character: oustanding; application: indefatigable . Observations : behaves with a mature character." 13
The intellectual atmosphere of Vienna was very dif.
ferent from what Tiso was accustomed to in Nitra and
zilina. There were Socialists, Christian Socials, liberals,
and others, some of them hostile to the Catholic world view
that Tiso espoused. It was in Vienna in fact that Tiso had
his first contact with the progressive wing of the Slovak
intelligentsia, the Hlasists. Tiso opposed Hlasists thought
even then; he regarded it a threat to the conservative
Catholic view. Friction between Tiso and a Hlasist even
took place in Tiso's home town of Bytca where he spent
the holidays. The medical doctor in Bytca, Minarik, a
Hlasist, accused Tiso of not being a real Slovak, when Tiso
supported the parish priest, Teselsky, a member of the
Hungarian People's Party and a known Magyarone. There
were differences between Tiso and Teselsky, but Tiso preferred the Magyarone to the progressive minded Minarik. 14
Dr. Jozef Tiso was ordained a priest on July 14, 1910
by Bishop August Fischer-Colbr ie, and shortly thereafter
said his first mass in his home parish church in Vel'ka
Bytca. A year later he was awarded a doctorate in theology.
Tiso's first assignment as a priest was to the small remote
village of Oscadnica, a poor Slovak village.
Tiso was not only concerned with the spiritual welfare
of the people of Oscadnica, but also became very interested
in their economic standard, their health, sanitation, and
dietary habits. He organized self-help associations and
tackled the problem of alcoholism which was so widespread in Slovak villages. Tiso referred to his experience
in Oscadnica as his second university. 15 After about a year
in Oscadnica, Tiso was transferred to another village,
Rajec, where he continued his work. In Rajec he founded
a Slovak peasant bank designed to strengthen the financial
resources of the village and free the peasant from debts.16
Dr. Tiso was not in Rajec long before he was again
transferred, this time to a larger town, Banovce nad Bebravou, located about 70 miles northwest of Bratislava. He
was appointed chaplain there and in 1924 promoted to
pastor, a post he held until 1945. Tiso, during the many
years of his pastorate in Banovce did much for the improve-

�28

SLOVAKIA

ment of the town. He undertook the pavement of the town's
streets and the regulation of the Bebrava River and Radisla
Creek which ran near Banovce. To further the interests of
the town's noted cabinet makers he organized a cooperative.
He worked, too, with the city council and founded a bank
to finance a sewer system and water supply. Tiso formu•
lated other plans for the modernization of Banovce, such
as electrification and pavement of roads to every village
in the district, but these remained only in the planning
stage. His primary goal remained the industrialization of
Banovce. 17 Alarmed by the spread of secularism and progressive thought, Tiso also set out to strengthen Catholic
education in Banovce. He revived the Catholic educational
society Orol and he founded both a Catholic teachers'
college and a Catholic cultural house. 18 All Tiso's work did
much to make him popular in the Banovce area and to
make it the center of his political strength.
In 1914 Tiso was called up by the government to serve
as chaplain in the Austrian army. Toward the end of 1914 he
was sent to Maribor in Styria. There he became acquainted
with Slovene priests and their work in organizing peasant
cooperatives. He later applied some of their ideas in his
work for the economic development of Banovce.19 After
a year in the military service, Tiso contracted nephritis and
had to be recalled from the front. Following his recovery
he was appointed spiritual director at the Nitra seminary,
later professor of theology, and personal secretary to the
Bishop of Nitra. Tiso maintained these posts throughout
the reminder of the war.
Tiso was later attacked for his activity during the war
and during the Slovak National Revolution, when Slovakia
seceded from Hungary to join with the Czechs in the new
Czecho-Slovakia (1918-19 ). His political opponents charged
him with having had pro-Magyar sympathies at the time.
These charges resulted from the fact that Tiso contributed
to Nytramegyei Szemle, a Magyar journal in Nitra, articles
glorifying Hungary's war efforts. Ivan Derer, Social Democratic Minister of Education in Czecho-Slovakia in the
1920's, largely responsible for such charges, also maintained
that Tiso before 1918 spelled his Name, Tiszo, in the Magyar
fashion, and that Tiso had supported the integrity of the
Hungarian state. Derer wrote that Tiso, moreover, was

�SLOVAKIA

29

opposed to the Martin Declaration and had even served
on the Magyar Nitra Council. 20 Tiso came naturally under
suspicion since he served during the war as personal secretary to the Bishop, Viliam Batthanyi, of Nitra, a notorious
advocate of Magyarization. Labeling a Populist a Magyarone
was a favorite device of Czech and Slovak centralists used
to discredit the idea of Slovak autonomy. It was done repeatedly in the twenty years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
Sometimes the charges were appropriate while at other
times, as with Tiso, they had little basis in fact. Whatever
pro-Magyar feelings Tiso may have had before 1918 were
gone by the time the Czecho-Slovak army approached Nitra.
Before 1918 Tiso belonged to the politically passive
Slovak majority. He was active before October, 1918 but
mainly with welfare and town improvement projects. Prior
to 1918 he had neither planned to enter politics nor was
he trained for such a career. 21 Tiso's rather sudden involvement in politics is difficult to explain, but very likely, much
like Hlinka, Tiso was drawn into the Populist movement
by the revolutionary anti-clerical character of the new state.
Indeed soon after the National Revolution Tiso joined the
Slovak People's Party and began to work for it in Nitra.
He was largely responsible for making the whole south
Nitra district a party stronghold.22 Nitra in 1918 was very
much a Magyar town with only two educated Slovak leaders, Dr. Eugen Filkorn and Dr. Jozef Tiso. Both worked
hard in Nitra to obliterate its Magyar character and make
it Slovak once wore. They published a Slovak newspaper
entitled, Nitra and organized a Slovak National Council.
Meanwhile Slovak Populists under Hlinka's direction
prepared themselves for the first legislative election scheduled for April, 1920. In this election Hlinka formed a
common front with the Czech Populists, led by Msgr. Jan
Sramek; it was known as the "Czechoslovak People's Party."
The election was a great disappointment to the Slovak
Populists who secured only twelve seats out of fifty-seven
assigned to Slovakia in the Prague Parliament.23 The Social
Democrats were the big winners there with twenty-three
mandates. The revolutionary wave that swept Slovakia after
the war was mainly responsible for the Social Democratic
victory, though the fact that there was little in the Populist
platform to attract the peasant masses of Slovakia also

�30

SLOVAKIA

partly explains the vote. Hlinka's main concern at the time
was the progressive, anti-clerical character of the new
government, not the social and economic condition of
peasants. This is clear from Hlinka's decision to present
a common front with Czech Catholics.
Tiso in a newspaper editorial of the time attributed
the success of the Social Democrats to the fact that some
200,000 Czech soldiers and officials had voted for the Social
Democrats and other Czecho-Slovak parties. This gave the
world a false picture of true political feelings of the
Slovaks. 24
In that election Tiso won in the Trnava district but
turned his post over to another candidate. Tiso remained
in Nitra dividing his time between teaching and his work
for the Populists. He delivered speeches, organized party
activities, and contributed articles to the party's leading
organ, Slovak. In 1921 he was appointed personal secretary
to the new bishop in Nitra, Karol Kmet'ko, a former
member of the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Council. For
the next few years both worked together in building up the
party strength in Nitra. But while Kmet'ko preferred peaceful discussion, Tiso felt the Slovak cause benefited more by
demonstrations. As a result, a certain coolness developed
between the two men. Even worse, Tiso's inflammatory
speeches soon got him into trouble with the authorities.
In 1923 Tiso was sentenced to six weeks imprisonment; of
which he served two, because he delivered a fiery speech in
Nitra, which was said to have incited the people. Following
this episode Tiso felt it best to resign his post as secretary
to Kmet'ko, knowing the bishop's feeling with regard to
such activity. Tiso then in 1924 left Nitra to become pastor
of the Catholic Church in Banovce.25
Meanwhile the Slovak Populists were making their
recovery from the election disappointment of 1920. The
fruitless union with the Czech Lidaks 26 was ended in 1921.
A year later the Slovak People's Party name was changed
to the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSUS).
The Centralistic policies of Prague and the economic
problems in Slovakia contributed to the growth of the
HSUS. Within three or four years it became a broad-based
mass party. By 1923 the party could claim 876 city organiza-

�SLOVAKIA

31

tions, 1065 village organizations and nine newspapers. 27 But
not all were content with the party's leadership. Many of
the radical members in the party were displeased with
what they considered Hlinka's conciliatory position toward
the government.
The party had approved the Constitution of 1920 and
supported Masaryk in the first presidential election. But
on the other hand Hlinka did keep the party in opposition
throughout the first legislature, and in 1922 presented to
the Prague Parliament the first proposal for Slovak autonomy. Accordingly, Czecho-Slovakia would be divided into
three parts: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia, and Ruthe•
nia, each with its own diet having authority over local
administration, school, churches, justice, public welfare,
and finances. 28
The proposal was rejected. In the next election in 1925
the HS~S scored its greatest success receiving 489,111
votes 29 and 23 seats in Prague. Tiso was elected deputy
again and took up his seat in Parliament.
At this time Tiso was not yet a leading member of the
Populist party, but nevertheless one of the party's rising
young stars. Much of the leadership still belonged to the
predprevratovd group, those from the pre-1918 era which
included besides Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Buday,3° Florian Tomanek to name a few. Tiso belonged to the younger
group of party deputies, those between 30 and 40 years
of age.
Tiso was young and inexperienced when he walked into
the Prague Parliament, yet within a few years had gained
the reputation of being one of the most skillful representatives in the Slovak Club. Hlinka soon came to appreciate
his parliamentary ability and his capacity for long, tedious
work. There were considerable differences though between
Tiso and Hlinka. Tiso was not as impulsive nor romantically
oriented toward politics as was Hlinka; he was more a
hard, cold realist when it came to appraising political
situations.31 Though Tiso became frequently impassioned
while speaking, his ideas always conformed to a logical
pattern and were argued from a philosophical or historical
point of view.
In 1925-1926 the new central government of Anton

�32

SLOVAKIA

Svehla, in face of a renewed campaign of Hungarian
revisionists, set out to broaden the government coalition
by bringing in German and Slovak opposition parties. Tiso
favored participating in the government. He felt something
could be gained by it for Slovakia. At this critical time
Hlinka departed for the United States to attend an Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. In his absence a directory of
five, including Tiso, ran the party. Also, before Hlinka left
he designated Tiso president of the Slovak Club in Prague
to manage party affairs in the parliament. Soon after Hlinka
was gone a struggle developed between the old predprevratovi Populists and the younger generation. Juriga and
Tomanek were offended by Hlinka's passing over them in
favor of the younger Tiso to head the Slovak Club.32 The
friction, however, was mild since Hlinka's authority was
strong enough to prevent such inter-party squabbles from
becoming serious.
In Hlinka's absence it was left to Tiso to take up the
whole question of HSES position with regard to the government coalition. Tiso led the negotiations with Svehla, but
felt unqualified to make a final decision alone. In July,
1926 Tiso sent a letter to Hlinka urging him to return
quickly from the United States so that a decision could
be made.33 Hlinka at first opposed the idea of entering
a coalition, but during the course of his visit to the United
States he was urged by American Slovaks to try cooperation
with the government.
Hlinka arrived in Slovakia in October, negotiations
were immediately accelerated and an agreement concluded
for HSES participation in the coalition. Tiso had hoped to
obtain some concessions for Slovakia as a condition for the
party's participation in the government, but the party was
disappointed, especially the radicals. The hated zupa law
of 1923 which had centralized government administration
was removed and the country was divided into three
administrative units: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia,
and Ruthenia, each with krajinsky (regional) president and
a council with powers to handle cultural, educational, and
humanitarian affairs. The powers of the council were,
however, limited, since the krajinsky president, who was
nominated by the central government, had power to veto
any resolution passed by the council. Furthermore, the

�SLOVAKIA

33

central government had powers in the selection of the
council's members. 34
Tiso at first spoke out against the law, but after its
passage defended it to a degree. At least, he said, with the
new law there was recognition of a Slovak krajina and
from this, autonomy could be built.35
The People's Party officially entered the government
in January, 1927, with Tiso as Minister of Health and
Marko Gazik as Minister of Unification. Tiso in his capacity
accomplished much. His greatest efforts were turned toward
the modernization of the health spas of Polianka, strbske
Pleso, Tatranska Lomnica, Cerveny Klastor and Sliac in
Slovakia. Due to Tiso's work, Sliac became the most wellknown and most frequented of all Slovak spas.36 Tiso's
support of the government during these years was regarded
by the radical Populists as a betrayal of party principles.
These extremists, moreover, disliked the new administration law of 1928 which had replaced the 1923 one.
Tiso at this time together with Jozef Buday belonged
to the moderate wing of the party, while the radicals
gathered around their leader, Vojtech Tuka. On January 1,
1928 Tuka published a sensational article which claimed
that the declaration signed in Martin in 1918 contained
a secret clause, (Vacuum Juris) stating that after ten years
the Slovaks could reconsider their union with the Czechs.
Tuka was subsequently put on trial and sentenced to fifteen
years in prison.
The whole Tuka affair caused great turmoil in the country. To the opponents of Slovak autonomy Tuka was proof
that the Slovak People's Party had dangerous Magyarone
elements in it. Many Populists, on the other hand, made
the Tuka trial into a cause celebre, regarding Tuka a martyr
for the Slovak cause. Hlinka refused to condemn Tuka, and,
in a gesture of disapproval at Tuka's imprisonment, pulled
the party out of the government and once again put it into
opposition. It lost some 85,000 votes and five seats in the
Parliament in the 1929 elections.37
With the removal of Tuka from the scene, Tiso's
importance and influence in the party in the next few years
climbed steadily. At a Populist meeting in Ruzomberok in
January, 1930, Tiso was chosen, along with Karol Mederly,38

�34

SLOVAKIA

one of the party's vice-presidents.39 By this time, too, Tiso
had established himself as the leading ideologist in the
party and one of the most articulate spokesmen for the
Slovak cause. Tiso was well on his way to becoming
successor to Andrej Hlinka as leader of the Slovak Populist
movement.
FOOTNOTES
1) Most of the biographical information on Tiso's family and early
life is taken from Konstantin l:ulen Po Sviitoplukovi druha nasa
hlava (Cleveland: Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947) and
"Z bohateho zivota nasho prveho prezidenta": Slovak, XX:1/248
(Bratislava), October 27, 1939.
2) "Smutok pana prezidenta," Katolicke noviny (Bratislava), February
14, 1943.
3) Jozef K. Hrabovsky, "U Tisovcov vo Vel'kej Bytci," Slovak, XXXI/24,
January 29, 1939.
4) Quoted in l:ulen, Po Sviitoplukovi • . . , p. 24.
5) Quoted in Ibid. , p. 29.
6) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.
7) J., "Za Boha a narod: Spomienky na skolske roky prezidenta Jozefa
Tisu," Slovak, XX:1/248, October 27, 1939.
8) Quoted in Ibid.
9) Tido Gaspar, Der Praesident der Slowakischen Repubiik (Pressburg: Johann 0. Petreas, 1943), p. 6.
10) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.
11) "Za Boha a narod .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1939.
12) Franz Martin Schindler ( 1847-1922) was professor of moral theology
in Vienna. He was one of the ideologists of the Christian Social
movement.
13) Quoted in Milan S. f:lurica, Die slowakische Politik 1938/39 im
Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Bonn: Emil Semmel Verlag, 1967),
p. 21.
14) l:ulen, Po Svatoplukovi ... , pp. 33-34.
15) Ibid., p. 36.
16) Ibid- , pp. 37-38.
17) Albert Mistina, "Tiso-clovek," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III (Hamilton,
Ontario: Franti§ek Fuga, 1967), pp. 9-12.
18) Ibid., Dr. Jan Gleiman, "Tisovo mesto," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III,
pp. 20-25.
19) Jozef Tiso, Tiso o sebe, ed. Jozef Pauco (Passaic, New Jersey: Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952), pp. 101-102.
20) Dr. Ivan Derer, Slovensky vyvoj a l'udacka zrada (Praha: Kvasnicka
a Hampl, 1946), pp. 347-348. Imrich Stanek, Zrada a pad, Hlinkovsti
separatiste a tak zvan11 siovensky stat (Praha, 1956) pp. 387-388.

�SLOVAKIA

35

21) Tiso o sebe, p. 122.
22) Gaspar, p. 11. Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ••. , pp. 63-66.
23) Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950 (Milwaukee:
The Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 16.
24) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (1864-1926) (Bratislava, 1934), p. 438.
25) Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ... , pp. 66-67. "Z bohateho zivota . . . ,"
Slovak, October 27, 1939.
26) Lida.ks were the members of Sramek's "Czechoslovak People's Party."
27 ) Juraj Kramer, Slovenske autonomisticke hnutie v rokoch 1918-1929
(Bratislava: Slovenska akademia vied, 1962), pp. 263-266.
28) See Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode prazskeho snemu (19181938), Vol. I (Bratislava: 1943), p. 87.
29) C. A. Macar,tney, Hungary and her Successors (London: Oxford
University Press, 1965), p. 118.
30) Jozef Buday was born in 1877 in Trencin and ordained a priest in
1899. During Hlinka's imprisonment 1919-1920 he served as acting
president of the party. He was deputy and senator in 1920's and
1930's. He was a leader of the Society of St. Adalbert and author
of several Catholic books. He died in 1939. Jan Mest'ancik, "Jozef
Buday v sluzbach cirkvi a naroda," Literarny Almanach (1970),
pp. 89-106.
31) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso (Sidney: The Association of Australian Slovaks, 1967), p. 12.
32) Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, p. 550.
33) Ibid-, pp. 550-551.
34) Sidor, Slovenska politika, I, pp. 303-304.
35) Ibid., p. 314.
36) "Z bohateho zivota .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1929.
37) Macartney, p. 118. Juriga and Tomanek left the party in protest to
Hlinka's defense of Tuka and formed their own party, Juriga's
People's Party. It got about 5,000 votes in the 1929 election.
38) Karol Mederly (b. 1887) - was the party's legal expert and was
responsible for drawing up proposals for autonomy. He was also
director of Populist press works. From 1929 he served as a party
deputy and senator, and after November, 1938 vice-president of the
Slovak Parliament. He was a member of the party Paesidium and
the party's central court. On October 18, 1947 he was sentenced by
the pro-Communist National Tribunal to six years imprisonment.
Jozef Chreno, Maly slovnik slovenskeho st&lt;itu, 1918-1945 (Bratislava,
1965), pp. 122-123.
39) L. G. Fagul'a, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava : Generalny sekretariat
HSUS, 1943) , p. 120.

SLOVAKIA'S best known thermal spa (natural mineral
springs), Piest'any, dedicated a new summer swimmingpooL

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              <text>24&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
--- --------&#13;
&#13;
Tiso' s Formative Years&#13;
and Early Political Career&#13;
Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso, like most Slovaks who attained national&#13;
prominence, had very simple, humble beginnings. Tiso was&#13;
born on October 13, 1887 of peasant stock in the small&#13;
Slovak town of Vel'ka Bytca. Two days later he was&#13;
christened a Roman Catholic with the name Jozef Gaspar.&#13;
With regard to the origin of the name Tiso there is no&#13;
agreement, but most likely it was derived from the Slavic&#13;
word, tis, meaning yew tree. The name Tiso in Vel'ka&#13;
Bytca has been traced back to 1525. Several individuals of&#13;
that name achieved some distinction in Slovak history. One&#13;
of them, a priest, Mikulas Tiso, was active in the Slovak&#13;
national movement during the 19th century. 1&#13;
Most of Jozef Tiso's ancestors, however, were simple&#13;
peasants or tradesmen. His grandfather, Jozef Tiso, also&#13;
of Vel'ka Bytca, was born on August 11, 1838. In 1860 he&#13;
married Veronica Fundarek, who bore him a son in 1862;&#13;
he was Gaspar Tiso, father of the future leader of Slovakia.&#13;
Gaspar Tiso during most of his adult life operated a butcher&#13;
business in Vel'ka Bytca. He was a nationally conscious&#13;
Slovak and active during most of his adult life in Slovak&#13;
national and political organizations. In 1894 he founded&#13;
a Catholic Circle in Vel'ka Bytca, which was dissolved by&#13;
the Hungarian government in 1901 but later revived. Even&#13;
after 1918 Gaspar Tiso represented the Slovak People's&#13;
Party in his town. 2&#13;
On September 2, 1882 Gaspar married Terezia Budiska,&#13;
a member of a well-known family of potters from Vel'ka&#13;
Bytca. From this union seven children were born: Pavol,&#13;
Jozef, Maria, Jan, Hanna, Jozefka, and Terezia.&#13;
Gaspar and Terezia Tiso were simple people who instilled in their children the simple peasant virtues: the value&#13;
of hard work and a firm belief in God. Their family mottos&#13;
were: "Pray and work," and "Fellow strive and God will&#13;
bless you." 3&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
25&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso spent most of his formative years in the&#13;
town of Vel'ka Bytca. Situated in the northwest corner of&#13;
Slovakia, it was that area which was a traditional stronghold of Slovak nationalism. Vel'ka Bytca had withstood the&#13;
onslaught of Magyarization and survived as a nationally&#13;
conscious town. Reminiscing many years later Tiso said&#13;
of Bytca:&#13;
I am a Bytcan. If tinkers have a kingdom, well now Bytca&#13;
would certainly be the chief city of this kingdom. Well, if you will,&#13;
I am also a descendant of tinkers. Among us there are no differences&#13;
between artisans and farmers and workers. A tinker is an artisan,&#13;
but also a worker and the poorest salaried, working on a patch of&#13;
land which is more rock than soil-in a word also ·a farmer.4&#13;
&#13;
Tiso's family was not especially poor nor was it a rich&#13;
one: it can be classified as a middle peasant family.&#13;
Regarding his family's situation Tiso said:&#13;
We had a decent roof over our heads, we had a clean, nice&#13;
village home and always a loaf of bread on a table covered with&#13;
a cloth. Thus we had what a man needs for a decent life. This was&#13;
our wealth. And what we had was from work.5&#13;
&#13;
Tiso began his formal education in the lower school in&#13;
Bytca in 1894. At that time the Bytca school was a three&#13;
language one. During the first year Slovak and Magyar&#13;
were taught; in the second year, German; and in the third&#13;
year all three languages were alternated. Subjects included&#13;
in the curriculum were the natural scie?ces, Hungarian&#13;
history, and geography. Although the purpose of the&#13;
curriculum was to Magyarize, there were several nationally&#13;
conscious Slovak instructors in the Bytca school: one of&#13;
these, Pavel Trusina, taught Tiso the Slovak language.6&#13;
Jozef Tiso during these years of study in Bytca proved&#13;
to be a good student; therefore in 1898 after the completion&#13;
of his fourth year he was sent to the middle school in&#13;
nearby Zilina. Gaspar and Terezia Tiso had originally&#13;
planned to educate their eldest son, Pavel, but he dropped&#13;
out after one year at the Zilina school to take up the family&#13;
butcher trade in Bytca. Jozef Tiso soon proved to be a much&#13;
better student than his brother. He won the admiration&#13;
of all his professors. He did well in all his subjects and&#13;
showed a special talent in mastering foreign languages.&#13;
Magyar and German were mere playthings to him according&#13;
to the recollections of one of his classmates.7 One professor&#13;
named Bicovsky referring to Tiso allegedly told the class,&#13;
&#13;
26&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
"You will see this boy one day will be a great man." 8 Jozef&#13;
Tiso was also well liked by his fellow classmates. He was&#13;
remembered as being humble, pleasant, and easygoing,&#13;
always demonstrating an uncommon interest in helping his&#13;
classmates with their work. 9 While in zilina Tiso lived&#13;
with Anton Sturm, a friend of the family, who remembered&#13;
him as a conscientious student who never had to be forced&#13;
to prepare his school assignments.10&#13;
It was in zilina that Tiso made the decision to enter&#13;
the priesthood. This was not an uncommon choice for&#13;
Slovaks peasants. Many Slovak peasant families had a son&#13;
or daughter in the Church. A clerical career was one of the&#13;
few ways a Slovak peasant could raise his social status or&#13;
acquire an education. Having made the decision, Tiso set&#13;
off in 1902 after the completion of his fourth year at zilina&#13;
for the Nitra Gymnasium. The Nitra school was much&#13;
more a Magyar institution than the zilina one had been.&#13;
The Nitra faculty, moreover, had a low opinion of the&#13;
zilina school, regarding its curriculum in Magyar subjects&#13;
particularly inferior to its ow~. Young students there were&#13;
frequently ridiculed, but Tiso was not for he proved to be&#13;
an exceptional student. He mastered with little difficulty&#13;
the most difficult assignments in Latin and German, and&#13;
remained there four years. 11&#13;
The outstanding theological students of the time were&#13;
sent to Vienna to the Pazmaneum, the leading Catholic&#13;
seminary in the Habsburg Empire. Tiso in 1906 was one of&#13;
those chosen to complete his theological studies there.&#13;
Once at the Pazmaneum, he continued his good scholastic&#13;
record and came into contact with some of the leading&#13;
clerics of the Empire. He received lectures from Franz&#13;
Martin Schindler12 and Ignaz Seipel, leaders of the Austrian&#13;
Christian Social movement. During Tiso's years of study&#13;
at the Pazmaneum Pope Leo's social encyclical, Rerum&#13;
Novarum was receiving wide attention. Many seminars&#13;
were devoted to it and came to form an important part of&#13;
Tiso's social philosophy. Tiso's training was otherwise in&#13;
traditional Catholic theology and Thomistic philosophy.&#13;
According to the confidential files of the Pazmaneum Tiso&#13;
was an exemplary seminarian. Concerning Tiso the psychological-moral profile stated: "Natural behavior: serious;&#13;
morals : exemplary; mode of conversation with superiors:&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
27&#13;
&#13;
humble, with equals: affable; character: oustanding; application: indefatigable . Observations : behaves with a mature character." 13&#13;
The intellectual atmosphere of Vienna was very dif.&#13;
ferent from what Tiso was accustomed to in Nitra and&#13;
zilina. There were Socialists, Christian Socials, liberals,&#13;
and others, some of them hostile to the Catholic world view&#13;
that Tiso espoused. It was in Vienna in fact that Tiso had&#13;
his first contact with the progressive wing of the Slovak&#13;
intelligentsia, the Hlasists. Tiso opposed Hlasists thought&#13;
even then; he regarded it a threat to the conservative&#13;
Catholic view. Friction between Tiso and a Hlasist even&#13;
took place in Tiso's home town of Bytca where he spent&#13;
the holidays. The medical doctor in Bytca, Minarik, a&#13;
Hlasist, accused Tiso of not being a real Slovak, when Tiso&#13;
supported the parish priest, Teselsky, a member of the&#13;
Hungarian People's Party and a known Magyarone. There&#13;
were differences between Tiso and Teselsky, but Tiso preferred the Magyarone to the progressive minded Minarik. 14&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso was ordained a priest on July 14, 1910&#13;
by Bishop August Fischer-Colbr ie, and shortly thereafter&#13;
said his first mass in his home parish church in Vel'ka&#13;
Bytca. A year later he was awarded a doctorate in theology.&#13;
Tiso's first assignment as a priest was to the small remote&#13;
village of Oscadnica, a poor Slovak village.&#13;
Tiso was not only concerned with the spiritual welfare&#13;
of the people of Oscadnica, but also became very interested&#13;
in their economic standard, their health, sanitation, and&#13;
dietary habits. He organized self-help associations and&#13;
tackled the problem of alcoholism which was so widespread in Slovak villages. Tiso referred to his experience&#13;
in Oscadnica as his second university. 15 After about a year&#13;
in Oscadnica, Tiso was transferred to another village,&#13;
Rajec, where he continued his work. In Rajec he founded&#13;
a Slovak peasant bank designed to strengthen the financial&#13;
resources of the village and free the peasant from debts.16&#13;
Dr. Tiso was not in Rajec long before he was again&#13;
transferred, this time to a larger town, Banovce nad Bebravou, located about 70 miles northwest of Bratislava. He&#13;
was appointed chaplain there and in 1924 promoted to&#13;
pastor, a post he held until 1945. Tiso, during the many&#13;
years of his pastorate in Banovce did much for the improve-&#13;
&#13;
28&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
ment of the town. He undertook the pavement of the town's&#13;
streets and the regulation of the Bebrava River and Radisla&#13;
Creek which ran near Banovce. To further the interests of&#13;
the town's noted cabinet makers he organized a cooperative.&#13;
He worked, too, with the city council and founded a bank&#13;
to finance a sewer system and water supply. Tiso formu•&#13;
lated other plans for the modernization of Banovce, such&#13;
as electrification and pavement of roads to every village&#13;
in the district, but these remained only in the planning&#13;
stage. His primary goal remained the industrialization of&#13;
Banovce. 17 Alarmed by the spread of secularism and progressive thought, Tiso also set out to strengthen Catholic&#13;
education in Banovce. He revived the Catholic educational&#13;
society Orol and he founded both a Catholic teachers'&#13;
college and a Catholic cultural house. 18 All Tiso's work did&#13;
much to make him popular in the Banovce area and to&#13;
make it the center of his political strength.&#13;
In 1914 Tiso was called up by the government to serve&#13;
as chaplain in the Austrian army. Toward the end of 1914 he&#13;
was sent to Maribor in Styria. There he became acquainted&#13;
with Slovene priests and their work in organizing peasant&#13;
cooperatives. He later applied some of their ideas in his&#13;
work for the economic development of Banovce.19 After&#13;
a year in the military service, Tiso contracted nephritis and&#13;
had to be recalled from the front. Following his recovery&#13;
he was appointed spiritual director at the Nitra seminary,&#13;
later professor of theology, and personal secretary to the&#13;
Bishop of Nitra. Tiso maintained these posts throughout&#13;
the reminder of the war.&#13;
Tiso was later attacked for his activity during the war&#13;
and during the Slovak National Revolution, when Slovakia&#13;
seceded from Hungary to join with the Czechs in the new&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia (1918-19 ). His political opponents charged&#13;
him with having had pro-Magyar sympathies at the time.&#13;
These charges resulted from the fact that Tiso contributed&#13;
to Nytramegyei Szemle, a Magyar journal in Nitra, articles&#13;
glorifying Hungary's war efforts. Ivan Derer, Social Democratic Minister of Education in Czecho-Slovakia in the&#13;
1920's, largely responsible for such charges, also maintained&#13;
that Tiso before 1918 spelled his Name, Tiszo, in the Magyar&#13;
fashion, and that Tiso had supported the integrity of the&#13;
Hungarian state. Derer wrote that Tiso, moreover, was&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
29&#13;
&#13;
opposed to the Martin Declaration and had even served&#13;
on the Magyar Nitra Council. 20 Tiso came naturally under&#13;
suspicion since he served during the war as personal secretary to the Bishop, Viliam Batthanyi, of Nitra, a notorious&#13;
advocate of Magyarization. Labeling a Populist a Magyarone&#13;
was a favorite device of Czech and Slovak centralists used&#13;
to discredit the idea of Slovak autonomy. It was done repeatedly in the twenty years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic.&#13;
Sometimes the charges were appropriate while at other&#13;
times, as with Tiso, they had little basis in fact. Whatever&#13;
pro-Magyar feelings Tiso may have had before 1918 were&#13;
gone by the time the Czecho-Slovak army approached Nitra.&#13;
Before 1918 Tiso belonged to the politically passive&#13;
Slovak majority. He was active before October, 1918 but&#13;
mainly with welfare and town improvement projects. Prior&#13;
to 1918 he had neither planned to enter politics nor was&#13;
he trained for such a career. 21 Tiso's rather sudden involvement in politics is difficult to explain, but very likely, much&#13;
like Hlinka, Tiso was drawn into the Populist movement&#13;
by the revolutionary anti-clerical character of the new state.&#13;
Indeed soon after the National Revolution Tiso joined the&#13;
Slovak People's Party and began to work for it in Nitra.&#13;
He was largely responsible for making the whole south&#13;
Nitra district a party stronghold.22 Nitra in 1918 was very&#13;
much a Magyar town with only two educated Slovak leaders, Dr. Eugen Filkorn and Dr. Jozef Tiso. Both worked&#13;
hard in Nitra to obliterate its Magyar character and make&#13;
it Slovak once wore. They published a Slovak newspaper&#13;
entitled, Nitra and organized a Slovak National Council.&#13;
Meanwhile Slovak Populists under Hlinka's direction&#13;
prepared themselves for the first legislative election scheduled for April, 1920. In this election Hlinka formed a&#13;
common front with the Czech Populists, led by Msgr. Jan&#13;
Sramek; it was known as the "Czechoslovak People's Party."&#13;
The election was a great disappointment to the Slovak&#13;
Populists who secured only twelve seats out of fifty-seven&#13;
assigned to Slovakia in the Prague Parliament.23 The Social&#13;
Democrats were the big winners there with twenty-three&#13;
mandates. The revolutionary wave that swept Slovakia after&#13;
the war was mainly responsible for the Social Democratic&#13;
victory, though the fact that there was little in the Populist&#13;
platform to attract the peasant masses of Slovakia also&#13;
&#13;
30&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
partly explains the vote. Hlinka's main concern at the time&#13;
was the progressive, anti-clerical character of the new&#13;
government, not the social and economic condition of&#13;
peasants. This is clear from Hlinka's decision to present&#13;
a common front with Czech Catholics.&#13;
Tiso in a newspaper editorial of the time attributed&#13;
the success of the Social Democrats to the fact that some&#13;
200,000 Czech soldiers and officials had voted for the Social&#13;
Democrats and other Czecho-Slovak parties. This gave the&#13;
world a false picture of true political feelings of the&#13;
Slovaks. 24&#13;
In that election Tiso won in the Trnava district but&#13;
turned his post over to another candidate. Tiso remained&#13;
in Nitra dividing his time between teaching and his work&#13;
for the Populists. He delivered speeches, organized party&#13;
activities, and contributed articles to the party's leading&#13;
organ, Slovak. In 1921 he was appointed personal secretary&#13;
to the new bishop in Nitra, Karol Kmet'ko, a former&#13;
member of the Czecho-Slovak Revolutionary Council. For&#13;
the next few years both worked together in building up the&#13;
party strength in Nitra. But while Kmet'ko preferred peaceful discussion, Tiso felt the Slovak cause benefited more by&#13;
demonstrations. As a result, a certain coolness developed&#13;
between the two men. Even worse, Tiso's inflammatory&#13;
speeches soon got him into trouble with the authorities.&#13;
In 1923 Tiso was sentenced to six weeks imprisonment; of&#13;
which he served two, because he delivered a fiery speech in&#13;
Nitra, which was said to have incited the people. Following&#13;
this episode Tiso felt it best to resign his post as secretary&#13;
to Kmet'ko, knowing the bishop's feeling with regard to&#13;
such activity. Tiso then in 1924 left Nitra to become pastor&#13;
of the Catholic Church in Banovce.25&#13;
Meanwhile the Slovak Populists were making their&#13;
recovery from the election disappointment of 1920. The&#13;
fruitless union with the Czech Lidaks 26 was ended in 1921.&#13;
A year later the Slovak People's Party name was changed&#13;
to the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSUS).&#13;
The Centralistic policies of Prague and the economic&#13;
problems in Slovakia contributed to the growth of the&#13;
HSUS. Within three or four years it became a broad-based&#13;
mass party. By 1923 the party could claim 876 city organiza-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
31&#13;
&#13;
tions, 1065 village organizations and nine newspapers. 27 But&#13;
not all were content with the party's leadership. Many of&#13;
the radical members in the party were displeased with&#13;
what they considered Hlinka's conciliatory position toward&#13;
the government.&#13;
The party had approved the Constitution of 1920 and&#13;
supported Masaryk in the first presidential election. But&#13;
on the other hand Hlinka did keep the party in opposition&#13;
throughout the first legislature, and in 1922 presented to&#13;
the Prague Parliament the first proposal for Slovak autonomy. Accordingly, Czecho-Slovakia would be divided into&#13;
three parts: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia, and Ruthe•&#13;
nia, each with its own diet having authority over local&#13;
administration, school, churches, justice, public welfare,&#13;
and finances. 28&#13;
The proposal was rejected. In the next election in 1925&#13;
the HS~S scored its greatest success receiving 489,111&#13;
votes 29 and 23 seats in Prague. Tiso was elected deputy&#13;
again and took up his seat in Parliament.&#13;
At this time Tiso was not yet a leading member of the&#13;
Populist party, but nevertheless one of the party's rising&#13;
young stars. Much of the leadership still belonged to the&#13;
predprevratovd group, those from the pre-1918 era which&#13;
included besides Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Buday,3° Florian Tomanek to name a few. Tiso belonged to the younger&#13;
group of party deputies, those between 30 and 40 years&#13;
of age.&#13;
Tiso was young and inexperienced when he walked into&#13;
the Prague Parliament, yet within a few years had gained&#13;
the reputation of being one of the most skillful representatives in the Slovak Club. Hlinka soon came to appreciate&#13;
his parliamentary ability and his capacity for long, tedious&#13;
work. There were considerable differences though between&#13;
Tiso and Hlinka. Tiso was not as impulsive nor romantically&#13;
oriented toward politics as was Hlinka; he was more a&#13;
hard, cold realist when it came to appraising political&#13;
situations.31 Though Tiso became frequently impassioned&#13;
while speaking, his ideas always conformed to a logical&#13;
pattern and were argued from a philosophical or historical&#13;
point of view.&#13;
In 1925-1926 the new central government of Anton&#13;
&#13;
32&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Svehla, in face of a renewed campaign of Hungarian&#13;
revisionists, set out to broaden the government coalition&#13;
by bringing in German and Slovak opposition parties. Tiso&#13;
favored participating in the government. He felt something&#13;
could be gained by it for Slovakia. At this critical time&#13;
Hlinka departed for the United States to attend an Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. In his absence a directory of&#13;
five, including Tiso, ran the party. Also, before Hlinka left&#13;
he designated Tiso president of the Slovak Club in Prague&#13;
to manage party affairs in the parliament. Soon after Hlinka&#13;
was gone a struggle developed between the old predprevratovi Populists and the younger generation. Juriga and&#13;
Tomanek were offended by Hlinka's passing over them in&#13;
favor of the younger Tiso to head the Slovak Club.32 The&#13;
friction, however, was mild since Hlinka's authority was&#13;
strong enough to prevent such inter-party squabbles from&#13;
becoming serious.&#13;
In Hlinka's absence it was left to Tiso to take up the&#13;
whole question of HSES position with regard to the government coalition. Tiso led the negotiations with Svehla, but&#13;
felt unqualified to make a final decision alone. In July,&#13;
1926 Tiso sent a letter to Hlinka urging him to return&#13;
quickly from the United States so that a decision could&#13;
be made.33 Hlinka at first opposed the idea of entering&#13;
a coalition, but during the course of his visit to the United&#13;
States he was urged by American Slovaks to try cooperation&#13;
with the government.&#13;
Hlinka arrived in Slovakia in October, negotiations&#13;
were immediately accelerated and an agreement concluded&#13;
for HSES participation in the coalition. Tiso had hoped to&#13;
obtain some concessions for Slovakia as a condition for the&#13;
party's participation in the government, but the party was&#13;
disappointed, especially the radicals. The hated zupa law&#13;
of 1923 which had centralized government administration&#13;
was removed and the country was divided into three&#13;
administrative units: Bohemia-Moravia-Silesia, Slovakia,&#13;
and Ruthenia, each with krajinsky (regional) president and&#13;
a council with powers to handle cultural, educational, and&#13;
humanitarian affairs. The powers of the council were,&#13;
however, limited, since the krajinsky president, who was&#13;
nominated by the central government, had power to veto&#13;
any resolution passed by the council. Furthermore, the&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
33&#13;
&#13;
central government had powers in the selection of the&#13;
council's members. 34&#13;
Tiso at first spoke out against the law, but after its&#13;
passage defended it to a degree. At least, he said, with the&#13;
new law there was recognition of a Slovak krajina and&#13;
from this, autonomy could be built.35&#13;
The People's Party officially entered the government&#13;
in January, 1927, with Tiso as Minister of Health and&#13;
Marko Gazik as Minister of Unification. Tiso in his capacity&#13;
accomplished much. His greatest efforts were turned toward&#13;
the modernization of the health spas of Polianka, strbske&#13;
Pleso, Tatranska Lomnica, Cerveny Klastor and Sliac in&#13;
Slovakia. Due to Tiso's work, Sliac became the most wellknown and most frequented of all Slovak spas.36 Tiso's&#13;
support of the government during these years was regarded&#13;
by the radical Populists as a betrayal of party principles.&#13;
These extremists, moreover, disliked the new administration law of 1928 which had replaced the 1923 one.&#13;
Tiso at this time together with Jozef Buday belonged&#13;
to the moderate wing of the party, while the radicals&#13;
gathered around their leader, Vojtech Tuka. On January 1,&#13;
1928 Tuka published a sensational article which claimed&#13;
that the declaration signed in Martin in 1918 contained&#13;
a secret clause, (Vacuum Juris) stating that after ten years&#13;
the Slovaks could reconsider their union with the Czechs.&#13;
Tuka was subsequently put on trial and sentenced to fifteen&#13;
years in prison.&#13;
The whole Tuka affair caused great turmoil in the country. To the opponents of Slovak autonomy Tuka was proof&#13;
that the Slovak People's Party had dangerous Magyarone&#13;
elements in it. Many Populists, on the other hand, made&#13;
the Tuka trial into a cause celebre, regarding Tuka a martyr&#13;
for the Slovak cause. Hlinka refused to condemn Tuka, and,&#13;
in a gesture of disapproval at Tuka's imprisonment, pulled&#13;
the party out of the government and once again put it into&#13;
opposition. It lost some 85,000 votes and five seats in the&#13;
Parliament in the 1929 elections.37&#13;
With the removal of Tuka from the scene, Tiso's&#13;
importance and influence in the party in the next few years&#13;
climbed steadily. At a Populist meeting in Ruzomberok in&#13;
January, 1930, Tiso was chosen, along with Karol Mederly,38&#13;
&#13;
34&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
one of the party's vice-presidents.39 By this time, too, Tiso&#13;
had established himself as the leading ideologist in the&#13;
party and one of the most articulate spokesmen for the&#13;
Slovak cause. Tiso was well on his way to becoming&#13;
successor to Andrej Hlinka as leader of the Slovak Populist&#13;
movement.&#13;
FOOTNOTES&#13;
1) Most of the biographical information on Tiso's family and early&#13;
life is taken from Konstantin l:ulen Po Sviitoplukovi druha nasa&#13;
hlava (Cleveland: Prva Katolicka Slovenska Jednota, 1947) and&#13;
"Z bohateho zivota nasho prveho prezidenta": Slovak, XX:1/248&#13;
(Bratislava), October 27, 1939.&#13;
2) "Smutok pana prezidenta," Katolicke noviny (Bratislava), February&#13;
14, 1943.&#13;
3) Jozef K. Hrabovsky, "U Tisovcov vo Vel'kej Bytci," Slovak, XXXI/24,&#13;
January 29, 1939.&#13;
4) Quoted in l:ulen, Po Sviitoplukovi • . . , p. 24.&#13;
5) Quoted in Ibid. , p. 29.&#13;
6) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.&#13;
7) J., "Za Boha a narod: Spomienky na skolske roky prezidenta Jozefa&#13;
Tisu," Slovak, XX:1/248, October 27, 1939.&#13;
8) Quoted in Ibid.&#13;
9) Tido Gaspar, Der Praesident der Slowakischen Repubiik (Pressburg: Johann 0. Petreas, 1943), p. 6.&#13;
10) "Z bohateho zivota . . . " Slovak, October 27, 1939.&#13;
11) "Za Boha a narod .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1939.&#13;
12) Franz Martin Schindler ( 1847-1922) was professor of moral theology&#13;
in Vienna. He was one of the ideologists of the Christian Social&#13;
movement.&#13;
13) Quoted in Milan S. f:lurica, Die slowakische Politik 1938/39 im&#13;
Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Bonn: Emil Semmel Verlag, 1967),&#13;
p. 21.&#13;
14) l:ulen, Po Svatoplukovi ... , pp. 33-34.&#13;
15) Ibid., p. 36.&#13;
16) Ibid- , pp. 37-38.&#13;
17) Albert Mistina, "Tiso-clovek," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III (Hamilton,&#13;
Ontario: Franti§ek Fuga, 1967), pp. 9-12.&#13;
18) Ibid., Dr. Jan Gleiman, "Tisovo mesto," Slovenska otcina, Vol. III,&#13;
pp. 20-25.&#13;
19) Jozef Tiso, Tiso o sebe, ed. Jozef Pauco (Passaic, New Jersey: Slovensky Katolicky Sokol, 1952), pp. 101-102.&#13;
20) Dr. Ivan Derer, Slovensky vyvoj a l'udacka zrada (Praha: Kvasnicka&#13;
a Hampl, 1946), pp. 347-348. Imrich Stanek, Zrada a pad, Hlinkovsti&#13;
separatiste a tak zvan11 siovensky stat (Praha, 1956) pp. 387-388.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
35&#13;
&#13;
21) Tiso o sebe, p. 122.&#13;
22) Gaspar, p. 11. Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ••. , pp. 63-66.&#13;
23) Joseph Mikus, Slovakia: A Political History, 1918-1950 (Milwaukee:&#13;
The Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 16.&#13;
24) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (1864-1926) (Bratislava, 1934), p. 438.&#13;
25) Culen, Po Sviitoplukovi ... , pp. 66-67. "Z bohateho zivota . . . ,"&#13;
Slovak, October 27, 1939.&#13;
26) Lida.ks were the members of Sramek's "Czechoslovak People's Party."&#13;
27 ) Juraj Kramer, Slovenske autonomisticke hnutie v rokoch 1918-1929&#13;
(Bratislava: Slovenska akademia vied, 1962), pp. 263-266.&#13;
28) See Karol Sidor, Slovenska politika na pode prazskeho snemu (19181938), Vol. I (Bratislava: 1943), p. 87.&#13;
29) C. A. Macar,tney, Hungary and her Successors (London: Oxford&#13;
University Press, 1965), p. 118.&#13;
30) Jozef Buday was born in 1877 in Trencin and ordained a priest in&#13;
1899. During Hlinka's imprisonment 1919-1920 he served as acting&#13;
president of the party. He was deputy and senator in 1920's and&#13;
1930's. He was a leader of the Society of St. Adalbert and author&#13;
of several Catholic books. He died in 1939. Jan Mest'ancik, "Jozef&#13;
Buday v sluzbach cirkvi a naroda," Literarny Almanach (1970),&#13;
pp. 89-106.&#13;
31) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso (Sidney: The Association of Australian Slovaks, 1967), p. 12.&#13;
32) Sidor, Andrej Hlinka, p. 550.&#13;
33) Ibid-, pp. 550-551.&#13;
34) Sidor, Slovenska politika, I, pp. 303-304.&#13;
35) Ibid., p. 314.&#13;
36) "Z bohateho zivota .. ." Slovak, October 27, 1929.&#13;
37) Macartney, p. 118. Juriga and Tomanek left the party in protest to&#13;
Hlinka's defense of Tuka and formed their own party, Juriga's&#13;
People's Party. It got about 5,000 votes in the 1929 election.&#13;
38) Karol Mederly (b. 1887) - was the party's legal expert and was&#13;
responsible for drawing up proposals for autonomy. He was also&#13;
director of Populist press works. From 1929 he served as a party&#13;
deputy and senator, and after November, 1938 vice-president of the&#13;
Slovak Parliament. He was a member of the party Paesidium and&#13;
the party's central court. On October 18, 1947 he was sentenced by&#13;
the pro-Communist National Tribunal to six years imprisonment.&#13;
Jozef Chreno, Maly slovnik slovenskeho st&lt;itu, 1918-1945 (Bratislava,&#13;
1965), pp. 122-123.&#13;
39) L. G. Fagul'a, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava : Generalny sekretariat&#13;
HSUS, 1943) , p. 120.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA'S best known thermal spa (natural mineral&#13;
springs), Piest'any, dedicated a new summer swimmingpooL&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                <text>Tiso's Formative Years and Early Political Career</text>
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                <text>Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D.&#13;
Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974&#13;
pp. 24-35</text>
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                <text>Sutherland, Anthony X. (Anthony Xavier)</text>
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                    <text>88

SLOVAKIA

The Youth Conference Slovak League of America
SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1973,
STATLER HILTON HOTEL, NEW YORK, N. Y.
The Youth Conference of the Slovak League of America
was held on Saturday, May 19, 1973 at the Statler Hilton
Hotel in New York City. The panel was opened by Mr.
Daniel F. Tanzone of Yonkers, N. Y. who served in the
capacity of chairman of the panel and welcomed the
delegates and introduced the members of the panel. Mr.
Tanzone gave the opening address of the panel whose theme
was 'Cultural Pluralism in contemporary American Society.'
Each member of the panel read a brief address of
a particular aspect relevant to the general theme of the
conference. Members of the panel included: Miss Marilyn
Blazek of Yonkers, N. Y. who spoke on the upcoming bill
in copgress to establish ethnic centers in various parts of
the U:nited States; Miss Susan Pojer of Yonkers, N. Y. who
developed a talk within the aspect of Slovak culture and
the ~rts; Miss Donna Sromovsky of Edison, N. J. who
represented the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association
and gave talk on the contribution made by her society to
Slovak culture and heritage through its resent national
youth . congress held in Cleveland, Ohio; Miss Luby Holy
qf West Paterson, N. J. who spoke on her recent visit to
Slovakia and developed the idea of the rich natural beauties
offered by the land of our ancestors; Mr. Joseph J . Krajsa
of Middletown, Pa., who represented the First Catholic
Slovak Union, gave a talk on the role played by his society
in the past, present and some ideas for the future of Slovak
life in America; and finally Mr. John Kovalovsky of Passaic,
N. J . who represented the Slovak Catholic Sokol and spoke
of the outstanding program offered members of his society
in the area of gymnastics and athletics.
Various topics were discussed and several weighty

�SLOVAKIA

89

questions and observations were made by the participating
delegates and panelists. The recommendations and observations were aimed at solving some of the pressing problems
facing Slovak organizations and the preservation of the
Slovak heritage in general. A general observation made
was the evident lack of unity of Slovak fraternal societies
in America today. The potential strength both in membership and achievement of one large Slovak fraternal society
was discussed. Various programs both educational and
cultural were suggested on a mass scale, possible if there
were one Slovak fraternal with a membership of some one
half million and assets of over one hundred million dollars
with twenty or thirty millions of dollars in unassigned
funds. The current losses were noted in all existing Slovak
fraternals and membership loss is the greatest single factor
which will usher the total demise of Slovak fraternalism
if something is not done to alter the current trend.
The youth present detected the very negative trait of
jealousy among the leadership of our societies and advised
that unless we can rid our ranks of this hazardous trait
very little progress will be made. However a sharp warning
was given Slovak fraternals who wish to become mere
insurance companies - for then they serve no purpose in
the cultural, social and fraternal lives of their memberships .
The delegates seriously recommended that the Slovak
fraternal societies within the framework of the Slovak
League give serious consideration to merging by the end
of this decade.
The delegates wholeheartedly approved the bill now
in congress aimed at establishing ethnic centers in various
parts of the United States. The delegates recommended
that the Slovak League of America, as the representative
of organized Americans of Slovak descent, continue its
interest and support for this program.
Of major consequence to many delegates was the lack
of sufficient research material in English on Slovak topics .
The delegates encourage the Slovak League of America
and the member societies to establish literary funds to aid
in the translating of works from Slovak into English and
other Western languages and to encourage young American
students of Slovak descent to choose topics from Slovak

�90

SLOVAKIA

history, culture, and the arts for academic dissertations
and to• publish such works as permanent contributions to
American Slovakiana. There is a need for a Slovak encyclopedia written in English and also a Slovak Who's Who
Unless we of Slovak origin can educate and if necessary
re-educate the American public through literature in West•
em languages, the Slovak nation will continue to · be
misunderstood in historical and political science circles in
America and other Western nations. Slovak organizations
must not remain provincial in their outlook but must be
willing to be innovative and tactful if we are to prove to
American historians and political scientists that we are
descended from a distinct nation with its own history
culture, language and free from any appendage or colonial
philosophy which exists in many academic circles in the
West. Of paramount importance is to see that the present
generations and those of the future born of Slovak parentage know their roots in order to be a contributing segment
of American society.
The delegates were in agreement that the Slovak nation
at home be free of all outside intervention whether it be
Prague or Moscow. Political, economic and ideological
threats from outside sources must cease and the Slovak
nation, like all nations under the sun, must be master
of its own destiny and be free to choose the form of
government best suited to its culture and traditions. The
Slovak nation, like all other nations, is endowed with
certain God-given rights of freedom, justice and self-deter•
mination to stand among the great family of nations as
master of its own destiny.
The Slovaks should not be considered as an appendage
or colony of any other nation but should stand on its own
integrity as a civilized nation with a culture and tradition
of over eleven centuries. The people of Slovakia should
be afforded the right to choose their future path among
the family of nations. A plebiscite should be the vehicle
for the Slovak people to choose whether to stay within
the federalized Central Europe or rather work for the
re-establishment of a completely independent Slovakia free
to choose its own destiny and capable to speak for the
Slovak nation among the nations of the world. Always to

�SLOVAKIA

91

be condemned is chauvinism of the Czech or Russian school
as diametrically oposed to true Slovak political expression.
The delegates recommend that the Holy Father Pope
Paul VI establish Metropolitan provinces for both the Roman and Byzantine Rites in Slovakia and to settle the long
overdue question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Slovakia.
The Slovak nation must not stand for any ecclesiastical
chauvinism on the part of Czech or Magyar ecclesiastics.
A Cardinal should be appointed for Slovakia, a staunchy
Catholic country for over eleven centuries.
In conclusion the Slovak League of America is to be
commended for sponsoring a very productive conference
of youth and encourages future conferences in various
cities of the United States.
Daniel F. T a n z o n e,

Chairman, Youth Panel

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at
Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by
v1hom it shall be governed.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the
United States of America.

�</text>
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                    <text>88

SLOVAKIA

The Youth Conference Slovak League of America
SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1973,
STATLER HILTON HOTEL, NEW YORK, N. Y.
The Youth Conference of the Slovak League of America
was held on Saturday, May 19, 1973 at the Statler Hilton
Hotel in New York City. The panel was opened by Mr.
Daniel F. Tanzone of Yonkers, N. Y. who served in the
capacity of chairman of the panel and welcomed the
delegates and introduced the members of the panel. Mr.
Tanzone gave the opening address of the panel whose theme
was 'Cultural Pluralism in contemporary American Society.'
Each member of the panel read a brief address of
a particular aspect relevant to the general theme of the
conference. Members of the panel included: Miss Marilyn
Blazek of Yonkers, N. Y. who spoke on the upcoming bill
in copgress to establish ethnic centers in various parts of
the U:nited States; Miss Susan Pojer of Yonkers, N. Y. who
developed a talk within the aspect of Slovak culture and
the ~rts; Miss Donna Sromovsky of Edison, N. J. who
represented the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association
and gave talk on the contribution made by her society to
Slovak culture and heritage through its resent national
youth . congress held in Cleveland, Ohio; Miss Luby Holy
qf West Paterson, N. J. who spoke on her recent visit to
Slovakia and developed the idea of the rich natural beauties
offered by the land of our ancestors; Mr. Joseph J . Krajsa
of Middletown, Pa., who represented the First Catholic
Slovak Union, gave a talk on the role played by his society
in the past, present and some ideas for the future of Slovak
life in America; and finally Mr. John Kovalovsky of Passaic,
N. J . who represented the Slovak Catholic Sokol and spoke
of the outstanding program offered members of his society
in the area of gymnastics and athletics.
Various topics were discussed and several weighty

�SLOVAKIA

89

questions and observations were made by the participating
delegates and panelists. The recommendations and observations were aimed at solving some of the pressing problems
facing Slovak organizations and the preservation of the
Slovak heritage in general. A general observation made
was the evident lack of unity of Slovak fraternal societies
in America today. The potential strength both in membership and achievement of one large Slovak fraternal society
was discussed. Various programs both educational and
cultural were suggested on a mass scale, possible if there
were one Slovak fraternal with a membership of some one
half million and assets of over one hundred million dollars
with twenty or thirty millions of dollars in unassigned
funds. The current losses were noted in all existing Slovak
fraternals and membership loss is the greatest single factor
which will usher the total demise of Slovak fraternalism
if something is not done to alter the current trend.
The youth present detected the very negative trait of
jealousy among the leadership of our societies and advised
that unless we can rid our ranks of this hazardous trait
very little progress will be made. However a sharp warning
was given Slovak fraternals who wish to become mere
insurance companies - for then they serve no purpose in
the cultural, social and fraternal lives of their memberships .
The delegates seriously recommended that the Slovak
fraternal societies within the framework of the Slovak
League give serious consideration to merging by the end
of this decade.
The delegates wholeheartedly approved the bill now
in congress aimed at establishing ethnic centers in various
parts of the United States. The delegates recommended
that the Slovak League of America, as the representative
of organized Americans of Slovak descent, continue its
interest and support for this program.
Of major consequence to many delegates was the lack
of sufficient research material in English on Slovak topics .
The delegates encourage the Slovak League of America
and the member societies to establish literary funds to aid
in the translating of works from Slovak into English and
other Western languages and to encourage young American
students of Slovak descent to choose topics from Slovak

�90

SLOVAKIA

history, culture, and the arts for academic dissertations
and to• publish such works as permanent contributions to
American Slovakiana. There is a need for a Slovak encyclopedia written in English and also a Slovak Who's Who
Unless we of Slovak origin can educate and if necessary
re-educate the American public through literature in West•
em languages, the Slovak nation will continue to · be
misunderstood in historical and political science circles in
America and other Western nations. Slovak organizations
must not remain provincial in their outlook but must be
willing to be innovative and tactful if we are to prove to
American historians and political scientists that we are
descended from a distinct nation with its own history
culture, language and free from any appendage or colonial
philosophy which exists in many academic circles in the
West. Of paramount importance is to see that the present
generations and those of the future born of Slovak parentage know their roots in order to be a contributing segment
of American society.
The delegates were in agreement that the Slovak nation
at home be free of all outside intervention whether it be
Prague or Moscow. Political, economic and ideological
threats from outside sources must cease and the Slovak
nation, like all nations under the sun, must be master
of its own destiny and be free to choose the form of
government best suited to its culture and traditions. The
Slovak nation, like all other nations, is endowed with
certain God-given rights of freedom, justice and self-deter•
mination to stand among the great family of nations as
master of its own destiny.
The Slovaks should not be considered as an appendage
or colony of any other nation but should stand on its own
integrity as a civilized nation with a culture and tradition
of over eleven centuries. The people of Slovakia should
be afforded the right to choose their future path among
the family of nations. A plebiscite should be the vehicle
for the Slovak people to choose whether to stay within
the federalized Central Europe or rather work for the
re-establishment of a completely independent Slovakia free
to choose its own destiny and capable to speak for the
Slovak nation among the nations of the world. Always to

�SLOVAKIA

91

be condemned is chauvinism of the Czech or Russian school
as diametrically oposed to true Slovak political expression.
The delegates recommend that the Holy Father Pope
Paul VI establish Metropolitan provinces for both the Roman and Byzantine Rites in Slovakia and to settle the long
overdue question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Slovakia.
The Slovak nation must not stand for any ecclesiastical
chauvinism on the part of Czech or Magyar ecclesiastics.
A Cardinal should be appointed for Slovakia, a staunchy
Catholic country for over eleven centuries.
In conclusion the Slovak League of America is to be
commended for sponsoring a very productive conference
of youth and encourages future conferences in various
cities of the United States.
Daniel F. T a n z o n e,

Chairman, Youth Panel

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at
Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by
v1hom it shall be governed.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the
United States of America.

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              <text>88&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
The Youth Conference Slovak League of America&#13;
SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1973,&#13;
STATLER HILTON HOTEL, NEW YORK, N. Y.&#13;
The Youth Conference of the Slovak League of America&#13;
was held on Saturday, May 19, 1973 at the Statler Hilton&#13;
Hotel in New York City. The panel was opened by Mr.&#13;
Daniel F. Tanzone of Yonkers, N. Y. who served in the&#13;
capacity of chairman of the panel and welcomed the&#13;
delegates and introduced the members of the panel. Mr.&#13;
Tanzone gave the opening address of the panel whose theme&#13;
was 'Cultural Pluralism in contemporary American Society.'&#13;
Each member of the panel read a brief address of&#13;
a particular aspect relevant to the general theme of the&#13;
conference. Members of the panel included: Miss Marilyn&#13;
Blazek of Yonkers, N. Y. who spoke on the upcoming bill&#13;
in copgress to establish ethnic centers in various parts of&#13;
the U:nited States; Miss Susan Pojer of Yonkers, N. Y. who&#13;
developed a talk within the aspect of Slovak culture and&#13;
the ~rts; Miss Donna Sromovsky of Edison, N. J. who&#13;
represented the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association&#13;
and gave talk on the contribution made by her society to&#13;
Slovak culture and heritage through its resent national&#13;
youth . congress held in Cleveland, Ohio; Miss Luby Holy&#13;
qf West Paterson, N. J. who spoke on her recent visit to&#13;
Slovakia and developed the idea of the rich natural beauties&#13;
offered by the land of our ancestors; Mr. Joseph J . Krajsa&#13;
of Middletown, Pa., who represented the First Catholic&#13;
Slovak Union, gave a talk on the role played by his society&#13;
in the past, present and some ideas for the future of Slovak&#13;
life in America; and finally Mr. John Kovalovsky of Passaic,&#13;
N. J . who represented the Slovak Catholic Sokol and spoke&#13;
of the outstanding program offered members of his society&#13;
in the area of gymnastics and athletics.&#13;
Various topics were discussed and several weighty&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
89&#13;
&#13;
questions and observations were made by the participating&#13;
delegates and panelists. The recommendations and observations were aimed at solving some of the pressing problems&#13;
facing Slovak organizations and the preservation of the&#13;
Slovak heritage in general. A general observation made&#13;
was the evident lack of unity of Slovak fraternal societies&#13;
in America today. The potential strength both in membership and achievement of one large Slovak fraternal society&#13;
was discussed. Various programs both educational and&#13;
cultural were suggested on a mass scale, possible if there&#13;
were one Slovak fraternal with a membership of some one&#13;
half million and assets of over one hundred million dollars&#13;
with twenty or thirty millions of dollars in unassigned&#13;
funds. The current losses were noted in all existing Slovak&#13;
fraternals and membership loss is the greatest single factor&#13;
which will usher the total demise of Slovak fraternalism&#13;
if something is not done to alter the current trend.&#13;
The youth present detected the very negative trait of&#13;
jealousy among the leadership of our societies and advised&#13;
that unless we can rid our ranks of this hazardous trait&#13;
very little progress will be made. However a sharp warning&#13;
was given Slovak fraternals who wish to become mere&#13;
insurance companies - for then they serve no purpose in&#13;
the cultural, social and fraternal lives of their memberships .&#13;
The delegates seriously recommended that the Slovak&#13;
fraternal societies within the framework of the Slovak&#13;
League give serious consideration to merging by the end&#13;
of this decade.&#13;
The delegates wholeheartedly approved the bill now&#13;
in congress aimed at establishing ethnic centers in various&#13;
parts of the United States. The delegates recommended&#13;
that the Slovak League of America, as the representative&#13;
of organized Americans of Slovak descent, continue its&#13;
interest and support for this program.&#13;
Of major consequence to many delegates was the lack&#13;
of sufficient research material in English on Slovak topics .&#13;
The delegates encourage the Slovak League of America&#13;
and the member societies to establish literary funds to aid&#13;
in the translating of works from Slovak into English and&#13;
other Western languages and to encourage young American&#13;
students of Slovak descent to choose topics from Slovak&#13;
&#13;
90&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
history, culture, and the arts for academic dissertations&#13;
and to• publish such works as permanent contributions to&#13;
American Slovakiana. There is a need for a Slovak encyclopedia written in English and also a Slovak Who's Who&#13;
Unless we of Slovak origin can educate and if necessary&#13;
re-educate the American public through literature in West•&#13;
em languages, the Slovak nation will continue to · be&#13;
misunderstood in historical and political science circles in&#13;
America and other Western nations. Slovak organizations&#13;
must not remain provincial in their outlook but must be&#13;
willing to be innovative and tactful if we are to prove to&#13;
American historians and political scientists that we are&#13;
descended from a distinct nation with its own history&#13;
culture, language and free from any appendage or colonial&#13;
philosophy which exists in many academic circles in the&#13;
West. Of paramount importance is to see that the present&#13;
generations and those of the future born of Slovak parentage know their roots in order to be a contributing segment&#13;
of American society.&#13;
The delegates were in agreement that the Slovak nation&#13;
at home be free of all outside intervention whether it be&#13;
Prague or Moscow. Political, economic and ideological&#13;
threats from outside sources must cease and the Slovak&#13;
nation, like all nations under the sun, must be master&#13;
of its own destiny and be free to choose the form of&#13;
government best suited to its culture and traditions. The&#13;
Slovak nation, like all other nations, is endowed with&#13;
certain God-given rights of freedom, justice and self-deter•&#13;
mination to stand among the great family of nations as&#13;
master of its own destiny.&#13;
The Slovaks should not be considered as an appendage&#13;
or colony of any other nation but should stand on its own&#13;
integrity as a civilized nation with a culture and tradition&#13;
of over eleven centuries. The people of Slovakia should&#13;
be afforded the right to choose their future path among&#13;
the family of nations. A plebiscite should be the vehicle&#13;
for the Slovak people to choose whether to stay within&#13;
the federalized Central Europe or rather work for the&#13;
re-establishment of a completely independent Slovakia free&#13;
to choose its own destiny and capable to speak for the&#13;
Slovak nation among the nations of the world. Always to&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
91&#13;
&#13;
be condemned is chauvinism of the Czech or Russian school&#13;
as diametrically oposed to true Slovak political expression.&#13;
The delegates recommend that the Holy Father Pope&#13;
Paul VI establish Metropolitan provinces for both the Roman and Byzantine Rites in Slovakia and to settle the long&#13;
overdue question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Slovakia.&#13;
The Slovak nation must not stand for any ecclesiastical&#13;
chauvinism on the part of Czech or Magyar ecclesiastics.&#13;
A Cardinal should be appointed for Slovakia, a staunchy&#13;
Catholic country for over eleven centuries.&#13;
In conclusion the Slovak League of America is to be&#13;
commended for sponsoring a very productive conference&#13;
of youth and encourages future conferences in various&#13;
cities of the United States.&#13;
Daniel F. T a n z o n e,&#13;
&#13;
Chairman, Youth Panel&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at&#13;
Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to&#13;
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and&#13;
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate&#13;
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes&#13;
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,&#13;
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the&#13;
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of&#13;
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by&#13;
v1hom it shall be governed.&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested&#13;
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the&#13;
United States of America.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>36

SLOVAKIA

Phiiip A. Hrobak
(1904-1964)
Generally the biographical facts of a man's life can be
assembled without great difficulty. Cold facts of this kind,
however, do not give us the complete or satisfying image
of an individual. They lack the true lineaments of his
character, the appreciable measure of his stature and the
contributions of his lifetime of striving and achieving.
Simplistically we can gather the key dates that marked
the life span of Philip A. Hrobak, one of our American
Slovak "greats" who would have reached his seventieth
birthday in 1974 had not death cut him down in his life's
prime. The bare data would include these statistics:
Philip Anthony Hrobak was born in Cleveland, Ohio
on May 1, 1904. Michael and Mary Hrobak, his parents,
were Slovak immigrants from the Spis region who had
sought and found a kindlier way of life in the American
mid-West. On May 6, 1914, just a few days after Philip's
tenth birthday, his widowed mother brought Philip and
his four year old sister Mary to the Immaculate Conception
Home in Middletown, Pa. They were the first children
received into the newly established home for children
which the Jednota organization founded under the guiding
spirit of Father Furdek.
The children had lost their father in February of that
year and their mother was concerned about providing for
their care, for she too was in poor health. When a merciless
blood malady ended her life a few months later, the Hrobak
children had no one to look after them but the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius to whose care the Jednota had
entrusted this home.
Philip continued the studies that he had begun in St.
Wendelin's parochial school in Cleveland and as soon as
she was ready for school, Mary also attended classes.
On completing his elementary education at Jednota
Home, Philip went on to high school and college at St.

�SLOVAKIA

37

Procopius in Lisle, Ill. From 1924 to 1927 he taught at St.
Procopius and then accepted an assistantship as he pursued
advanced studies in the department of chemistry at New
York University. By the fall of 1929 he was again in his
native city Cleveland where he taught a varied program of
classes and coached the football team at the flourishing
Benedictine High. For nine years he was a very successful
teacher here, distinguishing himself especially in his chemistry, history and language classes as well as in his relationship with high school students. From all appearances, he
seemed to be destined for a brilliant carrer as an educator.
In August 1931 he married Rose Jasko and they became
the devoted parents of nine children. His school work and
parental cares could have absorbed all his time and talent
yet his eager mind together with his vital interest in life
and in his fellow man prompted him to cultivate an active
concern in the issues and problems of those around him
as well as the world at large. From time to time he gave
expression to some of his thinking through contributions
to various publications.
Problems of youth and education as well as Slovak
history ranked among his prime interests. In the matter
of Slovak history he found not merely a static record of
the past but also an on-going chain of direction and a
development of history in his own day. He could not look
upon man's interaction with man or nation with nation
and remain a detached spectator. He was both an observer
and a maker of history.
Out of his experiences as a teacher, Philip Hrobak came
to the realization that he could do more than just use
books as tools of learning; he authored a practical and
comprehensive Slovak grammar for the use of English
speaking persons. He also compiled a sizable English-Slovak
dictionary. Both served as important adjuncts in learning
the Slovak language. Even today there are many who value
his revised dictionary as a very useful reference.
In 1937 when Joseph Husek yielded his Jednota editorship in order to seek the presidency of the Jednota organization, Philip Hrobak was elected editor of the weekly
organ. No better replacement could have been made. From

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SLOVAKIA

this time on, Hrobak became a formidable force in Slovak
and Slovak-American public life. His position was further
strengthened when he became vice president of the Slovak
League of America in 1949, and it was additionally confirmed when he assumed the presidency of Slovak League
of America in 1950. For twelve years he gave this office
distinctively dynamic force and singular meaningfulness.
Hrobak's role in public life as well as the magnetism
of his gifts and personality brought him into close contact
and association with distinguished expatriated Slovak leaders and intellectuals. One of his closest co-workers was
Dr. Joseph Pauco who continues to work in the same
editorial office that he once shared with Philip Hrobak.
Among other notable associates from abroad were Constantine Culen, Francis Hrusovsky, Joseph Kirschbaum,
Joseph Mikus and Karol Sidor.
An outstanding achievement of Hrobak's career in the
Slovak League of America was the establishment of a highly
desirable and eminently successful Office of Information
functioning in Washington, D. C. under the distinguished
chairmanship of the Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. This
professional department became a vital public relations
center as well as a liason agency in American-Slovak life.

The journalistic genius of Philip Hrobak expressed
itself not only through the Jednota weekly and the Jednota
annual almanac which are the official publications of the
Jednota organization and which even then served the need
for both information and inspiration on behalf of its
membership but he further initiated and sponsored other
valuable publications as well. In 1949, for example, he began
the Slovak Newsletter, a bulletin for public information.
In 1951 he undertook a Slovak politico-cultural quarterly
Slovakia, the voice of the Slovak League of America. In
1961 he launched another project, Furdek, an annual which
became an English counterpart to the long established
Jednota Kalendar. He gave this new work a content and
style of its own, directing its appeal largely to readers who
were not able to read the Slovak Kalendar.
When Father Lach entrusted in 1959 the newspaper
Slovak v Amerike to Philip Hrobak, the new publisher

�39

SLOVAKIA

collaborated on this weekly with Dr. Joseph Pauco and
expanded his publishing scope to include the annual Literdrny Almanach Slovdka v Amerike as well as an affiliated
series of book publications through which he often provided
a public to well seasoned writers as well as to capable
aspiring novices in journalism.
With unbounded vigor and zeal Philip Hrobak worked
from his Middletown office, serving the cause of God and
man to his dying day. When illness struck him down it
was hard to accept the fact that this was a mortal ailment.
Although those who were close to him hoped against hope
that he would recover, he ended his life on January 10,
1964 in Harrisburg, Pa. and was buried in Cleveland, Ohio.
These are some of the essential facts in the life story
of Philip Hrobak.

*

*

When one undertakes the task of evaluating the stature
of this leader Philip Hrobak and his literary output, the
impressive factor becomes not only the quantity of his
excellent published writings but also the quality of the
man that shows through his works and the temper of his
thought. Hrobak was above all a writer with a message.
He was purposeful and dedicated, for he had a cause that
was rooted in conscience. His personal integrity and Christian philosophy of life inspired him with a profound sense
of honesty and justice which could not be confined to
private life but clamored for redress even in the market
place and public forum. With him morality and the full
impact of the Ten Commandments had a place before God
and man. For this reason he was intolerant of oppression
and he championed the rights of man. This included basic
justice and freedom in private life, within all levels of the
social structure and within national and international
relationships.
Hrobak was gifted with a clarity of inner vision that
penetrated surface appearances and subtle diplomatic
maneuverings. He had an inborn alertness that was
adroit and discriminating in dealing with political smooth
talk, long standing inequities that tried to stay covered up,
and outward niceties. He was not one to be easily deceived.
And he had the courage of his convictions as well as the

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SLOVAKIA

ability to deal incisively with critical issues and difficult
problems. He not only propagated the slogan Za Boha a
ndrod! he lived the ideal, for all his life and energy, all his
purpose and dedication was to translate into real life the
spirit of devotion to God and abiding patriotism to the
United States as well as to Slovakia, the ancestral homeland
of American Slovaks. And as he set himself to these tasks,
he was fully conscious of the duty that, as an officer and
a leader in American Slovak fraternalism, he was to inspire
others with a zeal for truth and right action.
Circumscribi ng this study to a close review of the first
fourteen volumes of Slovakia (1951-1964) which Philip
Hrobak compiled and edited, we find even within this
representativ e range of his work enough tangibles to assess
the caliber of Hrobak's journalism, Christian philosophy
and leadership.
Like much of his journalistic output, these volumes of
Hrobak's Slovakia were devoted largely to political content.
We see in them Philip Hrobak the American patriot, the
champion of Slovak statehood and a first class editor. His
objective is truth and justice. For this reason he is a
persistent and merciless fact-finder and incidentally he
becomes an ideal publicist. He does not avoid issues or
pretend that he does not see them and he does not feel
that he can afford to be an overly fastidious respecter of
persons. He was not an unfeeling individual and he knew
how to cherish and express profound deference for constituted authority and public office but when he sensed
that "Something is rotten in the state ... " he was relentless
in uncovering the festering realities that were lurking under
misleading outward appearances. His Christian uprightness,
his idealism and sense of fairness bound him to flay
inequity and to denounce oppression of every kind.
Hrobak did not produce his 35 issues of Slovakia
singlehandedl y. He opened his colums to Slovak diplomats,
statesmen, historians and leaders as well as to thinking
Americans who also championed the cause of freedom,
justice and truth, especially the concept of historical truth.
His formal objective was openly published in a number
of issues of Slovakia:

�SLOVAKIA

41

The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better under
standing and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle
for freedom and independence.
As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America
believe that the Slovak nation, like all nations, has an interest and
God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated
to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world
peace, and are determined to oppose the plague of communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.

Because this periodical was a vehicle of information to
both a Slovak and a non-Slovak readership of serious intent,
especially to American scholars, public officials, diplomats
and university people, Hrobak made every effort to give
it the widest possible dissemination into the homes and
offices of American and foreign diplomats, politicians and
public leaders as well as the libraries and departments of
history and political science in many American colleges and
universities. Of course, many average readers who sought
to be well-informed also subscribed to it. Under Hrobak's
gifted editorship and management, the circulation of Slovakia increased steadily.
To provide the information and understanding that
he had in mind, Hrobak attracted the most highly qualified
of contributors to bring their works to Slovakia. Some of
them were expatriated Slovak leaders and makers of Slovak
history; some of them were scholars and historians of
Slovak as well as non-Slovak origin; some were critics and
analysts of political thought and nationalism; some were
American legislators.
Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, a Slavistic scholar who
taught and lectured at the University of Montreal in Canada
produced a substantial article for practically every issue
(30 articles in 37 issues, to be precise) . In the main, he
examines the historical theses that warrant the existence
of an autonomous Slovak state, basic principles and circumstances on which federation could be structured in central
Europe, the subject of Slovakia and international relationships, the underlying causes of incompatability with Czech
pretensions, the matter of Czech duplicity and oppressive
arrogance, and Slovak politics past and present. His gifts,
however, are multifaceted and out of the diversity of his

�42

SLOVAKIA

broad interests he also prepared papers on cultural topics
such as:
Slovak literature under the Soviet impact (VI, 2/ 19, pp. 34-51) ,
Mickiewicz in Slovak poetry and translations (VII, 1/22, pp. 32-41) , Universi ty traditions in Slovakia (VIII, 2/ 27, pp. 18-30), Contemporary
tendencies in Slovak philology (X, 7/ 32, pp. 25-32) , The Canadian translator of Slovak poetry: Professor Watson Kirkconnell (XIV, 37, pp.
9-18).

Dr. Kirschbaum consistently provided book reviews as
well.
Dr. Joseph Pauco has always been a faithful contributor
also. He is a professional writer with a rich background
in publishing and journalism. For a number of years he
was editor-in-chief of the daily Slovak published in Bratislava. He lived through many a promising and too many
a tragic experience in Slovak national life. He has tasted
prosperity and good fortune as well as much disappointment at home and abroad. He is a journalist with the
conviction that the editor, the reporter, the columnist is
called to serve the people by illuminating facts, defending
truth, and inspiring to action. These principles are embodied
throughout his articles in Slovakia, most of which are
devoted to political analysis and historical report; e.g.
The practical aspect of federation (III, 2, pp. 26-36), The failures
of communist politics in Slovakia (V, 4/ 17, pp. 3-20), The 1944 communist rebellion in Slovakia (VII, 3-4, 24/ 25, pp. 28-34) , and Slovakia
under communism--which was serialized in three issues (IX, 30; X, 31 ;

XI, 33 ).

Among other significant contributors who brought
enrichment to the early issues of Slovakia these must be
mentioned: culen, Hrusovsky, Vnuk, Mikus, Sidor, Grebert,
Cieker, t&gt;urcansky, Murin, Rekem and Kruzliak. Their
works are marked with the authority of those who had
witnessed this history of Slovakia in the making and with
the conviction of those who knew only too well what absolutes and what cause they were defending. Contributions
on the scholarly level are thoroughly researched and documented; they are singularly important for their cultural
value.
With the aid of national figures like these, Philip
Hrobak made of Slovakia a unique journal that analyzed

�SLOVAKIA

43

Slovak and Czech politics and exposed the truth and the
falsity behind the facade of the Czecho-Slovak state. Still
other contributors also expressed themselves in Slovakia.
We meet on its pages, for example, a critical examination
which Kurt Glaser made of Radio Free Europe: How free
is Radio Free Europe-The Voice of Doubletalk? (II, 2, pp.
25-28) and The " Russia First" Boys in Radio Free Europe.
(III, I, pp. 31-38) as well as several of his other articles.
Edward L. Delaney also wrote incisively and perceptively on The Betrayal of Slovakia (I, 2, pp. 1-7), on Tiso,
Horthy and Benes as well as his personal experiences I was
in Slovakia (II, 1, pp. 25-45).
Hrobak further drew upon American public officials
to express their views in Slovakia also. He published their
patriotic addresses and expressions of concern and sympathy for minority groups as well as related matters from
diplomatic circles for the interest of readers of Slovakia.
As one reviews back issues, one cannot help noting the
contributions of congressmen and persons like Michael A.
Feighan, Edward J. Bonin, Charles J. Kersten, B. Carroll
Reece, Lieut. Col. F. 0. Miksche, Ray J. Madden. In volume
one, no. two, we find some thoughts of Prince Adolf zu
Schwarzenberg, head of one of the oldest families of
Bohemia. Interestingly, his contribution is on Czech Double
Dealing.

By way of balancing this heavy concentration on political fare, Hrobak took pains to offer other reading matter
too. Occasionally he would publish something as different
as the English translation of a treasured Slovak folk tale.
He also ran a series on castles in Slovakia as well as
occasional articles on other cultural topics like Slovak
museums, the natural beauty of the Slovak countryside,
the national folk hero Janosik, a study in contrasting ~vejk
vs. Janosik, the natural springs and the spas of Slovakia,
considerations on semantics and philology, Slovak university life and traditions, insights into Slovak church music,
various types of Slovak customs, historical essays, thumbnail biographies. He also presented a serialization of Slovak
history that he himself wrote and a serious study Slovak
Nationalism which was researched by B. S. Bue.
Applicable excerpts from American journalism were

�SLOVAKIA

44

intended to provoke thought or reaction, and for this kind
of prodding Hrobak quoted from The Washington Post,
New York Times, the Cleveland Press, The Chicago Sun,
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, The Slavonic Monthly. He also
culled from the Osservatore Romano, the Eudovy dennik
of Chicago, cas (the official organ of Lettrich's Democratic
Party and the Benes mouthpiece) as well as from other
likely and unlikely sources.
The personal trademark of Hrobak in these earlier
issues of Slovakia was the filler feature titled Who Said It?
Invariably these items were either ironic or revealing or
they were couched in the full glow of patriotic ardor,
depending on their portent. Hrobak felt that as a journalist
he could not afford to be blandly genteel. He was dealing
with subject matter that made demands on him to be
ruthless rather that ineffectively mild. He knew that he
had to be uncompromising rather than deferential. He was
committed to the consideration of callous inequities and
rank duplicity, and he needed the keenest of scalpels
directed to the root of the issue.
The Who Said It? feature was especially effective in
quoting from Masaryk and Benes, Stransky and Lettrich,
Peroutka and Ripka, Sramek and Gottwald. It held a full
beam of light up to their pronouncements and exposed their
ideas to re-evaluation. On the other hand, Hrobak also
featured positive thinking from persons like Senator Robert
A. Taft, Edward R. Murrow, H. W. Kaltenborn as well as
from Dean Acheson, R. W. Seton-Watson, Congressman
Daniel Flood and Alvin E. O'Konski.
Readers found the material quoted in these fillers very
apt, rather questionable, witty, thought-provoking or bitter.
It was meant to be entertaining although an element of
entertainment might sometimes develop out of it as a kind
of byproduct. We present some samplings:
"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet
Russia and Czechoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet
Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the
Russians except protection from the Germans, and the Russians want
nothing whatsoever from us." - Jan Masaryk in Business Week, May
13, 1944. (Slovakia

vn,

2, p. 64).

"The Slovak nation, one of the oldest Christian nations in

�SLOVAKIA

45

central Europe is distinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and
want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain
Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak
nation are distinct from the history, culture and national traditions
of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they now, a part of
the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called Czechoslovaks." - P.A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., November 18, 1951 ( Slovakia
IV, 3-4, p. 58) .
RED GEOGRAPHY: The news service of the Central Slovak
Catholic Bureau in Rome recently published a story about a certain
school inspector of the Trnava district in Slovakia who gave directives
to teachers on how to teach.
Among other things he said that if nuns we:re able to interest
children in a non-existe nt being, God, then the teachers certainly
should be able to interest children in Stalin who actually exists.
"The Marx-Lenin doctrines of our Stalin," he continued, "must
be applied in all classes. For example, in geog:raphy you teach the
children about the East and the West. Now you could say: The sun
rises in the East; there is our g:reat Stalin, the sun of all the nations
which enlightens all nations with his knowledge. The sun sets in the
West; thel'le you find decayed capitalism, the treacherous bourgeoisie
and murderous imperialism."
-But most of the Slovak teachers and pupils prefer the advice
of Horace Gre eley: Go West, young man! (Slovakia II, 2, p. 19) .

No assignment that came to Philip Hrobak was too
demanding or time consuming. As a journalist and as an
American Slovak leader, Philip Hrobak was a fully committed person. After the University of California Press
released a new printing of a 504 page book Czechoslovakia,
edited by Robert J . Kerner, which was represented as "an
honest, unprejudiced, and frank appraisal of the important
contribution which the Czechoslovak nation made to the
history of our time in its two decades of independence between two world wars," Philip Hrobak took the book under
close scrutiny in order to examine its merits. Characteristically, he read it with balanced judgment and undertook
a detailed search into the allegations that were made in
the volume by the twenty collaborators who wrote their
ideas into it. He made pertinent notes, comments and
a record of his explanations and refutations.
Subsequently, every issue of Slovakia from v. V., 2-3
(15-16) June-Sept. 1955 to v. VII, 3-4 (24-25) Sept.-Dec 1957
carried part of Hrobak's chapter by chapter analysis
(through all 23 chapters) under the heading: "Professor

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SLOVAKIA

Kerner's CZECHOSLOVAKIA: History or Propaganda?" He
granted, in all fairness, that the twenty writers who had
contributed to the composite work were not necessarily
dishonest or prejudiced but he did not yield the point that
they had become Czech propagandists exporting established
Masaryk-Benes theories at the expense of the Slovaks and
their national history. In pointing out the errors and misconceptions of these writers and in refuting their specious
theses, Hrobak could hardly help becoming occasionally
vehement.
It was in his very nature to be less than tolerant of
that long standing tendency to relegate the Slovaks to
second place or to no place at all, and this bias had again
appeared through the pages of Kerner's work. It was part
of Hrobak's scholarly conditioning that made him at least
impatient with inept history that distorted authentic records and shaped a narrative fashioned to its own devising.

In his refutations of error, both in this case and on
other occasions, Hrobak set the record right by controverting claims that were all too easily made for an easy and
ready acceptance. He did this by tracing his facts to prime
sources for reference and documentation: He was especially
skillful in drawing upon arguments and statements from
Czech sources and authorities and he was often able to use
this matter in order to substantiate his arguments and to
confound some contemporary writers of history who had
a way of misrepresentating facts. Nor was he above ridicule
when the conditions were patently offered to invite ridicule.
He had an instinct for examining promises made and
conditions underscoring events that transpired in order to
contrast them with promises honored and promises forgotten as well as with the aftermath of events that were
shaped by the hard realities of circumstances. Summing it
all up, he was a fearless and formidable adversary in the
arena of fact vs. fiction, truth vs. deception. And in this
encounter he did not shrink from handling the rhetoric
and the claims of an entire collective force of writers not
merely a single author.
This was his consistent line of action. When it came
to dealing with a denial of truth or with historic distortions,
he did not stop to assess the odds. With him there were no

�SLOVAKIA

47

prohibitive odds when truth and justice were to be vindicated. There was only a matter of conscience and professional ethics to be heeded.
Fired with this spirit and singlemindedness of purpose,
Hrobak worked on tirelessly. From his editorial office in
Middletown he steadfastly waged his crusade in the press.
One can see why he indefatigably set out to flay injustice
and denounce "the synthetic Czechoslovak state," why he
castigated the execution of President Tiso as political
murder and judicial murder, why he was preoccupied with
the cause "history or propaganda?" as well as with the
futility of efforts to fuse the Slovak and the Czech nations
into one impossible amalgam, why he was concerned with
matters of Church and state.
Very often the choice of expression that appears either
in his own work or in the writing of his contributors
reflects the depth of his own feeling and betrays its real
measure of intensity. Note these phrases by way of example:
Benes "King of political cheats;" the " Russia first" boys in
RFE; how the Czechs deceived us; intrigues and t he entrapment of
individuals; Czechoslovak pseudo-democracy; the machinations of
Czech Socialists . . .

But Hrobak was by no means a hidden away recluse
of some kind bound to his editorial desk. Besides being
a gifted journalist and editor, he was also a dynamic
fraternalist and a forceful lecturer. Through outstanding
personal participation he became the soul of many a significant national movement especially through the Slovak
League of America, the Matica Skolskd (Foundation to
promote schooling and education) and the Priatelia slovenskej slobody (Friends of Slovak freedom). He distinguished
himself as the motivating force in the Slovak League and,
if figures are telling indicators of any kind, it is worth
noting that within two years after he accepted the presidency of this organization, its membership increased by
two thousand.
After the guiding leadership of Hrobak had succeeded
in establishing the Washington Office of Information, Dr.
Joseph Mikus, the talented diplomat who headed this
agency, made of it an invaluable department for public
relations. Further, a notable program of sixty film showings

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SLOVAKIA

was received with widespread appreciation. More importantly still, various committees of the U.S. Congress charged
with investigating the denial of rights under totalitarian
aggression heard the testimony and an exposition of Slovak
history from Philip Hrobak and gave attentive hearing to
the testimony.of a number of Slovak witnesses who appealed against the situation behind the iron curtain. This series
of sessions gave American officials in Washington a realistic
representation of the sufferings to which a number of
countries were being subjected in central Europe. It also
provided a formal documentation of tactics that were
enslaving the Slovak people. There was a special American
subcommittee before which depositions were made about
conditions in Slovakia and after these hearings, the full
reports were printed in a publication titled Investigation of
Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania
and Slovakia.

Through the Washington Office of Information and
the dynamism of Philip Hrobak excellent rapport was
established with a number of American congressmen and
statesmen who came to understand and feel for the plight
of the Slovak people in their homeland. In 1954 Congressmen Kersten and Bentley openly manifested their interest
in the Slovak cause. In 1955 Vice President Nixon expressed
the sympathetic feeling of the administration in a written
message that was addressed to the 34th congress of the
Slovak League of America. In 1956 Secretary of State Dulles
received an eight-member delegation of the Slovak League
led by Philip Hrobak and engaged in animated discussion
of vital topics with them.
Philip Hrobak worked on and on with boundless
devotion. It was very fitting then, that this dedication and
wholehearted service was recognized when a public presentation of honor was made to him in 1957 in the course
of the golden jubilee of the founding of the League. A
special committee of Slovak leaders singled him out for
the award designated as the Hlinka Cup. This was an
unusually high honor, for the Hlinka Cup was a trophy
which had never before been bestowed upon American soil.
The address of presentation was made by Dr. Joseph M.
Kirschbaum in recognition of Hrobak's merits as president

�SLOVAKIA

49

of the Slovak League of America, as an eminent and intrepid
editor of Jednota and Slovakia, as an outstanding champion
in American Slovak life, as the compiler of a grammar and
a dictionary and "because with his aggressive elan, his
perseverance and fearlessness both as a journalist and as
an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities that had
endowed not only :Cudovit stur (a leading patriot), but
also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka."
In 1961 another public honor was conferred on Philip
Hrobak. This was the Charles IV Award or Karl's Prize
that was presented to him by the Sudeten German Council
of West Germany. It is a recognition that is awarded
annually to a political leader, scientist or publicist who
has made an outstanding contribution to the concept of
a United Europe. The ceremonies were held in Cologne
on Sudeten German Day, May 20, with over 200,000 Sudeten
German expellees participating. Mr. Hrobak responded to
the honor with a glowing address titled "Self Determination
for All." His words bespoke the aspirations and the innermost feelings of Sudeten Germans as well as of the Slovak
people and other victims of self-rule denied under the
crushing force of communism. Among other Americans
who participated in this observance were U.S. Congressmen
Morgan D. Moulder, Gordon H. Scherer, Roy A. Taylor, and
Henry C. Schadeberg. Willy Brandt, the mayor of Berlin,
and several other Sudeten German leaders also delivered
addresses.
In these numberless events and situations we cannot
fail to see the greatness of Philip Hrobak as an American

and Slovak patriot, as a man of ideals and of forceful
action, as a fraternalist and an organizer but we must
not overlook his stature as a man of God also. It must
never be forgotten that Hrobak served God at least as well
as he served his nation and his fellow man. Religious
principles and obligations had first place in his life and
his life style. All his zeal and purpose was rooted in the law
and the love of God; his spending of self on behalf of others
was within the Christian concept. He was as ready to
promote and defend Christian virtue and idealism as he
was to crusade for national honor and welfare. Although
his days were incredibly crowded with constant activity,

�50

SLOVAKIA

he did not put God in second place in his personal life.
As a teacher and educator, he was aware of the importance of Catholic schools. As a parent, he was solicitous
about a genuinely Christian atmosphere in the home and
true religious training in the family. As a journalist, he
faithfully promoted the interests of the Church and ethical
principles. That was the reason why he combated the
atheistic and the Away-from-Rome! attitude that was being
sponsored by some leaders in Czecho-Slovakia.
As 1963 was moving in on the calendar, Philip Hrobak
prepared copy for a special issue of Slovakia and for the
Jednota publications that he managed and edited. Out of
regard for the Christian heritage of the Slovak people, he
began to prepare to honor the 1100th anniversary of the
mission of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Great Moravia and
the Christianization of the Slovak nation. The annuals that
he prepared for this occasion became a kind of crown of
excellence that climaxed his literary and scholarly output
and gave singular expression to his religious devotion as
well.
Truly, as we review the life and the accomplishments
of Philip Hrobak who would have been seventy years old
this year, we have reason to thank God for his idealism
and example, and we are impressed and inspired by this
great man's patriotism, his scholarship, his leadership and
his personal dynamism.
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.

THE FAMOUS Slovak folk-dance group, "Lucnica,"
from Bratislava returned from a 6-weeks' tour of several
South American. countries. The 47-member company represented the current silver jubilee ensemble. Lucnica was
organized in 1948.

THE HIGH TATRAS in Slovakia last year attracted 2
and ½ million tourists. An even larger number was expected
in 1974.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3800">
                    <text>36

SLOVAKIA

Phiiip A. Hrobak
(1904-1964)
Generally the biographical facts of a man's life can be
assembled without great difficulty. Cold facts of this kind,
however, do not give us the complete or satisfying image
of an individual. They lack the true lineaments of his
character, the appreciable measure of his stature and the
contributions of his lifetime of striving and achieving.
Simplistically we can gather the key dates that marked
the life span of Philip A. Hrobak, one of our American
Slovak "greats" who would have reached his seventieth
birthday in 1974 had not death cut him down in his life's
prime. The bare data would include these statistics:
Philip Anthony Hrobak was born in Cleveland, Ohio
on May 1, 1904. Michael and Mary Hrobak, his parents,
were Slovak immigrants from the Spis region who had
sought and found a kindlier way of life in the American
mid-West. On May 6, 1914, just a few days after Philip's
tenth birthday, his widowed mother brought Philip and
his four year old sister Mary to the Immaculate Conception
Home in Middletown, Pa. They were the first children
received into the newly established home for children
which the Jednota organization founded under the guiding
spirit of Father Furdek.
The children had lost their father in February of that
year and their mother was concerned about providing for
their care, for she too was in poor health. When a merciless
blood malady ended her life a few months later, the Hrobak
children had no one to look after them but the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius to whose care the Jednota had
entrusted this home.
Philip continued the studies that he had begun in St.
Wendelin's parochial school in Cleveland and as soon as
she was ready for school, Mary also attended classes.
On completing his elementary education at Jednota
Home, Philip went on to high school and college at St.

�SLOVAKIA

37

Procopius in Lisle, Ill. From 1924 to 1927 he taught at St.
Procopius and then accepted an assistantship as he pursued
advanced studies in the department of chemistry at New
York University. By the fall of 1929 he was again in his
native city Cleveland where he taught a varied program of
classes and coached the football team at the flourishing
Benedictine High. For nine years he was a very successful
teacher here, distinguishing himself especially in his chemistry, history and language classes as well as in his relationship with high school students. From all appearances, he
seemed to be destined for a brilliant carrer as an educator.
In August 1931 he married Rose Jasko and they became
the devoted parents of nine children. His school work and
parental cares could have absorbed all his time and talent
yet his eager mind together with his vital interest in life
and in his fellow man prompted him to cultivate an active
concern in the issues and problems of those around him
as well as the world at large. From time to time he gave
expression to some of his thinking through contributions
to various publications.
Problems of youth and education as well as Slovak
history ranked among his prime interests. In the matter
of Slovak history he found not merely a static record of
the past but also an on-going chain of direction and a
development of history in his own day. He could not look
upon man's interaction with man or nation with nation
and remain a detached spectator. He was both an observer
and a maker of history.
Out of his experiences as a teacher, Philip Hrobak came
to the realization that he could do more than just use
books as tools of learning; he authored a practical and
comprehensive Slovak grammar for the use of English
speaking persons. He also compiled a sizable English-Slovak
dictionary. Both served as important adjuncts in learning
the Slovak language. Even today there are many who value
his revised dictionary as a very useful reference.
In 1937 when Joseph Husek yielded his Jednota editorship in order to seek the presidency of the Jednota organization, Philip Hrobak was elected editor of the weekly
organ. No better replacement could have been made. From

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SLOVAKIA

this time on, Hrobak became a formidable force in Slovak
and Slovak-American public life. His position was further
strengthened when he became vice president of the Slovak
League of America in 1949, and it was additionally confirmed when he assumed the presidency of Slovak League
of America in 1950. For twelve years he gave this office
distinctively dynamic force and singular meaningfulness.
Hrobak's role in public life as well as the magnetism
of his gifts and personality brought him into close contact
and association with distinguished expatriated Slovak leaders and intellectuals. One of his closest co-workers was
Dr. Joseph Pauco who continues to work in the same
editorial office that he once shared with Philip Hrobak.
Among other notable associates from abroad were Constantine Culen, Francis Hrusovsky, Joseph Kirschbaum,
Joseph Mikus and Karol Sidor.
An outstanding achievement of Hrobak's career in the
Slovak League of America was the establishment of a highly
desirable and eminently successful Office of Information
functioning in Washington, D. C. under the distinguished
chairmanship of the Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. This
professional department became a vital public relations
center as well as a liason agency in American-Slovak life.

The journalistic genius of Philip Hrobak expressed
itself not only through the Jednota weekly and the Jednota
annual almanac which are the official publications of the
Jednota organization and which even then served the need
for both information and inspiration on behalf of its
membership but he further initiated and sponsored other
valuable publications as well. In 1949, for example, he began
the Slovak Newsletter, a bulletin for public information.
In 1951 he undertook a Slovak politico-cultural quarterly
Slovakia, the voice of the Slovak League of America. In
1961 he launched another project, Furdek, an annual which
became an English counterpart to the long established
Jednota Kalendar. He gave this new work a content and
style of its own, directing its appeal largely to readers who
were not able to read the Slovak Kalendar.
When Father Lach entrusted in 1959 the newspaper
Slovak v Amerike to Philip Hrobak, the new publisher

�39

SLOVAKIA

collaborated on this weekly with Dr. Joseph Pauco and
expanded his publishing scope to include the annual Literdrny Almanach Slovdka v Amerike as well as an affiliated
series of book publications through which he often provided
a public to well seasoned writers as well as to capable
aspiring novices in journalism.
With unbounded vigor and zeal Philip Hrobak worked
from his Middletown office, serving the cause of God and
man to his dying day. When illness struck him down it
was hard to accept the fact that this was a mortal ailment.
Although those who were close to him hoped against hope
that he would recover, he ended his life on January 10,
1964 in Harrisburg, Pa. and was buried in Cleveland, Ohio.
These are some of the essential facts in the life story
of Philip Hrobak.

*

*

When one undertakes the task of evaluating the stature
of this leader Philip Hrobak and his literary output, the
impressive factor becomes not only the quantity of his
excellent published writings but also the quality of the
man that shows through his works and the temper of his
thought. Hrobak was above all a writer with a message.
He was purposeful and dedicated, for he had a cause that
was rooted in conscience. His personal integrity and Christian philosophy of life inspired him with a profound sense
of honesty and justice which could not be confined to
private life but clamored for redress even in the market
place and public forum. With him morality and the full
impact of the Ten Commandments had a place before God
and man. For this reason he was intolerant of oppression
and he championed the rights of man. This included basic
justice and freedom in private life, within all levels of the
social structure and within national and international
relationships.
Hrobak was gifted with a clarity of inner vision that
penetrated surface appearances and subtle diplomatic
maneuverings. He had an inborn alertness that was
adroit and discriminating in dealing with political smooth
talk, long standing inequities that tried to stay covered up,
and outward niceties. He was not one to be easily deceived.
And he had the courage of his convictions as well as the

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SLOVAKIA

ability to deal incisively with critical issues and difficult
problems. He not only propagated the slogan Za Boha a
ndrod! he lived the ideal, for all his life and energy, all his
purpose and dedication was to translate into real life the
spirit of devotion to God and abiding patriotism to the
United States as well as to Slovakia, the ancestral homeland
of American Slovaks. And as he set himself to these tasks,
he was fully conscious of the duty that, as an officer and
a leader in American Slovak fraternalism, he was to inspire
others with a zeal for truth and right action.
Circumscribi ng this study to a close review of the first
fourteen volumes of Slovakia (1951-1964) which Philip
Hrobak compiled and edited, we find even within this
representativ e range of his work enough tangibles to assess
the caliber of Hrobak's journalism, Christian philosophy
and leadership.
Like much of his journalistic output, these volumes of
Hrobak's Slovakia were devoted largely to political content.
We see in them Philip Hrobak the American patriot, the
champion of Slovak statehood and a first class editor. His
objective is truth and justice. For this reason he is a
persistent and merciless fact-finder and incidentally he
becomes an ideal publicist. He does not avoid issues or
pretend that he does not see them and he does not feel
that he can afford to be an overly fastidious respecter of
persons. He was not an unfeeling individual and he knew
how to cherish and express profound deference for constituted authority and public office but when he sensed
that "Something is rotten in the state ... " he was relentless
in uncovering the festering realities that were lurking under
misleading outward appearances. His Christian uprightness,
his idealism and sense of fairness bound him to flay
inequity and to denounce oppression of every kind.
Hrobak did not produce his 35 issues of Slovakia
singlehandedl y. He opened his colums to Slovak diplomats,
statesmen, historians and leaders as well as to thinking
Americans who also championed the cause of freedom,
justice and truth, especially the concept of historical truth.
His formal objective was openly published in a number
of issues of Slovakia:

�SLOVAKIA

41

The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better under
standing and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle
for freedom and independence.
As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America
believe that the Slovak nation, like all nations, has an interest and
God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated
to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world
peace, and are determined to oppose the plague of communism and
all other totalitarian political systems.

Because this periodical was a vehicle of information to
both a Slovak and a non-Slovak readership of serious intent,
especially to American scholars, public officials, diplomats
and university people, Hrobak made every effort to give
it the widest possible dissemination into the homes and
offices of American and foreign diplomats, politicians and
public leaders as well as the libraries and departments of
history and political science in many American colleges and
universities. Of course, many average readers who sought
to be well-informed also subscribed to it. Under Hrobak's
gifted editorship and management, the circulation of Slovakia increased steadily.
To provide the information and understanding that
he had in mind, Hrobak attracted the most highly qualified
of contributors to bring their works to Slovakia. Some of
them were expatriated Slovak leaders and makers of Slovak
history; some of them were scholars and historians of
Slovak as well as non-Slovak origin; some were critics and
analysts of political thought and nationalism; some were
American legislators.
Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, a Slavistic scholar who
taught and lectured at the University of Montreal in Canada
produced a substantial article for practically every issue
(30 articles in 37 issues, to be precise) . In the main, he
examines the historical theses that warrant the existence
of an autonomous Slovak state, basic principles and circumstances on which federation could be structured in central
Europe, the subject of Slovakia and international relationships, the underlying causes of incompatability with Czech
pretensions, the matter of Czech duplicity and oppressive
arrogance, and Slovak politics past and present. His gifts,
however, are multifaceted and out of the diversity of his

�42

SLOVAKIA

broad interests he also prepared papers on cultural topics
such as:
Slovak literature under the Soviet impact (VI, 2/ 19, pp. 34-51) ,
Mickiewicz in Slovak poetry and translations (VII, 1/22, pp. 32-41) , Universi ty traditions in Slovakia (VIII, 2/ 27, pp. 18-30), Contemporary
tendencies in Slovak philology (X, 7/ 32, pp. 25-32) , The Canadian translator of Slovak poetry: Professor Watson Kirkconnell (XIV, 37, pp.
9-18).

Dr. Kirschbaum consistently provided book reviews as
well.
Dr. Joseph Pauco has always been a faithful contributor
also. He is a professional writer with a rich background
in publishing and journalism. For a number of years he
was editor-in-chief of the daily Slovak published in Bratislava. He lived through many a promising and too many
a tragic experience in Slovak national life. He has tasted
prosperity and good fortune as well as much disappointment at home and abroad. He is a journalist with the
conviction that the editor, the reporter, the columnist is
called to serve the people by illuminating facts, defending
truth, and inspiring to action. These principles are embodied
throughout his articles in Slovakia, most of which are
devoted to political analysis and historical report; e.g.
The practical aspect of federation (III, 2, pp. 26-36), The failures
of communist politics in Slovakia (V, 4/ 17, pp. 3-20), The 1944 communist rebellion in Slovakia (VII, 3-4, 24/ 25, pp. 28-34) , and Slovakia
under communism--which was serialized in three issues (IX, 30; X, 31 ;

XI, 33 ).

Among other significant contributors who brought
enrichment to the early issues of Slovakia these must be
mentioned: culen, Hrusovsky, Vnuk, Mikus, Sidor, Grebert,
Cieker, t&gt;urcansky, Murin, Rekem and Kruzliak. Their
works are marked with the authority of those who had
witnessed this history of Slovakia in the making and with
the conviction of those who knew only too well what absolutes and what cause they were defending. Contributions
on the scholarly level are thoroughly researched and documented; they are singularly important for their cultural
value.
With the aid of national figures like these, Philip
Hrobak made of Slovakia a unique journal that analyzed

�SLOVAKIA

43

Slovak and Czech politics and exposed the truth and the
falsity behind the facade of the Czecho-Slovak state. Still
other contributors also expressed themselves in Slovakia.
We meet on its pages, for example, a critical examination
which Kurt Glaser made of Radio Free Europe: How free
is Radio Free Europe-The Voice of Doubletalk? (II, 2, pp.
25-28) and The " Russia First" Boys in Radio Free Europe.
(III, I, pp. 31-38) as well as several of his other articles.
Edward L. Delaney also wrote incisively and perceptively on The Betrayal of Slovakia (I, 2, pp. 1-7), on Tiso,
Horthy and Benes as well as his personal experiences I was
in Slovakia (II, 1, pp. 25-45).
Hrobak further drew upon American public officials
to express their views in Slovakia also. He published their
patriotic addresses and expressions of concern and sympathy for minority groups as well as related matters from
diplomatic circles for the interest of readers of Slovakia.
As one reviews back issues, one cannot help noting the
contributions of congressmen and persons like Michael A.
Feighan, Edward J. Bonin, Charles J. Kersten, B. Carroll
Reece, Lieut. Col. F. 0. Miksche, Ray J. Madden. In volume
one, no. two, we find some thoughts of Prince Adolf zu
Schwarzenberg, head of one of the oldest families of
Bohemia. Interestingly, his contribution is on Czech Double
Dealing.

By way of balancing this heavy concentration on political fare, Hrobak took pains to offer other reading matter
too. Occasionally he would publish something as different
as the English translation of a treasured Slovak folk tale.
He also ran a series on castles in Slovakia as well as
occasional articles on other cultural topics like Slovak
museums, the natural beauty of the Slovak countryside,
the national folk hero Janosik, a study in contrasting ~vejk
vs. Janosik, the natural springs and the spas of Slovakia,
considerations on semantics and philology, Slovak university life and traditions, insights into Slovak church music,
various types of Slovak customs, historical essays, thumbnail biographies. He also presented a serialization of Slovak
history that he himself wrote and a serious study Slovak
Nationalism which was researched by B. S. Bue.
Applicable excerpts from American journalism were

�SLOVAKIA

44

intended to provoke thought or reaction, and for this kind
of prodding Hrobak quoted from The Washington Post,
New York Times, the Cleveland Press, The Chicago Sun,
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, The Slavonic Monthly. He also
culled from the Osservatore Romano, the Eudovy dennik
of Chicago, cas (the official organ of Lettrich's Democratic
Party and the Benes mouthpiece) as well as from other
likely and unlikely sources.
The personal trademark of Hrobak in these earlier
issues of Slovakia was the filler feature titled Who Said It?
Invariably these items were either ironic or revealing or
they were couched in the full glow of patriotic ardor,
depending on their portent. Hrobak felt that as a journalist
he could not afford to be blandly genteel. He was dealing
with subject matter that made demands on him to be
ruthless rather that ineffectively mild. He knew that he
had to be uncompromising rather than deferential. He was
committed to the consideration of callous inequities and
rank duplicity, and he needed the keenest of scalpels
directed to the root of the issue.
The Who Said It? feature was especially effective in
quoting from Masaryk and Benes, Stransky and Lettrich,
Peroutka and Ripka, Sramek and Gottwald. It held a full
beam of light up to their pronouncements and exposed their
ideas to re-evaluation. On the other hand, Hrobak also
featured positive thinking from persons like Senator Robert
A. Taft, Edward R. Murrow, H. W. Kaltenborn as well as
from Dean Acheson, R. W. Seton-Watson, Congressman
Daniel Flood and Alvin E. O'Konski.
Readers found the material quoted in these fillers very
apt, rather questionable, witty, thought-provoking or bitter.
It was meant to be entertaining although an element of
entertainment might sometimes develop out of it as a kind
of byproduct. We present some samplings:
"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet
Russia and Czechoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet
Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the
Russians except protection from the Germans, and the Russians want
nothing whatsoever from us." - Jan Masaryk in Business Week, May
13, 1944. (Slovakia

vn,

2, p. 64).

"The Slovak nation, one of the oldest Christian nations in

�SLOVAKIA

45

central Europe is distinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and
want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain
Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak
nation are distinct from the history, culture and national traditions
of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they now, a part of
the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called Czechoslovaks." - P.A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., November 18, 1951 ( Slovakia
IV, 3-4, p. 58) .
RED GEOGRAPHY: The news service of the Central Slovak
Catholic Bureau in Rome recently published a story about a certain
school inspector of the Trnava district in Slovakia who gave directives
to teachers on how to teach.
Among other things he said that if nuns we:re able to interest
children in a non-existe nt being, God, then the teachers certainly
should be able to interest children in Stalin who actually exists.
"The Marx-Lenin doctrines of our Stalin," he continued, "must
be applied in all classes. For example, in geog:raphy you teach the
children about the East and the West. Now you could say: The sun
rises in the East; there is our g:reat Stalin, the sun of all the nations
which enlightens all nations with his knowledge. The sun sets in the
West; thel'le you find decayed capitalism, the treacherous bourgeoisie
and murderous imperialism."
-But most of the Slovak teachers and pupils prefer the advice
of Horace Gre eley: Go West, young man! (Slovakia II, 2, p. 19) .

No assignment that came to Philip Hrobak was too
demanding or time consuming. As a journalist and as an
American Slovak leader, Philip Hrobak was a fully committed person. After the University of California Press
released a new printing of a 504 page book Czechoslovakia,
edited by Robert J . Kerner, which was represented as "an
honest, unprejudiced, and frank appraisal of the important
contribution which the Czechoslovak nation made to the
history of our time in its two decades of independence between two world wars," Philip Hrobak took the book under
close scrutiny in order to examine its merits. Characteristically, he read it with balanced judgment and undertook
a detailed search into the allegations that were made in
the volume by the twenty collaborators who wrote their
ideas into it. He made pertinent notes, comments and
a record of his explanations and refutations.
Subsequently, every issue of Slovakia from v. V., 2-3
(15-16) June-Sept. 1955 to v. VII, 3-4 (24-25) Sept.-Dec 1957
carried part of Hrobak's chapter by chapter analysis
(through all 23 chapters) under the heading: "Professor

�46

SLOVAKIA

Kerner's CZECHOSLOVAKIA: History or Propaganda?" He
granted, in all fairness, that the twenty writers who had
contributed to the composite work were not necessarily
dishonest or prejudiced but he did not yield the point that
they had become Czech propagandists exporting established
Masaryk-Benes theories at the expense of the Slovaks and
their national history. In pointing out the errors and misconceptions of these writers and in refuting their specious
theses, Hrobak could hardly help becoming occasionally
vehement.
It was in his very nature to be less than tolerant of
that long standing tendency to relegate the Slovaks to
second place or to no place at all, and this bias had again
appeared through the pages of Kerner's work. It was part
of Hrobak's scholarly conditioning that made him at least
impatient with inept history that distorted authentic records and shaped a narrative fashioned to its own devising.

In his refutations of error, both in this case and on
other occasions, Hrobak set the record right by controverting claims that were all too easily made for an easy and
ready acceptance. He did this by tracing his facts to prime
sources for reference and documentation: He was especially
skillful in drawing upon arguments and statements from
Czech sources and authorities and he was often able to use
this matter in order to substantiate his arguments and to
confound some contemporary writers of history who had
a way of misrepresentating facts. Nor was he above ridicule
when the conditions were patently offered to invite ridicule.
He had an instinct for examining promises made and
conditions underscoring events that transpired in order to
contrast them with promises honored and promises forgotten as well as with the aftermath of events that were
shaped by the hard realities of circumstances. Summing it
all up, he was a fearless and formidable adversary in the
arena of fact vs. fiction, truth vs. deception. And in this
encounter he did not shrink from handling the rhetoric
and the claims of an entire collective force of writers not
merely a single author.
This was his consistent line of action. When it came
to dealing with a denial of truth or with historic distortions,
he did not stop to assess the odds. With him there were no

�SLOVAKIA

47

prohibitive odds when truth and justice were to be vindicated. There was only a matter of conscience and professional ethics to be heeded.
Fired with this spirit and singlemindedness of purpose,
Hrobak worked on tirelessly. From his editorial office in
Middletown he steadfastly waged his crusade in the press.
One can see why he indefatigably set out to flay injustice
and denounce "the synthetic Czechoslovak state," why he
castigated the execution of President Tiso as political
murder and judicial murder, why he was preoccupied with
the cause "history or propaganda?" as well as with the
futility of efforts to fuse the Slovak and the Czech nations
into one impossible amalgam, why he was concerned with
matters of Church and state.
Very often the choice of expression that appears either
in his own work or in the writing of his contributors
reflects the depth of his own feeling and betrays its real
measure of intensity. Note these phrases by way of example:
Benes "King of political cheats;" the " Russia first" boys in
RFE; how the Czechs deceived us; intrigues and t he entrapment of
individuals; Czechoslovak pseudo-democracy; the machinations of
Czech Socialists . . .

But Hrobak was by no means a hidden away recluse
of some kind bound to his editorial desk. Besides being
a gifted journalist and editor, he was also a dynamic
fraternalist and a forceful lecturer. Through outstanding
personal participation he became the soul of many a significant national movement especially through the Slovak
League of America, the Matica Skolskd (Foundation to
promote schooling and education) and the Priatelia slovenskej slobody (Friends of Slovak freedom). He distinguished
himself as the motivating force in the Slovak League and,
if figures are telling indicators of any kind, it is worth
noting that within two years after he accepted the presidency of this organization, its membership increased by
two thousand.
After the guiding leadership of Hrobak had succeeded
in establishing the Washington Office of Information, Dr.
Joseph Mikus, the talented diplomat who headed this
agency, made of it an invaluable department for public
relations. Further, a notable program of sixty film showings

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SLOVAKIA

was received with widespread appreciation. More importantly still, various committees of the U.S. Congress charged
with investigating the denial of rights under totalitarian
aggression heard the testimony and an exposition of Slovak
history from Philip Hrobak and gave attentive hearing to
the testimony.of a number of Slovak witnesses who appealed against the situation behind the iron curtain. This series
of sessions gave American officials in Washington a realistic
representation of the sufferings to which a number of
countries were being subjected in central Europe. It also
provided a formal documentation of tactics that were
enslaving the Slovak people. There was a special American
subcommittee before which depositions were made about
conditions in Slovakia and after these hearings, the full
reports were printed in a publication titled Investigation of
Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania
and Slovakia.

Through the Washington Office of Information and
the dynamism of Philip Hrobak excellent rapport was
established with a number of American congressmen and
statesmen who came to understand and feel for the plight
of the Slovak people in their homeland. In 1954 Congressmen Kersten and Bentley openly manifested their interest
in the Slovak cause. In 1955 Vice President Nixon expressed
the sympathetic feeling of the administration in a written
message that was addressed to the 34th congress of the
Slovak League of America. In 1956 Secretary of State Dulles
received an eight-member delegation of the Slovak League
led by Philip Hrobak and engaged in animated discussion
of vital topics with them.
Philip Hrobak worked on and on with boundless
devotion. It was very fitting then, that this dedication and
wholehearted service was recognized when a public presentation of honor was made to him in 1957 in the course
of the golden jubilee of the founding of the League. A
special committee of Slovak leaders singled him out for
the award designated as the Hlinka Cup. This was an
unusually high honor, for the Hlinka Cup was a trophy
which had never before been bestowed upon American soil.
The address of presentation was made by Dr. Joseph M.
Kirschbaum in recognition of Hrobak's merits as president

�SLOVAKIA

49

of the Slovak League of America, as an eminent and intrepid
editor of Jednota and Slovakia, as an outstanding champion
in American Slovak life, as the compiler of a grammar and
a dictionary and "because with his aggressive elan, his
perseverance and fearlessness both as a journalist and as
an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities that had
endowed not only :Cudovit stur (a leading patriot), but
also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka."
In 1961 another public honor was conferred on Philip
Hrobak. This was the Charles IV Award or Karl's Prize
that was presented to him by the Sudeten German Council
of West Germany. It is a recognition that is awarded
annually to a political leader, scientist or publicist who
has made an outstanding contribution to the concept of
a United Europe. The ceremonies were held in Cologne
on Sudeten German Day, May 20, with over 200,000 Sudeten
German expellees participating. Mr. Hrobak responded to
the honor with a glowing address titled "Self Determination
for All." His words bespoke the aspirations and the innermost feelings of Sudeten Germans as well as of the Slovak
people and other victims of self-rule denied under the
crushing force of communism. Among other Americans
who participated in this observance were U.S. Congressmen
Morgan D. Moulder, Gordon H. Scherer, Roy A. Taylor, and
Henry C. Schadeberg. Willy Brandt, the mayor of Berlin,
and several other Sudeten German leaders also delivered
addresses.
In these numberless events and situations we cannot
fail to see the greatness of Philip Hrobak as an American

and Slovak patriot, as a man of ideals and of forceful
action, as a fraternalist and an organizer but we must
not overlook his stature as a man of God also. It must
never be forgotten that Hrobak served God at least as well
as he served his nation and his fellow man. Religious
principles and obligations had first place in his life and
his life style. All his zeal and purpose was rooted in the law
and the love of God; his spending of self on behalf of others
was within the Christian concept. He was as ready to
promote and defend Christian virtue and idealism as he
was to crusade for national honor and welfare. Although
his days were incredibly crowded with constant activity,

�50

SLOVAKIA

he did not put God in second place in his personal life.
As a teacher and educator, he was aware of the importance of Catholic schools. As a parent, he was solicitous
about a genuinely Christian atmosphere in the home and
true religious training in the family. As a journalist, he
faithfully promoted the interests of the Church and ethical
principles. That was the reason why he combated the
atheistic and the Away-from-Rome! attitude that was being
sponsored by some leaders in Czecho-Slovakia.
As 1963 was moving in on the calendar, Philip Hrobak
prepared copy for a special issue of Slovakia and for the
Jednota publications that he managed and edited. Out of
regard for the Christian heritage of the Slovak people, he
began to prepare to honor the 1100th anniversary of the
mission of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Great Moravia and
the Christianization of the Slovak nation. The annuals that
he prepared for this occasion became a kind of crown of
excellence that climaxed his literary and scholarly output
and gave singular expression to his religious devotion as
well.
Truly, as we review the life and the accomplishments
of Philip Hrobak who would have been seventy years old
this year, we have reason to thank God for his idealism
and example, and we are impressed and inspired by this
great man's patriotism, his scholarship, his leadership and
his personal dynamism.
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.

THE FAMOUS Slovak folk-dance group, "Lucnica,"
from Bratislava returned from a 6-weeks' tour of several
South American. countries. The 47-member company represented the current silver jubilee ensemble. Lucnica was
organized in 1948.

THE HIGH TATRAS in Slovakia last year attracted 2
and ½ million tourists. An even larger number was expected
in 1974.

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              <text>36&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Phiiip A. Hrobak&#13;
(1904-1964)&#13;
Generally the biographical facts of a man's life can be&#13;
assembled without great difficulty. Cold facts of this kind,&#13;
however, do not give us the complete or satisfying image&#13;
of an individual. They lack the true lineaments of his&#13;
character, the appreciable measure of his stature and the&#13;
contributions of his lifetime of striving and achieving.&#13;
Simplistically we can gather the key dates that marked&#13;
the life span of Philip A. Hrobak, one of our American&#13;
Slovak "greats" who would have reached his seventieth&#13;
birthday in 1974 had not death cut him down in his life's&#13;
prime. The bare data would include these statistics:&#13;
Philip Anthony Hrobak was born in Cleveland, Ohio&#13;
on May 1, 1904. Michael and Mary Hrobak, his parents,&#13;
were Slovak immigrants from the Spis region who had&#13;
sought and found a kindlier way of life in the American&#13;
mid-West. On May 6, 1914, just a few days after Philip's&#13;
tenth birthday, his widowed mother brought Philip and&#13;
his four year old sister Mary to the Immaculate Conception&#13;
Home in Middletown, Pa. They were the first children&#13;
received into the newly established home for children&#13;
which the Jednota organization founded under the guiding&#13;
spirit of Father Furdek.&#13;
The children had lost their father in February of that&#13;
year and their mother was concerned about providing for&#13;
their care, for she too was in poor health. When a merciless&#13;
blood malady ended her life a few months later, the Hrobak&#13;
children had no one to look after them but the Sisters of&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius to whose care the Jednota had&#13;
entrusted this home.&#13;
Philip continued the studies that he had begun in St.&#13;
Wendelin's parochial school in Cleveland and as soon as&#13;
she was ready for school, Mary also attended classes.&#13;
On completing his elementary education at Jednota&#13;
Home, Philip went on to high school and college at St.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
37&#13;
&#13;
Procopius in Lisle, Ill. From 1924 to 1927 he taught at St.&#13;
Procopius and then accepted an assistantship as he pursued&#13;
advanced studies in the department of chemistry at New&#13;
York University. By the fall of 1929 he was again in his&#13;
native city Cleveland where he taught a varied program of&#13;
classes and coached the football team at the flourishing&#13;
Benedictine High. For nine years he was a very successful&#13;
teacher here, distinguishing himself especially in his chemistry, history and language classes as well as in his relationship with high school students. From all appearances, he&#13;
seemed to be destined for a brilliant carrer as an educator.&#13;
In August 1931 he married Rose Jasko and they became&#13;
the devoted parents of nine children. His school work and&#13;
parental cares could have absorbed all his time and talent&#13;
yet his eager mind together with his vital interest in life&#13;
and in his fellow man prompted him to cultivate an active&#13;
concern in the issues and problems of those around him&#13;
as well as the world at large. From time to time he gave&#13;
expression to some of his thinking through contributions&#13;
to various publications.&#13;
Problems of youth and education as well as Slovak&#13;
history ranked among his prime interests. In the matter&#13;
of Slovak history he found not merely a static record of&#13;
the past but also an on-going chain of direction and a&#13;
development of history in his own day. He could not look&#13;
upon man's interaction with man or nation with nation&#13;
and remain a detached spectator. He was both an observer&#13;
and a maker of history.&#13;
Out of his experiences as a teacher, Philip Hrobak came&#13;
to the realization that he could do more than just use&#13;
books as tools of learning; he authored a practical and&#13;
comprehensive Slovak grammar for the use of English&#13;
speaking persons. He also compiled a sizable English-Slovak&#13;
dictionary. Both served as important adjuncts in learning&#13;
the Slovak language. Even today there are many who value&#13;
his revised dictionary as a very useful reference.&#13;
In 1937 when Joseph Husek yielded his Jednota editorship in order to seek the presidency of the Jednota organization, Philip Hrobak was elected editor of the weekly&#13;
organ. No better replacement could have been made. From&#13;
&#13;
38&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
this time on, Hrobak became a formidable force in Slovak&#13;
and Slovak-American public life. His position was further&#13;
strengthened when he became vice president of the Slovak&#13;
League of America in 1949, and it was additionally confirmed when he assumed the presidency of Slovak League&#13;
of America in 1950. For twelve years he gave this office&#13;
distinctively dynamic force and singular meaningfulness.&#13;
Hrobak's role in public life as well as the magnetism&#13;
of his gifts and personality brought him into close contact&#13;
and association with distinguished expatriated Slovak leaders and intellectuals. One of his closest co-workers was&#13;
Dr. Joseph Pauco who continues to work in the same&#13;
editorial office that he once shared with Philip Hrobak.&#13;
Among other notable associates from abroad were Constantine Culen, Francis Hrusovsky, Joseph Kirschbaum,&#13;
Joseph Mikus and Karol Sidor.&#13;
An outstanding achievement of Hrobak's career in the&#13;
Slovak League of America was the establishment of a highly&#13;
desirable and eminently successful Office of Information&#13;
functioning in Washington, D. C. under the distinguished&#13;
chairmanship of the Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. This&#13;
professional department became a vital public relations&#13;
center as well as a liason agency in American-Slovak life.&#13;
&#13;
The journalistic genius of Philip Hrobak expressed&#13;
itself not only through the Jednota weekly and the Jednota&#13;
annual almanac which are the official publications of the&#13;
Jednota organization and which even then served the need&#13;
for both information and inspiration on behalf of its&#13;
membership but he further initiated and sponsored other&#13;
valuable publications as well. In 1949, for example, he began&#13;
the Slovak Newsletter, a bulletin for public information.&#13;
In 1951 he undertook a Slovak politico-cultural quarterly&#13;
Slovakia, the voice of the Slovak League of America. In&#13;
1961 he launched another project, Furdek, an annual which&#13;
became an English counterpart to the long established&#13;
Jednota Kalendar. He gave this new work a content and&#13;
style of its own, directing its appeal largely to readers who&#13;
were not able to read the Slovak Kalendar.&#13;
When Father Lach entrusted in 1959 the newspaper&#13;
Slovak v Amerike to Philip Hrobak, the new publisher&#13;
&#13;
39&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
collaborated on this weekly with Dr. Joseph Pauco and&#13;
expanded his publishing scope to include the annual Literdrny Almanach Slovdka v Amerike as well as an affiliated&#13;
series of book publications through which he often provided&#13;
a public to well seasoned writers as well as to capable&#13;
aspiring novices in journalism.&#13;
With unbounded vigor and zeal Philip Hrobak worked&#13;
from his Middletown office, serving the cause of God and&#13;
man to his dying day. When illness struck him down it&#13;
was hard to accept the fact that this was a mortal ailment.&#13;
Although those who were close to him hoped against hope&#13;
that he would recover, he ended his life on January 10,&#13;
1964 in Harrisburg, Pa. and was buried in Cleveland, Ohio.&#13;
These are some of the essential facts in the life story&#13;
of Philip Hrobak.&#13;
&#13;
*&#13;
&#13;
*&#13;
&#13;
When one undertakes the task of evaluating the stature&#13;
of this leader Philip Hrobak and his literary output, the&#13;
impressive factor becomes not only the quantity of his&#13;
excellent published writings but also the quality of the&#13;
man that shows through his works and the temper of his&#13;
thought. Hrobak was above all a writer with a message.&#13;
He was purposeful and dedicated, for he had a cause that&#13;
was rooted in conscience. His personal integrity and Christian philosophy of life inspired him with a profound sense&#13;
of honesty and justice which could not be confined to&#13;
private life but clamored for redress even in the market&#13;
place and public forum. With him morality and the full&#13;
impact of the Ten Commandments had a place before God&#13;
and man. For this reason he was intolerant of oppression&#13;
and he championed the rights of man. This included basic&#13;
justice and freedom in private life, within all levels of the&#13;
social structure and within national and international&#13;
relationships.&#13;
Hrobak was gifted with a clarity of inner vision that&#13;
penetrated surface appearances and subtle diplomatic&#13;
maneuverings. He had an inborn alertness that was&#13;
adroit and discriminating in dealing with political smooth&#13;
talk, long standing inequities that tried to stay covered up,&#13;
and outward niceties. He was not one to be easily deceived.&#13;
And he had the courage of his convictions as well as the&#13;
&#13;
40&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
ability to deal incisively with critical issues and difficult&#13;
problems. He not only propagated the slogan Za Boha a&#13;
ndrod! he lived the ideal, for all his life and energy, all his&#13;
purpose and dedication was to translate into real life the&#13;
spirit of devotion to God and abiding patriotism to the&#13;
United States as well as to Slovakia, the ancestral homeland&#13;
of American Slovaks. And as he set himself to these tasks,&#13;
he was fully conscious of the duty that, as an officer and&#13;
a leader in American Slovak fraternalism, he was to inspire&#13;
others with a zeal for truth and right action.&#13;
Circumscribi ng this study to a close review of the first&#13;
fourteen volumes of Slovakia (1951-1964) which Philip&#13;
Hrobak compiled and edited, we find even within this&#13;
representativ e range of his work enough tangibles to assess&#13;
the caliber of Hrobak's journalism, Christian philosophy&#13;
and leadership.&#13;
Like much of his journalistic output, these volumes of&#13;
Hrobak's Slovakia were devoted largely to political content.&#13;
We see in them Philip Hrobak the American patriot, the&#13;
champion of Slovak statehood and a first class editor. His&#13;
objective is truth and justice. For this reason he is a&#13;
persistent and merciless fact-finder and incidentally he&#13;
becomes an ideal publicist. He does not avoid issues or&#13;
pretend that he does not see them and he does not feel&#13;
that he can afford to be an overly fastidious respecter of&#13;
persons. He was not an unfeeling individual and he knew&#13;
how to cherish and express profound deference for constituted authority and public office but when he sensed&#13;
that "Something is rotten in the state ... " he was relentless&#13;
in uncovering the festering realities that were lurking under&#13;
misleading outward appearances. His Christian uprightness,&#13;
his idealism and sense of fairness bound him to flay&#13;
inequity and to denounce oppression of every kind.&#13;
Hrobak did not produce his 35 issues of Slovakia&#13;
singlehandedl y. He opened his colums to Slovak diplomats,&#13;
statesmen, historians and leaders as well as to thinking&#13;
Americans who also championed the cause of freedom,&#13;
justice and truth, especially the concept of historical truth.&#13;
His formal objective was openly published in a number&#13;
of issues of Slovakia:&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
41&#13;
&#13;
The chief purpose of Slovakia is to promote a better under&#13;
standing and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle&#13;
for freedom and independence.&#13;
As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America&#13;
believe that the Slovak nation, like all nations, has an interest and&#13;
God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated&#13;
to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world&#13;
peace, and are determined to oppose the plague of communism and&#13;
all other totalitarian political systems.&#13;
&#13;
Because this periodical was a vehicle of information to&#13;
both a Slovak and a non-Slovak readership of serious intent,&#13;
especially to American scholars, public officials, diplomats&#13;
and university people, Hrobak made every effort to give&#13;
it the widest possible dissemination into the homes and&#13;
offices of American and foreign diplomats, politicians and&#13;
public leaders as well as the libraries and departments of&#13;
history and political science in many American colleges and&#13;
universities. Of course, many average readers who sought&#13;
to be well-informed also subscribed to it. Under Hrobak's&#13;
gifted editorship and management, the circulation of Slovakia increased steadily.&#13;
To provide the information and understanding that&#13;
he had in mind, Hrobak attracted the most highly qualified&#13;
of contributors to bring their works to Slovakia. Some of&#13;
them were expatriated Slovak leaders and makers of Slovak&#13;
history; some of them were scholars and historians of&#13;
Slovak as well as non-Slovak origin; some were critics and&#13;
analysts of political thought and nationalism; some were&#13;
American legislators.&#13;
Dr. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, a Slavistic scholar who&#13;
taught and lectured at the University of Montreal in Canada&#13;
produced a substantial article for practically every issue&#13;
(30 articles in 37 issues, to be precise) . In the main, he&#13;
examines the historical theses that warrant the existence&#13;
of an autonomous Slovak state, basic principles and circumstances on which federation could be structured in central&#13;
Europe, the subject of Slovakia and international relationships, the underlying causes of incompatability with Czech&#13;
pretensions, the matter of Czech duplicity and oppressive&#13;
arrogance, and Slovak politics past and present. His gifts,&#13;
however, are multifaceted and out of the diversity of his&#13;
&#13;
42&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
broad interests he also prepared papers on cultural topics&#13;
such as:&#13;
Slovak literature under the Soviet impact (VI, 2/ 19, pp. 34-51) ,&#13;
Mickiewicz in Slovak poetry and translations (VII, 1/22, pp. 32-41) , Universi ty traditions in Slovakia (VIII, 2/ 27, pp. 18-30), Contemporary&#13;
tendencies in Slovak philology (X, 7/ 32, pp. 25-32) , The Canadian translator of Slovak poetry: Professor Watson Kirkconnell (XIV, 37, pp.&#13;
9-18).&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Kirschbaum consistently provided book reviews as&#13;
well.&#13;
Dr. Joseph Pauco has always been a faithful contributor&#13;
also. He is a professional writer with a rich background&#13;
in publishing and journalism. For a number of years he&#13;
was editor-in-chief of the daily Slovak published in Bratislava. He lived through many a promising and too many&#13;
a tragic experience in Slovak national life. He has tasted&#13;
prosperity and good fortune as well as much disappointment at home and abroad. He is a journalist with the&#13;
conviction that the editor, the reporter, the columnist is&#13;
called to serve the people by illuminating facts, defending&#13;
truth, and inspiring to action. These principles are embodied&#13;
throughout his articles in Slovakia, most of which are&#13;
devoted to political analysis and historical report; e.g.&#13;
The practical aspect of federation (III, 2, pp. 26-36), The failures&#13;
of communist politics in Slovakia (V, 4/ 17, pp. 3-20), The 1944 communist rebellion in Slovakia (VII, 3-4, 24/ 25, pp. 28-34) , and Slovakia&#13;
under communism--which was serialized in three issues (IX, 30; X, 31 ;&#13;
&#13;
XI, 33 ).&#13;
&#13;
Among other significant contributors who brought&#13;
enrichment to the early issues of Slovakia these must be&#13;
mentioned: culen, Hrusovsky, Vnuk, Mikus, Sidor, Grebert,&#13;
Cieker, t&gt;urcansky, Murin, Rekem and Kruzliak. Their&#13;
works are marked with the authority of those who had&#13;
witnessed this history of Slovakia in the making and with&#13;
the conviction of those who knew only too well what absolutes and what cause they were defending. Contributions&#13;
on the scholarly level are thoroughly researched and documented; they are singularly important for their cultural&#13;
value.&#13;
With the aid of national figures like these, Philip&#13;
Hrobak made of Slovakia a unique journal that analyzed&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
43&#13;
&#13;
Slovak and Czech politics and exposed the truth and the&#13;
falsity behind the facade of the Czecho-Slovak state. Still&#13;
other contributors also expressed themselves in Slovakia.&#13;
We meet on its pages, for example, a critical examination&#13;
which Kurt Glaser made of Radio Free Europe: How free&#13;
is Radio Free Europe-The Voice of Doubletalk? (II, 2, pp.&#13;
25-28) and The " Russia First" Boys in Radio Free Europe.&#13;
(III, I, pp. 31-38) as well as several of his other articles.&#13;
Edward L. Delaney also wrote incisively and perceptively on The Betrayal of Slovakia (I, 2, pp. 1-7), on Tiso,&#13;
Horthy and Benes as well as his personal experiences I was&#13;
in Slovakia (II, 1, pp. 25-45).&#13;
Hrobak further drew upon American public officials&#13;
to express their views in Slovakia also. He published their&#13;
patriotic addresses and expressions of concern and sympathy for minority groups as well as related matters from&#13;
diplomatic circles for the interest of readers of Slovakia.&#13;
As one reviews back issues, one cannot help noting the&#13;
contributions of congressmen and persons like Michael A.&#13;
Feighan, Edward J. Bonin, Charles J. Kersten, B. Carroll&#13;
Reece, Lieut. Col. F. 0. Miksche, Ray J. Madden. In volume&#13;
one, no. two, we find some thoughts of Prince Adolf zu&#13;
Schwarzenberg, head of one of the oldest families of&#13;
Bohemia. Interestingly, his contribution is on Czech Double&#13;
Dealing.&#13;
&#13;
By way of balancing this heavy concentration on political fare, Hrobak took pains to offer other reading matter&#13;
too. Occasionally he would publish something as different&#13;
as the English translation of a treasured Slovak folk tale.&#13;
He also ran a series on castles in Slovakia as well as&#13;
occasional articles on other cultural topics like Slovak&#13;
museums, the natural beauty of the Slovak countryside,&#13;
the national folk hero Janosik, a study in contrasting ~vejk&#13;
vs. Janosik, the natural springs and the spas of Slovakia,&#13;
considerations on semantics and philology, Slovak university life and traditions, insights into Slovak church music,&#13;
various types of Slovak customs, historical essays, thumbnail biographies. He also presented a serialization of Slovak&#13;
history that he himself wrote and a serious study Slovak&#13;
Nationalism which was researched by B. S. Bue.&#13;
Applicable excerpts from American journalism were&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
44&#13;
&#13;
intended to provoke thought or reaction, and for this kind&#13;
of prodding Hrobak quoted from The Washington Post,&#13;
New York Times, the Cleveland Press, The Chicago Sun,&#13;
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, The Slavonic Monthly. He also&#13;
culled from the Osservatore Romano, the Eudovy dennik&#13;
of Chicago, cas (the official organ of Lettrich's Democratic&#13;
Party and the Benes mouthpiece) as well as from other&#13;
likely and unlikely sources.&#13;
The personal trademark of Hrobak in these earlier&#13;
issues of Slovakia was the filler feature titled Who Said It?&#13;
Invariably these items were either ironic or revealing or&#13;
they were couched in the full glow of patriotic ardor,&#13;
depending on their portent. Hrobak felt that as a journalist&#13;
he could not afford to be blandly genteel. He was dealing&#13;
with subject matter that made demands on him to be&#13;
ruthless rather that ineffectively mild. He knew that he&#13;
had to be uncompromising rather than deferential. He was&#13;
committed to the consideration of callous inequities and&#13;
rank duplicity, and he needed the keenest of scalpels&#13;
directed to the root of the issue.&#13;
The Who Said It? feature was especially effective in&#13;
quoting from Masaryk and Benes, Stransky and Lettrich,&#13;
Peroutka and Ripka, Sramek and Gottwald. It held a full&#13;
beam of light up to their pronouncements and exposed their&#13;
ideas to re-evaluation. On the other hand, Hrobak also&#13;
featured positive thinking from persons like Senator Robert&#13;
A. Taft, Edward R. Murrow, H. W. Kaltenborn as well as&#13;
from Dean Acheson, R. W. Seton-Watson, Congressman&#13;
Daniel Flood and Alvin E. O'Konski.&#13;
Readers found the material quoted in these fillers very&#13;
apt, rather questionable, witty, thought-provoking or bitter.&#13;
It was meant to be entertaining although an element of&#13;
entertainment might sometimes develop out of it as a kind&#13;
of byproduct. We present some samplings:&#13;
"Some pussy-footing ostriches criticize the treaty between Soviet&#13;
Russia and Czechoslovakia. Our close collaboration with the Soviet&#13;
Union needs no explanation. We do not want anything from the&#13;
Russians except protection from the Germans, and the Russians want&#13;
nothing whatsoever from us." - Jan Masaryk in Business Week, May&#13;
13, 1944. (Slovakia&#13;
&#13;
vn,&#13;
&#13;
2, p. 64).&#13;
&#13;
"The Slovak nation, one of the oldest Christian nations in&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
45&#13;
&#13;
central Europe is distinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and&#13;
want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain&#13;
Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak&#13;
nation are distinct from the history, culture and national traditions&#13;
of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they now, a part of&#13;
the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called Czechoslovaks." - P.A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., November 18, 1951 ( Slovakia&#13;
IV, 3-4, p. 58) .&#13;
RED GEOGRAPHY: The news service of the Central Slovak&#13;
Catholic Bureau in Rome recently published a story about a certain&#13;
school inspector of the Trnava district in Slovakia who gave directives&#13;
to teachers on how to teach.&#13;
Among other things he said that if nuns we:re able to interest&#13;
children in a non-existe nt being, God, then the teachers certainly&#13;
should be able to interest children in Stalin who actually exists.&#13;
"The Marx-Lenin doctrines of our Stalin," he continued, "must&#13;
be applied in all classes. For example, in geog:raphy you teach the&#13;
children about the East and the West. Now you could say: The sun&#13;
rises in the East; there is our g:reat Stalin, the sun of all the nations&#13;
which enlightens all nations with his knowledge. The sun sets in the&#13;
West; thel'le you find decayed capitalism, the treacherous bourgeoisie&#13;
and murderous imperialism."&#13;
-But most of the Slovak teachers and pupils prefer the advice&#13;
of Horace Gre eley: Go West, young man! (Slovakia II, 2, p. 19) .&#13;
&#13;
No assignment that came to Philip Hrobak was too&#13;
demanding or time consuming. As a journalist and as an&#13;
American Slovak leader, Philip Hrobak was a fully committed person. After the University of California Press&#13;
released a new printing of a 504 page book Czechoslovakia,&#13;
edited by Robert J . Kerner, which was represented as "an&#13;
honest, unprejudiced, and frank appraisal of the important&#13;
contribution which the Czechoslovak nation made to the&#13;
history of our time in its two decades of independence between two world wars," Philip Hrobak took the book under&#13;
close scrutiny in order to examine its merits. Characteristically, he read it with balanced judgment and undertook&#13;
a detailed search into the allegations that were made in&#13;
the volume by the twenty collaborators who wrote their&#13;
ideas into it. He made pertinent notes, comments and&#13;
a record of his explanations and refutations.&#13;
Subsequently, every issue of Slovakia from v. V., 2-3&#13;
(15-16) June-Sept. 1955 to v. VII, 3-4 (24-25) Sept.-Dec 1957&#13;
carried part of Hrobak's chapter by chapter analysis&#13;
(through all 23 chapters) under the heading: "Professor&#13;
&#13;
46&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Kerner's CZECHOSLOVAKIA: History or Propaganda?" He&#13;
granted, in all fairness, that the twenty writers who had&#13;
contributed to the composite work were not necessarily&#13;
dishonest or prejudiced but he did not yield the point that&#13;
they had become Czech propagandists exporting established&#13;
Masaryk-Benes theories at the expense of the Slovaks and&#13;
their national history. In pointing out the errors and misconceptions of these writers and in refuting their specious&#13;
theses, Hrobak could hardly help becoming occasionally&#13;
vehement.&#13;
It was in his very nature to be less than tolerant of&#13;
that long standing tendency to relegate the Slovaks to&#13;
second place or to no place at all, and this bias had again&#13;
appeared through the pages of Kerner's work. It was part&#13;
of Hrobak's scholarly conditioning that made him at least&#13;
impatient with inept history that distorted authentic records and shaped a narrative fashioned to its own devising.&#13;
&#13;
In his refutations of error, both in this case and on&#13;
other occasions, Hrobak set the record right by controverting claims that were all too easily made for an easy and&#13;
ready acceptance. He did this by tracing his facts to prime&#13;
sources for reference and documentation: He was especially&#13;
skillful in drawing upon arguments and statements from&#13;
Czech sources and authorities and he was often able to use&#13;
this matter in order to substantiate his arguments and to&#13;
confound some contemporary writers of history who had&#13;
a way of misrepresentating facts. Nor was he above ridicule&#13;
when the conditions were patently offered to invite ridicule.&#13;
He had an instinct for examining promises made and&#13;
conditions underscoring events that transpired in order to&#13;
contrast them with promises honored and promises forgotten as well as with the aftermath of events that were&#13;
shaped by the hard realities of circumstances. Summing it&#13;
all up, he was a fearless and formidable adversary in the&#13;
arena of fact vs. fiction, truth vs. deception. And in this&#13;
encounter he did not shrink from handling the rhetoric&#13;
and the claims of an entire collective force of writers not&#13;
merely a single author.&#13;
This was his consistent line of action. When it came&#13;
to dealing with a denial of truth or with historic distortions,&#13;
he did not stop to assess the odds. With him there were no&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
47&#13;
&#13;
prohibitive odds when truth and justice were to be vindicated. There was only a matter of conscience and professional ethics to be heeded.&#13;
Fired with this spirit and singlemindedness of purpose,&#13;
Hrobak worked on tirelessly. From his editorial office in&#13;
Middletown he steadfastly waged his crusade in the press.&#13;
One can see why he indefatigably set out to flay injustice&#13;
and denounce "the synthetic Czechoslovak state," why he&#13;
castigated the execution of President Tiso as political&#13;
murder and judicial murder, why he was preoccupied with&#13;
the cause "history or propaganda?" as well as with the&#13;
futility of efforts to fuse the Slovak and the Czech nations&#13;
into one impossible amalgam, why he was concerned with&#13;
matters of Church and state.&#13;
Very often the choice of expression that appears either&#13;
in his own work or in the writing of his contributors&#13;
reflects the depth of his own feeling and betrays its real&#13;
measure of intensity. Note these phrases by way of example:&#13;
Benes "King of political cheats;" the " Russia first" boys in&#13;
RFE; how the Czechs deceived us; intrigues and t he entrapment of&#13;
individuals; Czechoslovak pseudo-democracy; the machinations of&#13;
Czech Socialists . . .&#13;
&#13;
But Hrobak was by no means a hidden away recluse&#13;
of some kind bound to his editorial desk. Besides being&#13;
a gifted journalist and editor, he was also a dynamic&#13;
fraternalist and a forceful lecturer. Through outstanding&#13;
personal participation he became the soul of many a significant national movement especially through the Slovak&#13;
League of America, the Matica Skolskd (Foundation to&#13;
promote schooling and education) and the Priatelia slovenskej slobody (Friends of Slovak freedom). He distinguished&#13;
himself as the motivating force in the Slovak League and,&#13;
if figures are telling indicators of any kind, it is worth&#13;
noting that within two years after he accepted the presidency of this organization, its membership increased by&#13;
two thousand.&#13;
After the guiding leadership of Hrobak had succeeded&#13;
in establishing the Washington Office of Information, Dr.&#13;
Joseph Mikus, the talented diplomat who headed this&#13;
agency, made of it an invaluable department for public&#13;
relations. Further, a notable program of sixty film showings&#13;
&#13;
48&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
was received with widespread appreciation. More importantly still, various committees of the U.S. Congress charged&#13;
with investigating the denial of rights under totalitarian&#13;
aggression heard the testimony and an exposition of Slovak&#13;
history from Philip Hrobak and gave attentive hearing to&#13;
the testimony.of a number of Slovak witnesses who appealed against the situation behind the iron curtain. This series&#13;
of sessions gave American officials in Washington a realistic&#13;
representation of the sufferings to which a number of&#13;
countries were being subjected in central Europe. It also&#13;
provided a formal documentation of tactics that were&#13;
enslaving the Slovak people. There was a special American&#13;
subcommittee before which depositions were made about&#13;
conditions in Slovakia and after these hearings, the full&#13;
reports were printed in a publication titled Investigation of&#13;
Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania&#13;
and Slovakia.&#13;
&#13;
Through the Washington Office of Information and&#13;
the dynamism of Philip Hrobak excellent rapport was&#13;
established with a number of American congressmen and&#13;
statesmen who came to understand and feel for the plight&#13;
of the Slovak people in their homeland. In 1954 Congressmen Kersten and Bentley openly manifested their interest&#13;
in the Slovak cause. In 1955 Vice President Nixon expressed&#13;
the sympathetic feeling of the administration in a written&#13;
message that was addressed to the 34th congress of the&#13;
Slovak League of America. In 1956 Secretary of State Dulles&#13;
received an eight-member delegation of the Slovak League&#13;
led by Philip Hrobak and engaged in animated discussion&#13;
of vital topics with them.&#13;
Philip Hrobak worked on and on with boundless&#13;
devotion. It was very fitting then, that this dedication and&#13;
wholehearted service was recognized when a public presentation of honor was made to him in 1957 in the course&#13;
of the golden jubilee of the founding of the League. A&#13;
special committee of Slovak leaders singled him out for&#13;
the award designated as the Hlinka Cup. This was an&#13;
unusually high honor, for the Hlinka Cup was a trophy&#13;
which had never before been bestowed upon American soil.&#13;
The address of presentation was made by Dr. Joseph M.&#13;
Kirschbaum in recognition of Hrobak's merits as president&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
49&#13;
&#13;
of the Slovak League of America, as an eminent and intrepid&#13;
editor of Jednota and Slovakia, as an outstanding champion&#13;
in American Slovak life, as the compiler of a grammar and&#13;
a dictionary and "because with his aggressive elan, his&#13;
perseverance and fearlessness both as a journalist and as&#13;
an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities that had&#13;
endowed not only :Cudovit stur (a leading patriot), but&#13;
also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka."&#13;
In 1961 another public honor was conferred on Philip&#13;
Hrobak. This was the Charles IV Award or Karl's Prize&#13;
that was presented to him by the Sudeten German Council&#13;
of West Germany. It is a recognition that is awarded&#13;
annually to a political leader, scientist or publicist who&#13;
has made an outstanding contribution to the concept of&#13;
a United Europe. The ceremonies were held in Cologne&#13;
on Sudeten German Day, May 20, with over 200,000 Sudeten&#13;
German expellees participating. Mr. Hrobak responded to&#13;
the honor with a glowing address titled "Self Determination&#13;
for All." His words bespoke the aspirations and the innermost feelings of Sudeten Germans as well as of the Slovak&#13;
people and other victims of self-rule denied under the&#13;
crushing force of communism. Among other Americans&#13;
who participated in this observance were U.S. Congressmen&#13;
Morgan D. Moulder, Gordon H. Scherer, Roy A. Taylor, and&#13;
Henry C. Schadeberg. Willy Brandt, the mayor of Berlin,&#13;
and several other Sudeten German leaders also delivered&#13;
addresses.&#13;
In these numberless events and situations we cannot&#13;
fail to see the greatness of Philip Hrobak as an American&#13;
&#13;
and Slovak patriot, as a man of ideals and of forceful&#13;
action, as a fraternalist and an organizer but we must&#13;
not overlook his stature as a man of God also. It must&#13;
never be forgotten that Hrobak served God at least as well&#13;
as he served his nation and his fellow man. Religious&#13;
principles and obligations had first place in his life and&#13;
his life style. All his zeal and purpose was rooted in the law&#13;
and the love of God; his spending of self on behalf of others&#13;
was within the Christian concept. He was as ready to&#13;
promote and defend Christian virtue and idealism as he&#13;
was to crusade for national honor and welfare. Although&#13;
his days were incredibly crowded with constant activity,&#13;
&#13;
50&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
he did not put God in second place in his personal life.&#13;
As a teacher and educator, he was aware of the importance of Catholic schools. As a parent, he was solicitous&#13;
about a genuinely Christian atmosphere in the home and&#13;
true religious training in the family. As a journalist, he&#13;
faithfully promoted the interests of the Church and ethical&#13;
principles. That was the reason why he combated the&#13;
atheistic and the Away-from-Rome! attitude that was being&#13;
sponsored by some leaders in Czecho-Slovakia.&#13;
As 1963 was moving in on the calendar, Philip Hrobak&#13;
prepared copy for a special issue of Slovakia and for the&#13;
Jednota publications that he managed and edited. Out of&#13;
regard for the Christian heritage of the Slovak people, he&#13;
began to prepare to honor the 1100th anniversary of the&#13;
mission of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Great Moravia and&#13;
the Christianization of the Slovak nation. The annuals that&#13;
he prepared for this occasion became a kind of crown of&#13;
excellence that climaxed his literary and scholarly output&#13;
and gave singular expression to his religious devotion as&#13;
well.&#13;
Truly, as we review the life and the accomplishments&#13;
of Philip Hrobak who would have been seventy years old&#13;
this year, we have reason to thank God for his idealism&#13;
and example, and we are impressed and inspired by this&#13;
great man's patriotism, his scholarship, his leadership and&#13;
his personal dynamism.&#13;
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.&#13;
&#13;
THE FAMOUS Slovak folk-dance group, "Lucnica,"&#13;
from Bratislava returned from a 6-weeks' tour of several&#13;
South American. countries. The 47-member company represented the current silver jubilee ensemble. Lucnica was&#13;
organized in 1948.&#13;
&#13;
THE HIGH TATRAS in Slovakia last year attracted 2&#13;
and ½ million tourists. An even larger number was expected&#13;
in 1974.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>203

SLOVAKIA

REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS
IN LEADING PERIODICALS
MOST
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)
Mest'ancik)
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew

Jan

Pier, O.S.B. )
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.

82-83)
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)

SLOVAKIA
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.

C.M.)
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.

Krajsa)
F URD EK
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .

Francis V n u k :

A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent

�204

SLOVAKIA

lack of success. In all its history - and especially in the last
200 years - the Slovak nation has always had selfless and
dedicated sons who in the struggle for national independence - not unlike Tennyson's Ulysses - were "strong in
will to strive, to seek, to find and not to yield."
One of these indefatigable fighters is Dr. Jozef Pauco
who on February 26th was celebrating his 60th birthday.
This memorable occasion makes one pause a moment and
look into the past in order to reconstruct a brief outline
of his life-career with all its notable moments and achievements.
As a man in the forefront of Slovak public activities
Dr. Pauco has many friends and admirers and not a few
enemies. But - no matter what their feeling towards him
are - they would all be unanimous in admitting that the
name of Dr. Pauco has become a synonym of hard and
continuous work in the cause of his nation.
The beginnings of his involvement in this kind of work
go back to his student days; the seeds, however, were sown
much earlier, in the years of his childhood. Born on February 26th, 1914 (at Pila, near Lucenec) of Slovak peasant
stock, young Pauco grew up in a typical Central European
village environment where life was harsh, shortages common and rewards only very modest. This situation was
further aggravated by the outbreak of World War I, when
all able-bodied men were called up and the heavy burden
of daily life had.to be carried by the women and old people.
Pauco's father had to go too and he never came back. He
died as a conscript in the service of those who denied the
very existence of the Slovak nation and were seeking its
physical extinction.
This powerful traumatic experience, combined with the
gentle influence of his widowed mother, imbued the young
boy with a strong sense of justice, and with a fighting spirit
to undo wrongs and to see that one received what was due
to him.
In Czecho-Slovakia which came into being in October
1918 the Slovaks were faring much better than in the prewar Hungary, but they still were treated by their Czech
brethren as minor partners in an unequal Czecho-Slovak
partnership. As a young high school student at Nitra (where

�SLOVAKIA

205

- according to his mother's wishes - he was preparing
for the priesthood) J. Pauco could see this inequality which
was both humiliating and insulting. His teachers (as well
as other public servants and State employees) were Czechs,
while Slovaks were without jobs. Not only did these Czechs
occupy jobs and posts which belonged to the Slovaks but
they also abused their positions by denigrating the Slovak
language, culture, history and way of life.
The outcome of this haughty and unsparing attitude
towards the Slovak people was quite predictible. A general
disenchantment soon gave way to discontent and these sentiments eventually crystallized out as a massive opposition
movement led by Andrej Hlinka. Under Hlinka's charismatic leadership Slovakia launched a campaign for administrative self-government (autonomy) which- incidentallyhad been guaranteed to Slovaks back in 1918 by President
T. G. Masaryk in the well-known Pittsburgh Agreement.
· Hlinka's massive following came from all strata of
Slovak society but the most significant support came from
the enthusiastic followers among the young people. They
provided the Hlinka People's Party with the most convincing
arguments vis-a-vis Prague's centralist "Czechoslovak" policies. The young Slovak generation was autonomist in its
outlook almost to a man, as was demonstrated at Trencianske Teplice in 1932.
J. Pauco soon translated into action his admiration
for Hlinka's valiant struggle for Slovak autonomy. His
contributions to this common national effort were more
and more substantial as he grew older and when in 1936
he came to Bratislava to study Philosophy at the Slovak
University he was already a fully-fledged and highly-valued
activist within the ranks of the Slovak autonomist movement.
In Bratislava he became involved in the affairs of the
busy campus life, where at that time the political issues
were fought and argued in the most radical manner. (One
of Dr. Pauco's ideological opponents was a fellow-student
from the Law Faculty, G. Husak, today's Communist boss
of Czecho-Slovakia). In addition to the campus activities
J . Pauco was a regular contributor to the People's Party
dailies and periodicals. This part-time collaboration with

�206

SLOVAKIA

the press was destined to become the enduring attachmen t
of his life.
In 1938 the struggle for Slovak autonomy took on a
dramatic turn. The artificial facade of "Czechoslo vak" unity
could not withstand the combined pressure of internal and
external factors and collapsed completely , as predicted by
those Slovak politicians whose warnings were never heeded.
In the hectic three months September -November 1938 the
Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes changed beyond
recognition . It had to cede the Sudeten territories to
Germany, Southern Slovakia to the Magyars, the Teschen
region to Poland and internally to grant autonomy to
Slovaks and Ruthenians .
Slovak autonomy, declared by all the Slovak political
parties ( except the Socialists and Communis ts) on October
6th, 1938, was long overdue, but its arrival at this critical
time (as an aftermath of the Munich crisis) made its realization easily misinterpr eted. For the Slovaks, however, it
was a most welcome developme nt in which they saw the
culminatio n of their long political struggle. For the Slovak
People's Party (led since the death of A. Hlinka - in August
1938 - by Dr. Jozef Tiso, who became Premier of the
Slovak autonomou s governmen t) autonomy was a challenge
to show the world around us that we could manage our
affairs with skill and responsibil ity. In communic ating its
aims and ideals to the people the governmen t required
a reliable and prompt press service. Consequen tly J. Pauco
was asked to concentrat e his activities mainly in this
direction.
In March 1939 the Slovaks declared their independen ce
and a new state appeared on the map of Europe: the
Slovak Republic. The transition from autonomy to independence was rapid and the road to independen ce was
somewhat steep. But the Slovaks knew that in the given
situation theirs was not to argue and ponder about the road
behind, but to do something about the road ahead. They
grasped eagerly the historic opportunit y which independence offered and set out to make Slovakia as happy and
prosperous a place for all Slovaks as was possible under
the given circumstan ces.
In this challenging and unique period of Slovak history

�SLOVAKIA

207

Dr. Jozef Pauco played a major and politically significant
role. Apart from administrative responsibilities (he was acting as a district secretary of the People's Party at Nitra) he
steadily maintained his journalistic and editorial connections with numerous political dailies and weeklies. In 1942
Dr. Jozef Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic,
appointed him as Editor-in-Chief of the principal national
daily, Slovak. Slovak was the official press organ of the
People's Party and of the Slovak government. It is an
eloquent testimony to Pauco's journalistic abilities and
political maturity that President Tiso placed such an
important function on the shoulders of such a youthful
(28 years old ) man.
Dr. J . Pauco reciprocated this trust and served Dr.
Tiso faithfully in the subsequent years. It was his concern
to explain and popularize the current governmental policies,
to provide ideological guidance, to maintain and foster
proud nationalistic sentiments among the people and to
instil hope and optimism when the situation became grim
and critical.
It is a tragic aspect of Slovak history that during the
global conflict of 1939-45 Slovakia - unable to escape its
geography - was politically under German protection and
influence. The enemies of Slovak independence exploited
this unfortunate situation and persuaded both the Western
Allies and the Soviet Union that in the post-war settlement
Slovakia should be again annexed to the Czech lands and
that the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia should be restored.
The Slovak patriots who had fought for and defended the
independent Slovak state were branded as fascists, traitors
and even criminals and were threatened with severe punishments and retribution.

To escape the advancing Red Army Slovak political
leaders, administrators, intellectuals and even ordinary
citizens fled in thousands to the West where they hoped
to find sympathy and understanding for their cause. Dr. J.
Pauco and his family (his wife Draga whom he had married
in 1942 and infant-son Svatopluk) were among them. The
last issue of the daily, Slovak was published in Bratislava
on April 1st, 1945 and it sadly signified the end of an era.
The bulk of Slovak political refugees eventually sur·

�208

SLOVAKIA

rendered to the Americans. But the American military,
starry-eyed about "the gallant Soviet ally," and having
swallowed all the Communist lies about the refugees
unthinkingly handed them over to their Communist jailers
and executioners. To escape death or a fate worse than
death the refugees had to scatter and go into hiding in the
hope the West would soon wake up and cease this inhuman
practice. Gradually the Western statesmen realized their
folly and refused to comply with the bloodthirsty Soviet
wishes. The refugees could now breathe relief, but their
troubles were far from over. And what was even more
tragic for hundreds and thousands of them it was already
too late. Dr. J. Pauco was among the lucky ones. Moving
from place to place in Austria and Bavaria he finally settled
in Munich. During this trying period his son Svatopluk died
and many of his close friends and colleagues were forcibly
"repatriated" to Slovakia where they faced the vengeance
of the so-called "people's tribunals." President Tiso and
most of the members of the Slovak government were among
them.
But these tremendous losses and blows failed to break
Pauco's spirit. Believing in justice and convinced that truth
would ultimately triumph, he refused to accept defeat. As
soon as it was possible (in April 1946) he started the publication of Slobodne Slovensko (Free Slovakia) in war-torn
Munich. Though modest in appearance this mimeographed
journal was the very embodiment of ardent Slovak nationalism. The journal was a great moral and psychological
boost for the hard-pressed and frightened Slovak refugees .
To explain the Slovak position to foreigners Dr. Paufo
published bulletins in the German and Ukrainian languages.
Dr. Pauco's stay in West Germany lasted five years.
They were years of extreme hardship and at the same time
years of very intense activity. Many events and happenings
of this period are recorded in his autobiographical novel
The Flight to Wonderland.

The "Wonderland" to him was America which since
the 1870's has become the adopted country to almost one
million Slovaks. He settled in a small provincial township,
Middletown, Pa., where a major Slovak fraternalistic society
has its printery and where the largest Slovak-English
weekly, Jednota is published. He took up the position of

�SLOVAKIA

209

associate editor of this paper and has remained there till
now.
But the editorial work could not possibly absorb all
his energies. Soon after his arrival in the USA he was deeply
involved in all the aspects of Slovak communal activities.
One cannot go through them in detail, but even a simple
enumeration of them is impressive enough to confirm what
was said at the beginning, i.e . that Pauco's name is
synonymous with continuous work in the service of his
nation.
He participates actively in several Slovak associations
and societies: in the Slovak League of America (where he
serves as secretary-general and editor of its English language annual, Slovakia) , in the First Catholic Slovak Union,
in the Slovak Catholic Federation, etc. He plays a leading
role in Slovak political organizations such as the Slovak
National Council Abroad, Slovak Liberation Council, Slovak
World Congress (as the chairman of its Information Committee. ) He takes a keen interest in the history of the Slovak
immigrants in the USA and in this field he has produced
five books (including a comprehensive history of the First
Catholic Slovak Union, 1890-1965) and a large number of
articles.
He is owner-publisher of a popular weekly Slovak
v Amerike and editor of its prestigious annual Literdrny
Almanach. As a writer Dr. Pauco has to his credit two
books of fictionalized autobiography (Unconquerables, 1958
and The Flight to Wonderland , 1963), a volume of reminiscences concerning famous people he met ( Tak sme sa
poznali, 1966) and several books and pamphlets of political
writing (e.g. Slovdci a komunizmus, 1957; co po komunizme?, 1952; Tisov odkaz, 1953; etc.).
It is indeed a life rich in achievements and, what is more,
one can say without fear of contradiction that - as in the
past so in the future - Dr. J. Pauco will certainly enrich
it further with many valuable additions in every sphere
of his many-sided activity. We, his friends and colleagues,
greet him warmly at this momentous milestone of his life
and ask the Almighty to grant him health and strength not
only to continue in his work but also to reap a justly
deserved reward for his efforts. Ad multos annos!

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3652">
                    <text>203

SLOVAKIA

REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS
IN LEADING PERIODICALS
MOST
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)
Mest'ancik)
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew

Jan

Pier, O.S.B. )
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.

82-83)
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)

SLOVAKIA
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.

C.M.)
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.

Krajsa)
F URD EK
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .

Francis V n u k :

A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent

�204

SLOVAKIA

lack of success. In all its history - and especially in the last
200 years - the Slovak nation has always had selfless and
dedicated sons who in the struggle for national independence - not unlike Tennyson's Ulysses - were "strong in
will to strive, to seek, to find and not to yield."
One of these indefatigable fighters is Dr. Jozef Pauco
who on February 26th was celebrating his 60th birthday.
This memorable occasion makes one pause a moment and
look into the past in order to reconstruct a brief outline
of his life-career with all its notable moments and achievements.
As a man in the forefront of Slovak public activities
Dr. Pauco has many friends and admirers and not a few
enemies. But - no matter what their feeling towards him
are - they would all be unanimous in admitting that the
name of Dr. Pauco has become a synonym of hard and
continuous work in the cause of his nation.
The beginnings of his involvement in this kind of work
go back to his student days; the seeds, however, were sown
much earlier, in the years of his childhood. Born on February 26th, 1914 (at Pila, near Lucenec) of Slovak peasant
stock, young Pauco grew up in a typical Central European
village environment where life was harsh, shortages common and rewards only very modest. This situation was
further aggravated by the outbreak of World War I, when
all able-bodied men were called up and the heavy burden
of daily life had.to be carried by the women and old people.
Pauco's father had to go too and he never came back. He
died as a conscript in the service of those who denied the
very existence of the Slovak nation and were seeking its
physical extinction.
This powerful traumatic experience, combined with the
gentle influence of his widowed mother, imbued the young
boy with a strong sense of justice, and with a fighting spirit
to undo wrongs and to see that one received what was due
to him.
In Czecho-Slovakia which came into being in October
1918 the Slovaks were faring much better than in the prewar Hungary, but they still were treated by their Czech
brethren as minor partners in an unequal Czecho-Slovak
partnership. As a young high school student at Nitra (where

�SLOVAKIA

205

- according to his mother's wishes - he was preparing
for the priesthood) J. Pauco could see this inequality which
was both humiliating and insulting. His teachers (as well
as other public servants and State employees) were Czechs,
while Slovaks were without jobs. Not only did these Czechs
occupy jobs and posts which belonged to the Slovaks but
they also abused their positions by denigrating the Slovak
language, culture, history and way of life.
The outcome of this haughty and unsparing attitude
towards the Slovak people was quite predictible. A general
disenchantment soon gave way to discontent and these sentiments eventually crystallized out as a massive opposition
movement led by Andrej Hlinka. Under Hlinka's charismatic leadership Slovakia launched a campaign for administrative self-government (autonomy) which- incidentallyhad been guaranteed to Slovaks back in 1918 by President
T. G. Masaryk in the well-known Pittsburgh Agreement.
· Hlinka's massive following came from all strata of
Slovak society but the most significant support came from
the enthusiastic followers among the young people. They
provided the Hlinka People's Party with the most convincing
arguments vis-a-vis Prague's centralist "Czechoslovak" policies. The young Slovak generation was autonomist in its
outlook almost to a man, as was demonstrated at Trencianske Teplice in 1932.
J. Pauco soon translated into action his admiration
for Hlinka's valiant struggle for Slovak autonomy. His
contributions to this common national effort were more
and more substantial as he grew older and when in 1936
he came to Bratislava to study Philosophy at the Slovak
University he was already a fully-fledged and highly-valued
activist within the ranks of the Slovak autonomist movement.
In Bratislava he became involved in the affairs of the
busy campus life, where at that time the political issues
were fought and argued in the most radical manner. (One
of Dr. Pauco's ideological opponents was a fellow-student
from the Law Faculty, G. Husak, today's Communist boss
of Czecho-Slovakia). In addition to the campus activities
J . Pauco was a regular contributor to the People's Party
dailies and periodicals. This part-time collaboration with

�206

SLOVAKIA

the press was destined to become the enduring attachmen t
of his life.
In 1938 the struggle for Slovak autonomy took on a
dramatic turn. The artificial facade of "Czechoslo vak" unity
could not withstand the combined pressure of internal and
external factors and collapsed completely , as predicted by
those Slovak politicians whose warnings were never heeded.
In the hectic three months September -November 1938 the
Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes changed beyond
recognition . It had to cede the Sudeten territories to
Germany, Southern Slovakia to the Magyars, the Teschen
region to Poland and internally to grant autonomy to
Slovaks and Ruthenians .
Slovak autonomy, declared by all the Slovak political
parties ( except the Socialists and Communis ts) on October
6th, 1938, was long overdue, but its arrival at this critical
time (as an aftermath of the Munich crisis) made its realization easily misinterpr eted. For the Slovaks, however, it
was a most welcome developme nt in which they saw the
culminatio n of their long political struggle. For the Slovak
People's Party (led since the death of A. Hlinka - in August
1938 - by Dr. Jozef Tiso, who became Premier of the
Slovak autonomou s governmen t) autonomy was a challenge
to show the world around us that we could manage our
affairs with skill and responsibil ity. In communic ating its
aims and ideals to the people the governmen t required
a reliable and prompt press service. Consequen tly J. Pauco
was asked to concentrat e his activities mainly in this
direction.
In March 1939 the Slovaks declared their independen ce
and a new state appeared on the map of Europe: the
Slovak Republic. The transition from autonomy to independence was rapid and the road to independen ce was
somewhat steep. But the Slovaks knew that in the given
situation theirs was not to argue and ponder about the road
behind, but to do something about the road ahead. They
grasped eagerly the historic opportunit y which independence offered and set out to make Slovakia as happy and
prosperous a place for all Slovaks as was possible under
the given circumstan ces.
In this challenging and unique period of Slovak history

�SLOVAKIA

207

Dr. Jozef Pauco played a major and politically significant
role. Apart from administrative responsibilities (he was acting as a district secretary of the People's Party at Nitra) he
steadily maintained his journalistic and editorial connections with numerous political dailies and weeklies. In 1942
Dr. Jozef Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic,
appointed him as Editor-in-Chief of the principal national
daily, Slovak. Slovak was the official press organ of the
People's Party and of the Slovak government. It is an
eloquent testimony to Pauco's journalistic abilities and
political maturity that President Tiso placed such an
important function on the shoulders of such a youthful
(28 years old ) man.
Dr. J . Pauco reciprocated this trust and served Dr.
Tiso faithfully in the subsequent years. It was his concern
to explain and popularize the current governmental policies,
to provide ideological guidance, to maintain and foster
proud nationalistic sentiments among the people and to
instil hope and optimism when the situation became grim
and critical.
It is a tragic aspect of Slovak history that during the
global conflict of 1939-45 Slovakia - unable to escape its
geography - was politically under German protection and
influence. The enemies of Slovak independence exploited
this unfortunate situation and persuaded both the Western
Allies and the Soviet Union that in the post-war settlement
Slovakia should be again annexed to the Czech lands and
that the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia should be restored.
The Slovak patriots who had fought for and defended the
independent Slovak state were branded as fascists, traitors
and even criminals and were threatened with severe punishments and retribution.

To escape the advancing Red Army Slovak political
leaders, administrators, intellectuals and even ordinary
citizens fled in thousands to the West where they hoped
to find sympathy and understanding for their cause. Dr. J.
Pauco and his family (his wife Draga whom he had married
in 1942 and infant-son Svatopluk) were among them. The
last issue of the daily, Slovak was published in Bratislava
on April 1st, 1945 and it sadly signified the end of an era.
The bulk of Slovak political refugees eventually sur·

�208

SLOVAKIA

rendered to the Americans. But the American military,
starry-eyed about "the gallant Soviet ally," and having
swallowed all the Communist lies about the refugees
unthinkingly handed them over to their Communist jailers
and executioners. To escape death or a fate worse than
death the refugees had to scatter and go into hiding in the
hope the West would soon wake up and cease this inhuman
practice. Gradually the Western statesmen realized their
folly and refused to comply with the bloodthirsty Soviet
wishes. The refugees could now breathe relief, but their
troubles were far from over. And what was even more
tragic for hundreds and thousands of them it was already
too late. Dr. J. Pauco was among the lucky ones. Moving
from place to place in Austria and Bavaria he finally settled
in Munich. During this trying period his son Svatopluk died
and many of his close friends and colleagues were forcibly
"repatriated" to Slovakia where they faced the vengeance
of the so-called "people's tribunals." President Tiso and
most of the members of the Slovak government were among
them.
But these tremendous losses and blows failed to break
Pauco's spirit. Believing in justice and convinced that truth
would ultimately triumph, he refused to accept defeat. As
soon as it was possible (in April 1946) he started the publication of Slobodne Slovensko (Free Slovakia) in war-torn
Munich. Though modest in appearance this mimeographed
journal was the very embodiment of ardent Slovak nationalism. The journal was a great moral and psychological
boost for the hard-pressed and frightened Slovak refugees .
To explain the Slovak position to foreigners Dr. Paufo
published bulletins in the German and Ukrainian languages.
Dr. Pauco's stay in West Germany lasted five years.
They were years of extreme hardship and at the same time
years of very intense activity. Many events and happenings
of this period are recorded in his autobiographical novel
The Flight to Wonderland.

The "Wonderland" to him was America which since
the 1870's has become the adopted country to almost one
million Slovaks. He settled in a small provincial township,
Middletown, Pa., where a major Slovak fraternalistic society
has its printery and where the largest Slovak-English
weekly, Jednota is published. He took up the position of

�SLOVAKIA

209

associate editor of this paper and has remained there till
now.
But the editorial work could not possibly absorb all
his energies. Soon after his arrival in the USA he was deeply
involved in all the aspects of Slovak communal activities.
One cannot go through them in detail, but even a simple
enumeration of them is impressive enough to confirm what
was said at the beginning, i.e . that Pauco's name is
synonymous with continuous work in the service of his
nation.
He participates actively in several Slovak associations
and societies: in the Slovak League of America (where he
serves as secretary-general and editor of its English language annual, Slovakia) , in the First Catholic Slovak Union,
in the Slovak Catholic Federation, etc. He plays a leading
role in Slovak political organizations such as the Slovak
National Council Abroad, Slovak Liberation Council, Slovak
World Congress (as the chairman of its Information Committee. ) He takes a keen interest in the history of the Slovak
immigrants in the USA and in this field he has produced
five books (including a comprehensive history of the First
Catholic Slovak Union, 1890-1965) and a large number of
articles.
He is owner-publisher of a popular weekly Slovak
v Amerike and editor of its prestigious annual Literdrny
Almanach. As a writer Dr. Pauco has to his credit two
books of fictionalized autobiography (Unconquerables, 1958
and The Flight to Wonderland , 1963), a volume of reminiscences concerning famous people he met ( Tak sme sa
poznali, 1966) and several books and pamphlets of political
writing (e.g. Slovdci a komunizmus, 1957; co po komunizme?, 1952; Tisov odkaz, 1953; etc.).
It is indeed a life rich in achievements and, what is more,
one can say without fear of contradiction that - as in the
past so in the future - Dr. J. Pauco will certainly enrich
it further with many valuable additions in every sphere
of his many-sided activity. We, his friends and colleagues,
greet him warmly at this momentous milestone of his life
and ask the Almighty to grant him health and strength not
only to continue in his work but also to reap a justly
deserved reward for his efforts. Ad multos annos!

�</text>
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              <text>203&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
REVIEWS OF PAUCO'S WRITINGS&#13;
IN LEADING PERIODICALS&#13;
MOST&#13;
co po komunizme? (I, 1, 1954, p . 44)&#13;
Tisov odkaz (I, 2, 1954, p. 39-40. Dr. Karol Murin)&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso o sebe (I, 3, 1954, p. 41-43. F. Hrusovsky)&#13;
Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (II, 2, 1955, p. 136-137)&#13;
Mest'ancik)&#13;
Slovcici a komunizmus (IV, 3, 1957, p. 132-133.&#13;
Unconquerables (VI, 1-2, 1959, p. 83-85. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.)&#13;
Christian Slovakia Under Communism (VI, 3, 1959, p. 186-187. Andrew&#13;
&#13;
Jan&#13;
&#13;
Pier, O.S.B. )&#13;
Pi:it'desiatnik Dr. Jozef Kirschbaum (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 181)&#13;
Slovakia (XI, 3-4, 1964, p. 182-183)&#13;
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike na rok 1965 (XII, 1-2, 1965, p.&#13;
&#13;
82-83)&#13;
Slovakia (XII, 3-4, 1965, p. 189)&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (XV, 38, 1965, p . 152-155.&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M.)&#13;
Litercirny Almanach Slovcika v Amerike 1967 (XVII, 40, 1967, p. 190-192.&#13;
Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M.)&#13;
Tak sme sa poznali (XVIII, 41, 1968, p . 159-164. Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.&#13;
&#13;
C.M.)&#13;
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike ( XXIII , 46, 1973, p. 196-197. Joseph C.&#13;
&#13;
Krajsa)&#13;
F URD EK&#13;
All writings by Dr. Pauco on the history of American Slovaks are&#13;
evaluated by J . M. Kirschbaum in his article Dr. Pauco' s W ritings and&#13;
the History of American Slovaks (Furdek, 1974, p. 75-80) .&#13;
&#13;
Francis V n u k :&#13;
&#13;
A BIOGRAPHICAL VALEDICTION&#13;
In spite of the fact that the Slovaks are among the&#13;
oldest inhabitants of the Central European region their&#13;
efforts to secure a fully independent life has been seldom&#13;
appreciated and rarely understood. But frustrations and&#13;
disappointments can never deter a nation from its ultimate&#13;
aim, and where one generation fails another will rise to&#13;
continue the struggle. The natural aspirations of a nature&#13;
and self-respecting nation cannot be suppressed by terror,&#13;
nor silenced by bribes, nor extinguished by an apparent&#13;
&#13;
204&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
lack of success. In all its history - and especially in the last&#13;
200 years - the Slovak nation has always had selfless and&#13;
dedicated sons who in the struggle for national independence - not unlike Tennyson's Ulysses - were "strong in&#13;
will to strive, to seek, to find and not to yield."&#13;
One of these indefatigable fighters is Dr. Jozef Pauco&#13;
who on February 26th was celebrating his 60th birthday.&#13;
This memorable occasion makes one pause a moment and&#13;
look into the past in order to reconstruct a brief outline&#13;
of his life-career with all its notable moments and achievements.&#13;
As a man in the forefront of Slovak public activities&#13;
Dr. Pauco has many friends and admirers and not a few&#13;
enemies. But - no matter what their feeling towards him&#13;
are - they would all be unanimous in admitting that the&#13;
name of Dr. Pauco has become a synonym of hard and&#13;
continuous work in the cause of his nation.&#13;
The beginnings of his involvement in this kind of work&#13;
go back to his student days; the seeds, however, were sown&#13;
much earlier, in the years of his childhood. Born on February 26th, 1914 (at Pila, near Lucenec) of Slovak peasant&#13;
stock, young Pauco grew up in a typical Central European&#13;
village environment where life was harsh, shortages common and rewards only very modest. This situation was&#13;
further aggravated by the outbreak of World War I, when&#13;
all able-bodied men were called up and the heavy burden&#13;
of daily life had.to be carried by the women and old people.&#13;
Pauco's father had to go too and he never came back. He&#13;
died as a conscript in the service of those who denied the&#13;
very existence of the Slovak nation and were seeking its&#13;
physical extinction.&#13;
This powerful traumatic experience, combined with the&#13;
gentle influence of his widowed mother, imbued the young&#13;
boy with a strong sense of justice, and with a fighting spirit&#13;
to undo wrongs and to see that one received what was due&#13;
to him.&#13;
In Czecho-Slovakia which came into being in October&#13;
1918 the Slovaks were faring much better than in the prewar Hungary, but they still were treated by their Czech&#13;
brethren as minor partners in an unequal Czecho-Slovak&#13;
partnership. As a young high school student at Nitra (where&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
205&#13;
&#13;
- according to his mother's wishes - he was preparing&#13;
for the priesthood) J. Pauco could see this inequality which&#13;
was both humiliating and insulting. His teachers (as well&#13;
as other public servants and State employees) were Czechs,&#13;
while Slovaks were without jobs. Not only did these Czechs&#13;
occupy jobs and posts which belonged to the Slovaks but&#13;
they also abused their positions by denigrating the Slovak&#13;
language, culture, history and way of life.&#13;
The outcome of this haughty and unsparing attitude&#13;
towards the Slovak people was quite predictible. A general&#13;
disenchantment soon gave way to discontent and these sentiments eventually crystallized out as a massive opposition&#13;
movement led by Andrej Hlinka. Under Hlinka's charismatic leadership Slovakia launched a campaign for administrative self-government (autonomy) which- incidentallyhad been guaranteed to Slovaks back in 1918 by President&#13;
T. G. Masaryk in the well-known Pittsburgh Agreement.&#13;
· Hlinka's massive following came from all strata of&#13;
Slovak society but the most significant support came from&#13;
the enthusiastic followers among the young people. They&#13;
provided the Hlinka People's Party with the most convincing&#13;
arguments vis-a-vis Prague's centralist "Czechoslovak" policies. The young Slovak generation was autonomist in its&#13;
outlook almost to a man, as was demonstrated at Trencianske Teplice in 1932.&#13;
J. Pauco soon translated into action his admiration&#13;
for Hlinka's valiant struggle for Slovak autonomy. His&#13;
contributions to this common national effort were more&#13;
and more substantial as he grew older and when in 1936&#13;
he came to Bratislava to study Philosophy at the Slovak&#13;
University he was already a fully-fledged and highly-valued&#13;
activist within the ranks of the Slovak autonomist movement.&#13;
In Bratislava he became involved in the affairs of the&#13;
busy campus life, where at that time the political issues&#13;
were fought and argued in the most radical manner. (One&#13;
of Dr. Pauco's ideological opponents was a fellow-student&#13;
from the Law Faculty, G. Husak, today's Communist boss&#13;
of Czecho-Slovakia). In addition to the campus activities&#13;
J . Pauco was a regular contributor to the People's Party&#13;
dailies and periodicals. This part-time collaboration with&#13;
&#13;
206&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
the press was destined to become the enduring attachmen t&#13;
of his life.&#13;
In 1938 the struggle for Slovak autonomy took on a&#13;
dramatic turn. The artificial facade of "Czechoslo vak" unity&#13;
could not withstand the combined pressure of internal and&#13;
external factors and collapsed completely , as predicted by&#13;
those Slovak politicians whose warnings were never heeded.&#13;
In the hectic three months September -November 1938 the&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia of Masaryk and Benes changed beyond&#13;
recognition . It had to cede the Sudeten territories to&#13;
Germany, Southern Slovakia to the Magyars, the Teschen&#13;
region to Poland and internally to grant autonomy to&#13;
Slovaks and Ruthenians .&#13;
Slovak autonomy, declared by all the Slovak political&#13;
parties ( except the Socialists and Communis ts) on October&#13;
6th, 1938, was long overdue, but its arrival at this critical&#13;
time (as an aftermath of the Munich crisis) made its realization easily misinterpr eted. For the Slovaks, however, it&#13;
was a most welcome developme nt in which they saw the&#13;
culminatio n of their long political struggle. For the Slovak&#13;
People's Party (led since the death of A. Hlinka - in August&#13;
1938 - by Dr. Jozef Tiso, who became Premier of the&#13;
Slovak autonomou s governmen t) autonomy was a challenge&#13;
to show the world around us that we could manage our&#13;
affairs with skill and responsibil ity. In communic ating its&#13;
aims and ideals to the people the governmen t required&#13;
a reliable and prompt press service. Consequen tly J. Pauco&#13;
was asked to concentrat e his activities mainly in this&#13;
direction.&#13;
In March 1939 the Slovaks declared their independen ce&#13;
and a new state appeared on the map of Europe: the&#13;
Slovak Republic. The transition from autonomy to independence was rapid and the road to independen ce was&#13;
somewhat steep. But the Slovaks knew that in the given&#13;
situation theirs was not to argue and ponder about the road&#13;
behind, but to do something about the road ahead. They&#13;
grasped eagerly the historic opportunit y which independence offered and set out to make Slovakia as happy and&#13;
prosperous a place for all Slovaks as was possible under&#13;
the given circumstan ces.&#13;
In this challenging and unique period of Slovak history&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
207&#13;
&#13;
Dr. Jozef Pauco played a major and politically significant&#13;
role. Apart from administrative responsibilities (he was acting as a district secretary of the People's Party at Nitra) he&#13;
steadily maintained his journalistic and editorial connections with numerous political dailies and weeklies. In 1942&#13;
Dr. Jozef Tiso, the President of the Slovak Republic,&#13;
appointed him as Editor-in-Chief of the principal national&#13;
daily, Slovak. Slovak was the official press organ of the&#13;
People's Party and of the Slovak government. It is an&#13;
eloquent testimony to Pauco's journalistic abilities and&#13;
political maturity that President Tiso placed such an&#13;
important function on the shoulders of such a youthful&#13;
(28 years old ) man.&#13;
Dr. J . Pauco reciprocated this trust and served Dr.&#13;
Tiso faithfully in the subsequent years. It was his concern&#13;
to explain and popularize the current governmental policies,&#13;
to provide ideological guidance, to maintain and foster&#13;
proud nationalistic sentiments among the people and to&#13;
instil hope and optimism when the situation became grim&#13;
and critical.&#13;
It is a tragic aspect of Slovak history that during the&#13;
global conflict of 1939-45 Slovakia - unable to escape its&#13;
geography - was politically under German protection and&#13;
influence. The enemies of Slovak independence exploited&#13;
this unfortunate situation and persuaded both the Western&#13;
Allies and the Soviet Union that in the post-war settlement&#13;
Slovakia should be again annexed to the Czech lands and&#13;
that the pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia should be restored.&#13;
The Slovak patriots who had fought for and defended the&#13;
independent Slovak state were branded as fascists, traitors&#13;
and even criminals and were threatened with severe punishments and retribution.&#13;
&#13;
To escape the advancing Red Army Slovak political&#13;
leaders, administrators, intellectuals and even ordinary&#13;
citizens fled in thousands to the West where they hoped&#13;
to find sympathy and understanding for their cause. Dr. J.&#13;
Pauco and his family (his wife Draga whom he had married&#13;
in 1942 and infant-son Svatopluk) were among them. The&#13;
last issue of the daily, Slovak was published in Bratislava&#13;
on April 1st, 1945 and it sadly signified the end of an era.&#13;
The bulk of Slovak political refugees eventually sur·&#13;
&#13;
208&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
rendered to the Americans. But the American military,&#13;
starry-eyed about "the gallant Soviet ally," and having&#13;
swallowed all the Communist lies about the refugees&#13;
unthinkingly handed them over to their Communist jailers&#13;
and executioners. To escape death or a fate worse than&#13;
death the refugees had to scatter and go into hiding in the&#13;
hope the West would soon wake up and cease this inhuman&#13;
practice. Gradually the Western statesmen realized their&#13;
folly and refused to comply with the bloodthirsty Soviet&#13;
wishes. The refugees could now breathe relief, but their&#13;
troubles were far from over. And what was even more&#13;
tragic for hundreds and thousands of them it was already&#13;
too late. Dr. J. Pauco was among the lucky ones. Moving&#13;
from place to place in Austria and Bavaria he finally settled&#13;
in Munich. During this trying period his son Svatopluk died&#13;
and many of his close friends and colleagues were forcibly&#13;
"repatriated" to Slovakia where they faced the vengeance&#13;
of the so-called "people's tribunals." President Tiso and&#13;
most of the members of the Slovak government were among&#13;
them.&#13;
But these tremendous losses and blows failed to break&#13;
Pauco's spirit. Believing in justice and convinced that truth&#13;
would ultimately triumph, he refused to accept defeat. As&#13;
soon as it was possible (in April 1946) he started the publication of Slobodne Slovensko (Free Slovakia) in war-torn&#13;
Munich. Though modest in appearance this mimeographed&#13;
journal was the very embodiment of ardent Slovak nationalism. The journal was a great moral and psychological&#13;
boost for the hard-pressed and frightened Slovak refugees .&#13;
To explain the Slovak position to foreigners Dr. Paufo&#13;
published bulletins in the German and Ukrainian languages.&#13;
Dr. Pauco's stay in West Germany lasted five years.&#13;
They were years of extreme hardship and at the same time&#13;
years of very intense activity. Many events and happenings&#13;
of this period are recorded in his autobiographical novel&#13;
The Flight to Wonderland.&#13;
&#13;
The "Wonderland" to him was America which since&#13;
the 1870's has become the adopted country to almost one&#13;
million Slovaks. He settled in a small provincial township,&#13;
Middletown, Pa., where a major Slovak fraternalistic society&#13;
has its printery and where the largest Slovak-English&#13;
weekly, Jednota is published. He took up the position of&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
209&#13;
&#13;
associate editor of this paper and has remained there till&#13;
now.&#13;
But the editorial work could not possibly absorb all&#13;
his energies. Soon after his arrival in the USA he was deeply&#13;
involved in all the aspects of Slovak communal activities.&#13;
One cannot go through them in detail, but even a simple&#13;
enumeration of them is impressive enough to confirm what&#13;
was said at the beginning, i.e . that Pauco's name is&#13;
synonymous with continuous work in the service of his&#13;
nation.&#13;
He participates actively in several Slovak associations&#13;
and societies: in the Slovak League of America (where he&#13;
serves as secretary-general and editor of its English language annual, Slovakia) , in the First Catholic Slovak Union,&#13;
in the Slovak Catholic Federation, etc. He plays a leading&#13;
role in Slovak political organizations such as the Slovak&#13;
National Council Abroad, Slovak Liberation Council, Slovak&#13;
World Congress (as the chairman of its Information Committee. ) He takes a keen interest in the history of the Slovak&#13;
immigrants in the USA and in this field he has produced&#13;
five books (including a comprehensive history of the First&#13;
Catholic Slovak Union, 1890-1965) and a large number of&#13;
articles.&#13;
He is owner-publisher of a popular weekly Slovak&#13;
v Amerike and editor of its prestigious annual Literdrny&#13;
Almanach. As a writer Dr. Pauco has to his credit two&#13;
books of fictionalized autobiography (Unconquerables, 1958&#13;
and The Flight to Wonderland , 1963), a volume of reminiscences concerning famous people he met ( Tak sme sa&#13;
poznali, 1966) and several books and pamphlets of political&#13;
writing (e.g. Slovdci a komunizmus, 1957; co po komunizme?, 1952; Tisov odkaz, 1953; etc.).&#13;
It is indeed a life rich in achievements and, what is more,&#13;
one can say without fear of contradiction that - as in the&#13;
past so in the future - Dr. J. Pauco will certainly enrich&#13;
it further with many valuable additions in every sphere&#13;
of his many-sided activity. We, his friends and colleagues,&#13;
greet him warmly at this momentous milestone of his life&#13;
and ask the Almighty to grant him health and strength not&#13;
only to continue in his work but also to reap a justly&#13;
deserved reward for his efforts. Ad multos annos!&#13;
&#13;
</text>
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                    <text>132

SLOVAKIA

William W a g n e r :

The Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius and the Preservation
of Slovak Culture in America
The research involved in writing the history of an ethnic teaching community presented me with two problems.
First, there are relatively few works completed on American
ethnic groups, including the Slovak Americans. Secondly,
the past of this particular teaching Community, the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, has been largely recorded only
by the Sisters of that Community. Therefore, my research
on the Slovak past ( still predominantly written in the Slovak tongue) and my compiling of the Community's history
were very dependent on the writings of the Sisters of the
Community. I believe my work is objective, because of the
limitation of my knowledge of the Community's religious
life, thus removing me from a biased influence. All in all,
I attempted to deal with this subject in such a manner as
to present an honest view of the history and purpose
surrounding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
My appreciation is extended to Reverend Mother M.
Valeria Romanchek and special thanks are expressed to
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius for their helpful
cooperation and endless assistance and guidance throughout
the researching of this paper.
I dedicate this history to Reverend Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, former Community historian, upon whose
research of the Slovak past and the tracing of the
Community's growth I so heavily relied.
THE ROOTS OF SLOVAK CULTURE ARE
CENTURIES OLD
The United States is the most important immigrant
receiving country in the world. Between 1850 and 1930 no
less than thirty-eight million people settled within our
borders. 1 Although early in this immigration period many

�SLOVAKIA

133

newcomers strove to sever ties with the old world, a sizeable portion continued to look reverently upon their past.
The Slovak American, who journeyed to this country
primarily in the later wave of European immigration, were
such a group. The Slovaks feared the loss of their native
culture to a new growing American culture because their
past history consisted of repeated attempts at such assimilation. But also in America the Slovak hoped for the chance
and the right to have his own life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius are a teaching community dedicated to
preserving and promoting this American Slovak culture.
Because one-third of all Slovaks live in America,2 the Sisters'
preservation of their culture is extremely important to
the overall existence of the Slovak people as a national
entity.
The Slovak people are a small part of the Slavic family
found on the European continent. Ethnologists place the
Slovaks in the Western Slavic group, which also includes
Poles, Czechs and Moravians. Commonly but erroneously
the Slovaks are considered only a part of the "Czechoslovak
Nation," but during the ten centuries of Slovak history,
the Slovaks did not live in a common state with the Czechs
until 1918.
Little is known of the early Slavs. Ancient Greeks and
Romans made contact, but left few records. Early recorded
Slovak history tells of struggles with Asiatic tribes, particularly the Avari to whom the Slovaks were subjected
for almost a century. The subjection was followed by the
influence and reign of the Franks. 3
The early Slovak was pagan and war-like. He had many
customs but few laws. He was chiefly agricultural and
believed in various superstitions. This type of religion held
fast until the ninth century when Prince Pribina, the first
direct Slovak ruler of Slavic birth, established the first
Slavic Christian church. Pribina's efforts to christianize
his people met with little success, largely because he was
dependent on Frankish missionaries whose language his
people could not understand. 4
In 846 Pribina's court surrendered to Rastislav, a skillful warrior, who succeeded in winning independence from
the Franks. Rastislav sought religious as well as political
freedom. In the year 863 Prince Rastislav invited the two

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SLOVAKIA

holy brothers, Constantine and Methodius, to come from
Constantinople and work among the Slovak people. These
Byzantine missionaries found it necessary to invent an
alphabet for the Slavs, so that the Holy Scriptures could
be given to them in their own tongue. After having the use
of the Slavonic tongue in Western Liturgy sanctioned by
the Roman Pope, Methodius returned to Slovakia as a
bishop. Constantine meanwhile had died in Rome in 869 ,
after entering a monastery there and assuming the name
of Cyril.
By means of their translations of the Holy Scriptures
Constantine and Methodius laid the foundations of Slavic
literature. The introduction of schools went hand in hand
with this introduction and spread of Christianity in Slovakia.5 Archbishop Methodius continued his teaching and
missionary activity until his death in 885.
That period of political independence for Slovakia
lasted but a short time. Slovakia was soon incorporated
into the State of Hungary, which during medieval times
consisted of various nations.
During this period known as 'The Thousand Years of
Oppression', the Slovaks' civil life declined and thus their
national consciousness was under a cloud.
The Lutheran Reformation, the Turkish invasion of
Hungary in 1526 and the Counter-Reformation led by the
Jesuits all had varying effects on Slovak education. But
it was not until the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773
and the state control of education under Empress Maria
Theresa, that the Slovak education was directed by any
one source. The State of Hungary considered it its duty
to provide for the education of its people, hoping to make
the power of the state felt in every phase of life.6 The
reigns of Maria Theresa and Joseph II saw an expansion
of education and also an attempt at Germanization of the
Slovaks. Joseph's attempt at Germanization was significantly challenged in 1847 and replaced by Hungarian Magyarization. Whether Germanization or Magyarization the NonHungarian Nationalities' interests were ignored.
In 1867 the 'Austro-Hungarian Compromise' touched
off rapid action to create a unitary Hungary by Magyarizing
all departments of public life, especially the schools. The
aim of this policy was the complete assimilation and

�SLOVAKIA

135

conversion of Slovakia into a purely Magyar Province of
Hungary. Since language is the chief symbol of nationality,
the Slovak language was suppressed. Poor economically
and having their national ideals and traditions submerged,
the Slovaks began seeking a new way to improve their life.
U.S. SHINES WITH HOPE FOR SLOVAK IMMIGRANTS
Immigration held the dream of a better life. The
heaviest immigration of the Slovaks occurred between 1890
and 1900.7 It must be stressed that the majority of immigrants came to America for economic reasons, few
peasants ever left East Europe during this period due to
political reasons, though politics did cause many not to
return. 8
The first immigrants were usually the fathers of the
Slovak families, hoping for quick economic gain, and a
subsequent return to their native land and families. But
once in America few immigrants returned. They found
employment that significantly raised their living standard.
Though in a strange, sometimes hostile land, the immigrant
recognized the ideals of freedom that he was denied in his
homeland. As thoughts of returning to their native land diminished, the pioneering immigrants sent for their families
to join them in their adopted country. 9
Once the immigrant families had situated themselves
in this new land, they were faced with problems of adjustment. The majority of the Slovak immigrants settled in
the industrial East, seeking employment with the mining
industries, particularly in Pennsylvania. Since the closing
of the American frontier the greatest means of livelihood
for new immigrants was in these rising industrial areas.10
As the economic necessity of making a living diminished, the new Americans turned to their social needs.
Subsequently as the new settlements became more permanent, these Slovak immigrants turned to their religious
needs. They began by building community parishes, while
searching for Slovak priests who were few in number in
this time of early immigration.11 The churches provided
a common bond upon which were built beneficial organizations, such as the organizations of the First Catholic Slovak
Union known as Jednota. It was the purpose of these
beneficial groups to locate and unite the scattered elements

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SLOVAKIA

of American Slovaks. Unity was usually provided through
the weekly Slovak newspapers.
EDUCATION AL ASPIRATIONS OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS
Upon completion of the drive to build parishes the
Slovaks had finished with what they call the Church Age of
their settlement in America. 12 Having established themselves
within their own community, they were faced with the task
of joining the larger American community. Obviously, they
needed to learn the English language and familiarize themselves with American customs. It was over this need for
education that friction developed. On the one hand the
immigrant desired to be accepted in this new environment;
yet on the other, he also desired to preserve his own cultural
past. The first generation immigrant was taught English
usually by his employer and did not have his culture challenged, thus resisting assimilation. 13 It was the education
of successive generations that presented the problem of
cultural alienation. The apparent choice in education was
to enroll their offsprings in public schools in order to help
them adjust to this new American Life. But education in
the public schools posed severe cultural hazards.
The public school taught American subjects with American values. The foreign children were judged by American
cultural standards of conduct. In this position the foreign
children were caught between their old culture and the new
American culture. This had definite results: A limited
number abandoned their embarrassing heritage-to accept
American standards; a larger number sought to forget their
traditional background regarding them as inferior-lead ing
to family disruption and disintegration . Finally, the largest
group failed to adjust to school and left feeling disregarded,
discouraged and inferior .14
The public school encouraged the disintegration of
Slovak families. The Slovaks had successfully resisted
attempts of assimilation by stronger cultures in the past,
but now they faced the task of resisting assimilation in
a foreign land. To be assimilated meant the destruction
of their culture. The chief means of assimilation was
through education, as was attempted in their past history.
Though it was largely an unconscious process by which
America imposed its own standard of ideals on the new-

�SLOVAKIA

137

comers, the public schools were succeeding in imposing
a common English culture upon the children of many
nationalities. 15 By treating the immigrant as a native the
public school disregarded his culture and background. What was needed was a means to hand down a suitable
portion of his native culture in order to provide a past,
thus avoiding an identity crisis. The public school system
could not provide this necessity in full. What was needed
was a new system that could teach their children good
American citizenship and preserve in them a profitable
appreciation of the language, culture and tradition of their
forefathers, while still providing a sufficient academic
education. Fearing further disintegration of their culture,
the Slovaks began searching and discussing alternatives
in the development of Slovak America.
REV. MATTHEW JANKOLA ASSUMES LEADERSHIP
A leader in this search for a solution to the American
Slovak's educational needs was Father Matthew Jankola.
He spent much time studying his fellow Slovaks in their
new surroundings. Early in his life he wrote: "We have
a serious problem, the problem of educating our children
according to American methods, and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their cultural character
and their cultural traditions." 16 With this attitude Father
Jankola formed an Association of Priests in 1903 to consider
the question of providing for the Catholic education of
Slovak youth.
Father Jankola began his studies for the priesthood
in his native Slovakia. But under pressure from both the
Hungarian civil and ecclesiastical authorities, which frowned apon Slovak devotion to Saints Cyril and Methodius,
and the fostering of Slovak nationalism, Father Jankola
sought refuge in America. 17 He arrived in 1893, and finished
his studies at Saint Bonaventure's Seminary in Allegheny,
New York. As a priest Father Jankola dedicated himself
to the problem of cultural disintegration of his people,
begun in Hungary and now continuing in America.
It was on behalf of this couse that Father Jankola
directed his early writings. When considering education,
Father Jankola looked to its broader meaning of culture,
rather than its narrow sense of formal schooling. He felt

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that next to the parish church must be a school, because
without Catholic schools the Catholic Church had no future,
no assured existence. Father Jankola saw the parish church
alone and unaided by a Catholic school as but a "feeble
barrier" against the rapid onrush of worldliness and a too
sudden Americanization for Slovak youth. Further, to preserve the Slovak national character, the children must be
educated in Slovak schools with religious principles. Father
Jankola held the schools as helpful for religious training,
and necessary also to preserve nationality. In Father
Jankola's mind the church directed religion, not language;
for the teaching of language, which fosters the national
spirit, teachers and schools were needed.18
In this spirit Father Jankola called for the establishment of schools, staffed by Slovak Sisters. His initial
contact with the Slovak people on this project was done
through the newspapers, such as the weekly Jednota. Many
attempts were made · to secure Slavic Sisters, but to no
avail. This was a time of heavy immigration causing the
demand for Sisters in America to be very great. Confronted
with the problem of no available Sisters for his project,
Father Jankola suggested the possibility of founding a
Religious Community for the education of Slovak youth.
The suggestion was received favorably, so Father Jankola
sought Slovak candidates to train in an American Sisterhood, which would later branch off into an independent
congregation as their numbers grew.
A Czech Benedictine Community of Sisters expressed
willingness to receive and educate Slovak girls. Father
Jankola secured three aspirants who were sent to the Czech
Sisters in Chicago. But this project failed when the girls
became discontented and wished to return to Pennsylvania.
Their return was hard on Father Jankola, but their young
age and the great distances they had traveled made him
sympathetic. 19
Father Jankola did not abandon his project. Instead,
upon further study he came in contact with Mother Mary
Cyril at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton, Penna.
After considering Father Jankola's plan for a parochial
school system under Slovak Sisters, Mother Mary Cyril
agreed to accept the young girls. The girls entered Mount
Saint Mary's Seminary in November of 1903, to learn the

�SLOVAKIA

139

principles of religious life and live according to its Rules. 20
While preparing the Slovak girls for religious teaching
and guidance under Mother Mary Cyril and the Sisters of
the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Father Jankola began a fund
to further his project. He established "St. Anthony's Treasury" which received donations from parishes, societies and
individuals.
A TEACHING COMMUNITY
OF SLOVAK SISTERS IS BORN
On September 11, 1909, the first Slovak girls pronounced their religious vows, 21 marking the birth of the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, honoring the Saints
who gave Slovakia its faith and culture. Father Jankola
noted that this was the founding of the first Slovak religious
sisterhood that the Slovaks ever had, either in Europe or
America. At the birth of this new Order Father Jankola
set down four principal reasons for its conception:
1) Educate Slovak children
2) Care for Slovak orphans and aged
3) Preserve Slovak culture
4) Pray for the return of Slav schismatics.22
Father Jankola's first principle has been the primary
apostolate of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The
parish school has always constituted the particular vocation
of the Sisters. The Sisters set themselves the traditional
objective of education in a Christian spirit to develop and
train to the fullest the powers and capacities of a young
student's mind and body. They also strove to inculcate
principles of true patriotism and citizenship in order to
develop enlightened, conscientious American citizens, imbued with Christian attitudes of justice and charity, peace
and order, which they feel are the main components for
social living. As Slovak American teachers, they endeavored
to preserve some of the traditions and the cultural heritage
of the Slovak people among the students of Slovak parentage, and to foster in all students an interest and respect
for the varied cultures and attitudes that make up the
Brotherhood of Man. 23
Through such recognition and acceptance of foreign
natures, characteristics, and personalities built from a different culture, the Sisters sought to achieve cultural
democracy. To accept cultural democracy means to accept

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SLOVAKIA

a technique of social adjustment that will make possible
the preservation of the best of all cultures. 24 This was the
desire of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To accept,
as well as to be accepted, is the condition for effective
pluralism in a nation. Cultural pluralism in the American
educational system has existed because we are a multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-lingual nation. It was thought
that the public school system would Americanize these
foreign elements into the melting pot of uniform American
culture. The concept of American culture as a mosaic has
been the reason for, and the challenge of, the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius.
For six years this newly established Community of
Sisters continued under the guidance of the Sisters of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary. It was on August 4, 1915, that
the Community had its first elections in which Sister Mary
(Mihalik) was elected the first Superior General. During
this period the Sisters opened their first school to educate
children in the Sacred Heart of Jesus Parish in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, marking the beginning of the educational
work of the Community. Before this group could be firmly
established Mother Mary died in 1916. Her successor was
Mother M. Emmanuel whose greatest achievement involved
the establishment of a suitable, permanent Motherhouse.25
MOTHER M. EMMANUEL, SS.C.M. (1916-1922)
The Sisters had been temporarily situated in Middletown, Pennsylvania. While in this location, Mother M.
Emmanuel sought a permanent Motherhouse. She was
informed by Reverend Julius Foin about a large tract of
land with an old mansion in Danville. Through Bishop
Philip R. McDevitt, Mother M. Emmanuel made contact
with a local attorney, Ralph Kisner, and was informed that
the 'Castle Grove' property was for sale. The Mansion site
proper, containing thirteen acres-forty rooms, eleven
bathrooms-finished throughout with hardwood, was a relic
of the passing iron industry in Danville. There was also
an adjoining farm with one hundred thirty-three acres and
numerous outbuildings.
This enormous dwelling was perfect for Mother M.
Emmanuel's aims, but the price was beyond the Community's ability to pay. Upon inspection of this property,
Mother M. Emmanuel found that the Mansion had stood

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141

vacant for fourteen years, needing numerous repairs. With
this in mind she made a meager offer. The actual owner was
in France, causing slow communication. Price remained the
hindrance as Mother M. Emmanuel would not raise her
offer. In March of 1919, Attorney Kisner informed the
Sisters that the owner had agreed to drastically reduce
his price to meet the Community's needs.
Now that the Community's prayers for a Motherhouse
had been answered, only the necessary funds for purchase
remained an obstacle. The Sisters had saved about half
of the required amount, but had discouraging experiences
in acquiring the rest. This was the critical period during
World War I, causing excess funds to be scarce.26 After
futile appeals to the citizens and banks of the Wilkes-Barre
area, a heavily populated Slovak community, Mother M.
Emmanuel turned to the Danville National Bank for a loan.
This bank considered the risk minimal and granted the
loan at low interest. With payment secured, the Sisters
concluded the 'Castle Grove' deal in June of 1919, and began
preparations for the transfer of the Motherhouse from
Middletown to its permanent home in Danville.
Throughout the summer months in 1919, the Sisters
worked to put the house and grounds in order. Within this
new convent the Community prepared for the continuance
of religious training for its Sisters and converted one of
the two ballrooms into a chapel. Holy Mass was first
celebrated on Sunday morning, July 6, 1919. With the
approach of Autumn all but the Sisters in training took
leave of 'Sacred Heart Villa,' as the grounds had been
named, to resume their duties in the parish schools.
During the War Years the demand for Sisters in
parochial schools became very great. The war and the influenza epidemic strongly limited the work of the Sisters.27
As this situation relaxed in the summer of 1920, Mother
M. Emmanuel arranged classes for the Sisters to improve
their educational resources. The educational progress of
the Community was under the direction of the Sisters
from Marywood. This was being continued by Mother M.
Emmanuel who sought also to further the Community's
material progress. She was engaged in soliciting funds
from the homes of Slovaks to pay off the Sister's bank
loan. Mother M. Emmanuel promoted thrift within her

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SLOVAKIA

Community because she felt the Community would be more
secure in the American culture when free from debt. Mother
M. Emmanuel's term expired in 1922. She had directed
this young Sisterhood through its pioneering days, giving
it shelter, resources and existence through the war years.
Mother M. Emmanuel's main contribution was, of course,
the establishment of the Motherhouse that was to become
the center of Slovak culture in America.
MOTHER M. PIUS, SS.C.M. OPENS
ST. CYRIL ACADEMY IN 1922
By the choice of the Sisters, Sister M. Pius was elected
the third Superior General. Bishop McDevitt, who supervised the election, also commented on the importance of
the Sisters' studies because someday the civil authorities
would require that every teacher must be certified by the
State of Pennsylvania. Certification would be important in
having the Community accepted as a competent educational
institution in American society. Now that they had an
established center, the Sisters could begin to focus their
educational mission with greater assurance.
The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius had always
wished for the establishment of a high school and boarding
school for girls. Presently, they were only employed in
elementary education. This idea for an institution of higher
education for their own children was popular among the
Slovaks. In addition to the regularly prescribed American
branches, they wanted their offsprings to be taught the
mother tongue and trained to appreciate the historical and
cultural traditions of their nation. 28 To this wish Mother
M. Pius responded.
Mother M. Pius expressed a desire to have an official
from the Department of Public Instruction in Harrisburg
come to Danville to give a lecture on the requirements of
the State, regarding the equipment and function of a high
school and its accreditation.
In August of 1922, Doctor Edward Hoban arrived from
Harrisburg and explained such subjects as extension
courses, summer school, teacher certificates, teaching of
foreign languages, importance of teaching citizenship, the
teaching of historical and social studies, and the necessity
of physical education. This lecture assured the commencement of preparation for a high school on American terms.

�SLOVAKIA

143

The following week an advertisement appeared in the
Slovak newspapers stating that the Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius had equipped part of their convent at
Danville as a boarding school for girls.
To conform to American standards the equipment of
the high school called for two very important departments
-the Library and the Laboratory for the Sciences. Both
of these were begun with the opening of the school. Books
acquired were those recommended by the Department o!
Education. Also a large selection of Catholic and Slovak
books supplemented the Community's aim of a multicultural education. In all, nineteen pupils attended the first year
of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School, indicating
a desire on the part of the Slovaks to have their children
educated in a Slovak, as well as an American atmosphere.
Towards the close of the first year in the spring of
1923, a small group of students ventured into the school's
first extra-curricular activity. These girls formed a Literary
Society in which they compiled a little booklet of essays,
stories, and poems. Under Mother M. Pius' encouragement
this activity continued, resulting in the first issue of the
bi-lingual (Slovak and American) school magazine, Fialky
(Violets). The Fialky were thereafter issued semi-annually
until 1940 and then annually until 1970, when it ceased
publication.
During the summer vacation Mother M. Pius encouraged
the Sisters toward further studies, hoping to improve their
competence as teachers. She was anxious to secure state
certification for as many Sisters as could qualify. Now
that the Community was engaged in all levels of education,
Mother M. Pius wished to secure them within the American
educational system through accreditation.
The Academy's opening in the second year exposed
space problems as enrollment grew. Mother Pius expressed
the need for a strong building fund and enacted new
collection drives among the Slovak people. The number
of students steadily increased into the third and fourth
year.• With the fourth year the need for accredition increased as the first graduation approached. The school
was informed that the State Representatives would make
an official inspection at the school year's end.
That June, just a week before graduation, the State

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SLOVAKIA

Inspector arrived and spent a day inspecting the school,
interviewing both the staff and the students. The State
Representative, Doctor Pentz, found the Slovak students
being educated and trained in all that the modern high
schools offered, and in their Religion and mother tongue as
well. To this he expressed his satisfaction, commenting on
the orderly and methodological way in which the different
departments were being conducted. 29 After Dr. Pentz reported the Academy as "first class" in both arrangement and
curriculum, the school received a telegram, congratulating
teachers and students on receiving accreditation from the
State.
This good news arrived just days before the first
graduation, much to the Sisters' delight. While preparations
for this first commencement progressed, another great
event was in prospect, namely, the Eucharistic Congress
in Chicago. This event made a great impact on the first
commencement of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High
School.
Accreditation from the State of Pennsylvania proved
the Sisters' ability to provide their students with a fitting
education in their new society, but what remained to be
seen was whether or not the Sisters could live up to the
task of preserving Slovak culture in America. Slovak
American culture was to receive a fresh impetus by the
Eucharistic Congress held in Chicago. Due to attend the
Congress were four bishops from Slovakia. The presence
of these Slovak bishops greatly excited the Slovak Americans and especially the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
since through the influence of Bishop McDevitt arrangements were made to have these four bishops attend the
Academy's first graduation.
The date of the festivity was June 14, 1926. Under the
guidance of Bishop McDevitt, who presided at the First
Graduation ceremony, the entire Community and students
assembled at the Convent's gate to welcome the visiting
bishops. Upon the arrival of the Slovak bishops, who were
traveling in European fashion, clad in cassock and purple
cincture, the commencement proceeded with prayers, songs,
and speeches. The speeches were delivered in Slovak,
calling for a continuance of Catholic education. Bishop
McDevitt's address underscored the advantages which the

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145

Slovak people can derive from a solid Catholic education.
He also pointed out that this could be done because the
American government stood to protect the religious rights
of all American citizens. The theme of religious pluralism
in America was carried further by the Senior Bishop from
Slovakia in a speech that noted how this American government respects, upholds, and protects the religious liberty
of the people who found refuge under her banner. Bishop
Marian Blaha further cited the great accomplishments of
the American Slovaks. Their ability to provide a Catholic
education while preserving their mother tongue greatly
impressed him. Then as an old Slovak proverb states,
"Every perfect day must end even as the sweetest song"
-this first commencement was no exception; it was concluded by a student chorale of inspirational Slovak songs.30
The first graduation was a significant milestone in the
history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. It was
their first public manifestation of their educational standards and traditions. The graduation exercise presented a
new phase in the mission of the Slovak Sisters. Their people
realized that Danville would not only house a Convent and
an Academy, but would be the center of genuine culture
for the Slovaks in America. To attain a status combining
a true Americanism with an appreciation of the spirit and
traditions of their native land was the Community's desire.31
With this spirit of appreciation, encouraged by the
sharp increase of applicants, new thoughts of building
were entertained. But unlike before, the Slovak people,
organizations and individuals alike, urged this step. These
groups advised a general benefit drive for funds, alleging
the time was ripe for such a movement since industrial
conditions were favorable and the people were willing to
donate.32 In the spring of 1927 Mother M. Pius presented
a letter of the officers of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies'
Union, another element of Slovak-American culture, announcing the drive for a building fund. When Mother M.
Pius asked for their contribution, she was immediately
promised five thousand dollars. The response elsewhere
was the same. The Slovak newspapers pushed the drive
and local groups competed in fund raising. This favorable
reaction illustrates the Slovak-Americans' desire for an
enlarged Slovak cultural center in America.

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SLOVAKIA

With the building fund well under way, Mother M. Pius
contracted Architect Bernard Starr of Harrisburg, who in
turn sought the assistance of Harry Sternfeld of Philadelphia. A spot for the new building was selected on the Villa
Sacred Heart campus, and Mr. Sternfeld sketched a building
dominated by a central tower. This initial plan brought
eriticism for its "needless extravagance," but Mother M.
Pius retained the plan as the answer to the needs of the
Community, plus the cultural, educational and religious
needs of the Slovak-American people.
The Community wasted no time in beginning the new
building. Ground was broken on May 23, 1929, in a ceremony
which the local Danville Morning News described as an
event to go down in Slovak history. 33
The speakers' program included representatives of the
church, state, and Slovak national life. As the building
progressed, the country entered the depression of the
1930's. By the time the building was completed, economic
tension was beginning to be felt everywhere.34 With this
in mind, Mother M. Pius avoided any elaborate dedication
ceremony. This new building was made to catch the spirit
of the past and to intepret it with a contemporaneous point
of view in order to make it fit actual conditions.35 Its
design was in accord with the ideals of the Sisters of SS.
Cyril and Methodius, who hoped to blend the past into
a new, usable present. In a more practical manner the
new building provided an institution solely devoted to the
education of the Slovak people and the preserving of their
culture. It was viewed as a national work, one that provided
b roader limits and better accommodations which would
produce greater results. 36 The local paper saw the building
as a monument to the Slovak people of America, and
considered it one of the local community's finest aspects.37
The Sisters moved into their new building in September
of 1931.
The following three years were quiet, filled with earnest
activity toward the educational goals of the Community.
This period ended with the significant year of 1934, the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the Community's existence. In
those twenty-five years the Community developed and
established itself in a permanent Motherhouse, which in
turn had developed the First Catholic Slovak Girls' High

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147

School, crowned by the magnificent new building. This had
been done under three Superiors General-Mother Mary,
Mother M. Emmanuel, Mother M. Pius-all of whom promoted the cultivation of the Slovak language and history,
which, with religion, constitute the two outstanding characteristics of the Slovak Academy. Extra-curricular activities,
like Fialky and Cyrilika-a society for fostering interest
in Slovak journalism-as well as customs established for
the practical study of Slovak, such as speaking Slovak all
day every Saturday, and the annual observance of Slovak
Week, acquired notice and approval. The observance of
Slovak tradition gave this Academy a unique position in
the field of American education.38
With a high spirit of celebration the Silver Jubilee of
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius commenced. The
Jubilee marked still another turning point in the Community's history as it came at the close of Mother M. Pius'
long administration. Her work finished laying a firm
foundation which became the base for a promising era of
new growth.
MOTHER M. EMERENTIA, SS.C.M. (1934-1946)
In this new period of the Community's history the
work of the Academy advanced quietly, with gratifying
results in the field of Slovak-American culture. When
Mother M. Emerentia was elected Superior General in 1934,
she encouraged Slovak interests and cultural projects like
formal programs, dramatic productions, Slovak readings,
folk song festivals and, above all, research and creative
writing on Slovak topics. Mother M. Emerentia was also
responsible for the compilation of Slovak language texts
and hymnals used widely in Slovak elementary schools and
parishes in America.
The early years of Mother M. Emerentia's administration coincided with the greatest period of the depression.
Though there was no drop in student enrollment, neither
was there the marked increase that would have normally
been the case.• These drawbacks, however, had advantages.
The subdued quiet of the interval was conducive to a
greater concentration on school work, both regular and
extracurricular. Correspondence with students in Slovakia
'' See enrollment figures; Table I.

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SLOVAKIA

was an activity greatly enjoyed by the students of St. Cyril
Academy. It was also during these years that the school
was favored by a number of distinguished visitors from
Slovakia, including a delegation from the Slovak Institute
of Arts and Sciences, a group of students from the Slovak
unit of Pax Romana, plus numerous distinguished scholars,
writers, and statesmen, including the Slovak martyr, Msgr.
Joseph Tiso.39
When our country was drawn into war on December
8, 1941, the first care of the Motherhouse was directed
toward the Sisters and their pupils in the parish schools.
The Community placed its trust in God and His care of
our country, and classes went on as usual. However, extracurricular activities were directed toward war needs.
Beyond the prayers for peace, the Community and its
students turned out quantities of knitted sweaters and
helmets. They experienced the value of thrift by rationing
food and collected all scraps such as fats, iron and paper.
The Sisters also joined in relief efforts for their native
land. An extensive relief project for the war sufferers in
Slovakia was aided by the Community, which sent abroad
numerous packages of relief materials. The motherhouse
was a center for this organized relief work.
The relief project continued in action even after the
war, when Slovakia again was suppressed by a stronger
force. Following a remarkably successful and flourishing
six-year period of self-rule under the Presidency of Tiso,
the Slovak government collapsed when victory came to
Russia and the Allies. 40 With this victory Slovakia was
overrun by the Communists. Their occupation of the country led to the execution of Msgr. Tiso, plus the silencing of
many bishops and priests. The people of Slovakia remained
in destitution; hence, the necessity for relief work to
continue until the Iron Curtain cut off all communication. 41
The Communist occupation caused more refugees to
seek freedom and sanctuary from Slovakia. As thousands
came to America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
and their students enjoyed fresh contacts with persons
of their fatherland. Priests and professional people willingly
gave lectures to both the Sisters and the students, chiefly
on conditions in Slovakia and on topics of Slovak history.

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149

Several high school students from Slovakia enrolled in the
Academy, thus enriching the Slovak-American culture.
MOTHER M. CRESCENTIA, SS.C.M. (1946-1958)
While the Slovak-American tradition was being enriched during these post-war years, a new Superior General
was elected, placing renewed importance on the educational
aspects of the Academy. Mother M. Crescentia realized
that during the earlier years the educational objectives
could not be pursued as fully as desired since more urgent
activities were at hand. In time, however, conditions
improved, so that more and better organized work could
be done in the field of teacher education. Mother M.
Crescentia took advantage of this situation, arranging for
more Sisters to take college courses in a greater variety of
fields. With this renewed progress in the Sisters' personal
educational ventures, activities in the Academy moved
apace. The student enrollment at the Academy, which
increased only to a minor extent after the depression, now
began rapid growth.
This growth of the Academy advanced steadily into the
fifties, causing every available space within the Academy
to be filled. It necessitated the building of Saint Philomena
Hall to be used for students' living and classrooms. Also
in the fifties, the Community worked for the founding of
Father Jankola. They are Villa Saint Cyril in Highland
Park, Illinois, and Maria Joseph Manor in Danville, Pennsylvania. By 1958 the Community had a new Superior
General in the person of Mother M. Bernard.
MOTHER M. BERNARD, SS.C.M. (1958-1970)
The highlight of this decade was the observance of
the Community's Golden Jubilee. It was climaxed by the
celebration of a Roman-Slavonic Mass on the Villa campus
in the presence of five thousand visitors from all parts
of the country.42 It was the first Roman rite vernacular
Mass ever offered on this continent.
The increased enrollment and the large turnout for the
Roman-Slavonic Mass indicates the strong support the
Academy received from the Slovak-American people in its
preserving of Slovak culture.
The early sixties were also highlighted by a large
celebration honoring another aspect of the Comunity's
Slovak heritage. The year 1963 marked the eleven hundredth

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SLOVAKIA

anniversary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among
the Slovaks. In addition to the Community celebration in
America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius participated
in a week-long observance in Rome, involving numerous
Slovak pilgrims, who had assembled there for the dedication of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
a seminary for the training of priests for Slovakia.
THE JANKOLA LIBRARY

The latter sixties and early seventies for St. Cyril Academy had been dominated by two cherished Slovak projects.
First was the active cooperation with the Apostolate of
the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,
begun during the 1963 pilgrimage. Second was the professional development of the Jankola Library at the Academy.
This Library is a center of Slovak culture and learning for
St. Cyril Academy and Slovak America. It is called Jankola
Library in honor of the founder of the Community and
promoter of Slovak-American culture, Father Matthew Jankola. The Library provides invaluable resources for study
and research purposes, as well as literary works to enrich
the Slovak spirit. Jankola Library contains over six thousand (6,000) fully catalogued items on its shelves with
several hundred more reserved for further processing.43
Beyond just Slovak books this Library also promotes
Slovak-American culture with its large collection of Slovak
art. Included among its treasures are a large unusual map
of Czecho-Slovakia, an artistically costumed mannequin
representing the Slovak tradition, and a large, valuable
collection of Slovak ceramic art, some embroidery and
sizeable pieces of cutglass sent from Slovakia. This Library
with its vast assortment of Slovak art is truly a tribute
to Slovakia's culture.
With Jankola Library as its Slovak center, SS. Cyril
Academy still provides an excellent American education.
It offers a wide range of courses, including four foreign
languages.* Besides educating students for social living in
America, the Academy can also train girls for a religious
teaching life within its own Community. The Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius are presently teaching in parish
schools and eight (8) high schools, including a boarding
* Source listing of St. Cyril Academy. Table II.

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SLOVAKIA

school for girls. 0 Education of Slovak children continues
to be the principal vocation of a Sister of SS. Cyril and
Methodius. It is to these children that a Sister dedicates
herseJf and hopes to preserve Slovakia's heritage.
Today, the St. Cyril Academy is justifiably proud of
tts accomplishments during the past fifty ( 50) years. Both
the teaching Sisters and their students are fully educated
in, and cognizant of, their dual heritage. The traditions
and artifacts of Slovak culture have been preserved; while
at the same time, each graduate is proud to be an American.
St. Cyril Academy continues to revere its Slovak past.
The Sisters continue to aid the suppressed people of
Slovakia, but now this is done indirectly to the extent
possible. It is the desire of the Sisters of the Academy to
provide their countrymen with new hope of cultural freedom by showing them the accomplishments that have been
possible in America. This Academy is rightly considered
the center of Slovak culture in America.
"" List of schools staffed by Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Table III.

TABLE I
Enrollment figures of St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.
Year

1925-26
1926-27
1927-28
1928-29
1929-30
1930-31
1931-32
1932-33
1933-34
1934-35
1935-36
1936-37
1937-38
1938-39
1939-40
1940-41

Total Number
of Students

38
39
44
47
42
61
75
69
60
58
52
58
54
50
60
70

Year

1941-42
1942-43
1943-44
1944-45
1945-46
1946-47
1947-48
1948-49
1949-50
1950-51
1951-52
1952-53
1953-54
1954-55
1955-56
1956-57

Total Number
of Students

66
55
55
69
91
96
90
107
112
109
123
138
148
153
157
180

Total Number
Year of Students

1957-58
1958-59
1959-60
1960-61
1961-62
1962-63
1963-64
1964-65
1965-66
1966-67
1967-68
1968-69
1969-70
1970-71
1971-72
1972-73

181
175
162
182
202
195
202
171
156
178
120
108
104
101
108
106

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152

TABLE II
Curriculum of St. Cyril Academy
FIRST YEAR

Religion I
English I
Algebra I
Intr. Physical Science
Physical Education
Chorus
World Culture I
Latin I
Spanish I

French I
Slovak I
Foods
Art I
Art Appreciation
Music Appreciation
Health Education
Piano
Interpretive Dance

SECOND YEAR

Religion II
English II
Geometry
Biology
Physical Education
Chorus
World Culture II
Latin II

French II
Spanish II
Slovak II
Foods
Clothing I
Art II
Piano
Interpretive Dance
THIRD YEAR

Religion III
English III
Algebra II
Chemistry
Physical Education
Chorus
American Culture I
Latin III
Spanish III

French III
Slovak III
Foods
Advanced Clothing
Art III
Piano
Interpretive Dance
Typing I
Stenography I

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153

FOURTH YEAR

Religion IV
English IV
Business English
Math 12
Advanced Biology
Physical Education
Chorus
American Culture II
Latin IV
Spanish IV
French IV

Slovak IV
Advanced Clothing
Art IV
Speech
Piano
Interpretive Dance
Typing II
Stenography II
Bookkeeping
Business Law

TABLE III
SCHOOLS STAFFED BY SIS'llEIBS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS

Berwick, Pa.
Bloomsburg, Pa.
Binghamton, N. Y.
Binghamton, N. Y.
Bridgeport, Conn.
Bridgeport, Pa.
Charleston, S. C.
Charleston, S. C.
Chicago, Ill.
East Vandergrift, Pa.
Endicott, N. Y.
Gary, Indiana
Hazleton, Pa.
Jessup, Pa.
Lebanon, Pa.
Luzerne, Pa.
Nanticoke, Pa.
New York, N. Y.
Olyphant, Pa.
Perth Amboy, N. J.
Phoenixville, Pa.
Pittston, Pa.
Plymouth, Pa.
Stratford, Conn.
Swoyersville, Pa.
Torrington, Conn.

St. Mary's School
St. Columba School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
St. Ann's School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
Mother of Sorrows School
Blessed Sacrament School
Nativity School
SS. Simon and Jude School
Holy Trinity School
St. Joseph School
Holy Trinity School
St. Joseph School
St. Michael's School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
St. John Nepomucene School
St. Joseph School
St. John Nepomucene School
Holy Ghost School
Holy Trinity School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School
St. John Baptist School
St. Stephen School
Sacred Name of Jesus School
Holy Trinity School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School

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154

Immaculate Conception School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School
Holy Trinity School

Whiting, Ind.
Wilkes-Barre, Pa.
Yonkers, N. Y.

IDGH SCHOOLS

Andrean High School
Dunmore Catholic High School
Lourdes H. S.
Lebanon Catholic H. S.
Kingston Catholic Central
Catholic Central H. S.
Catholic Central (St. Pius X)
Blessed Sacrament Academy
St. Cyril Academy

1. Gary, Ind.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Dunmore, Pa.
Shamokin, Pa.
Lebanon, Pa.
Kingston, Pa.
Charleston, S. C.
Pottstown, Pa.
Yonkers, N. Y.
Danville, Pa.

FOOTNOTES

1) David F . Bowers, "Social and Cultural Impact" in For eign Influences in American Life (Princeton, 1944) , p. 1.
2) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1969), p. 86.
3) The Slovak Nation, Manuscript in Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
Community Archives, Danville, Pennsylvania.
4 ) Ibid.
5) Education in Slovakia, Manuscript in SS. C. M Community Archives,
composition by M . I. Angelovic, pp. 88.
6) Ibid.
7) Ear liest Immigration, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
8 ) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p . 108.
9 ) Earliest Immigration

Ms.

10) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, "Czechoslovak American" in
One America (New York, 1946), p. 147.
11) In 1899, there were eight Slovak priests in America. Earliest
Immigration Ms.

12) The Slovaks divide their settlement in America into three Ages:
Church Age, School Age, and Institution Age. Ibid.
13) Daniel Tanzone, "The Slovak Experience in Contemporary America"
in Slovakia (Middletown, Pa., 1972), p. 129.
14) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our Racial and National Minorities (New York, 1937), p. 602.
15) Timothy Smith, "New Approaches to the History of Immigration
in 20th Century America", in The America Historical Review LXXI,
(July 1966), p. 127.

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SLOVAKIA

16) Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic
Education in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by Sister M. Consuela Gregorovic, p. 14.
17) Ibid. , p. 3.
18 ) Earliest Plans, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.

19) Ibid .
20) Ibid.
21) The girls wer,e Mary Mihalik, Mary Bartek and Mary Pauly.
22) Father Jankola, Ms., pp. 38-46.
23) Philosophy of Saint Cyril Academy,

Ms.

24) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our America, p. 501.
25) The Educational Activities of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. C-Ommunity Archives, composition by Sister Maria Berchmans Teplicky, p. 4.
26) Danville, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
27) Ibid.
28) Educational Expansion, Ms. in SS. C.M. Community Archives.
29) Josephine M. Marcinko, "A Little Historical Sketch" in Fialky (Danville, 1927), p. 23.
30) Edttcational Expansion, Ms.
31) Preparing to Build, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
32) Ibid.
33) Morning News, (Danville, May 23, 1929), p. 6.
34 ) Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and
Methodius, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, p. 85.
35) Fialky, (Danville, 1931), p. 82.
36) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 85.
37) Morning News, (Danville, June 8, 1931), p. 4.
38) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, pp. 88-90.
39 ) Ibid. , p. 108.
40 ) Joseph Pauco, Slovakia, pp. 26-28.
41) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 125.
42) Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Jankola Book, (Danville,
1972) , p. 90.
43) SS. C. M., Jankola Book, p. 108.

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3694">
                    <text>132

SLOVAKIA

William W a g n e r :

The Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius and the Preservation
of Slovak Culture in America
The research involved in writing the history of an ethnic teaching community presented me with two problems.
First, there are relatively few works completed on American
ethnic groups, including the Slovak Americans. Secondly,
the past of this particular teaching Community, the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, has been largely recorded only
by the Sisters of that Community. Therefore, my research
on the Slovak past ( still predominantly written in the Slovak tongue) and my compiling of the Community's history
were very dependent on the writings of the Sisters of the
Community. I believe my work is objective, because of the
limitation of my knowledge of the Community's religious
life, thus removing me from a biased influence. All in all,
I attempted to deal with this subject in such a manner as
to present an honest view of the history and purpose
surrounding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
My appreciation is extended to Reverend Mother M.
Valeria Romanchek and special thanks are expressed to
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius for their helpful
cooperation and endless assistance and guidance throughout
the researching of this paper.
I dedicate this history to Reverend Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, former Community historian, upon whose
research of the Slovak past and the tracing of the
Community's growth I so heavily relied.
THE ROOTS OF SLOVAK CULTURE ARE
CENTURIES OLD
The United States is the most important immigrant
receiving country in the world. Between 1850 and 1930 no
less than thirty-eight million people settled within our
borders. 1 Although early in this immigration period many

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133

newcomers strove to sever ties with the old world, a sizeable portion continued to look reverently upon their past.
The Slovak American, who journeyed to this country
primarily in the later wave of European immigration, were
such a group. The Slovaks feared the loss of their native
culture to a new growing American culture because their
past history consisted of repeated attempts at such assimilation. But also in America the Slovak hoped for the chance
and the right to have his own life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius are a teaching community dedicated to
preserving and promoting this American Slovak culture.
Because one-third of all Slovaks live in America,2 the Sisters'
preservation of their culture is extremely important to
the overall existence of the Slovak people as a national
entity.
The Slovak people are a small part of the Slavic family
found on the European continent. Ethnologists place the
Slovaks in the Western Slavic group, which also includes
Poles, Czechs and Moravians. Commonly but erroneously
the Slovaks are considered only a part of the "Czechoslovak
Nation," but during the ten centuries of Slovak history,
the Slovaks did not live in a common state with the Czechs
until 1918.
Little is known of the early Slavs. Ancient Greeks and
Romans made contact, but left few records. Early recorded
Slovak history tells of struggles with Asiatic tribes, particularly the Avari to whom the Slovaks were subjected
for almost a century. The subjection was followed by the
influence and reign of the Franks. 3
The early Slovak was pagan and war-like. He had many
customs but few laws. He was chiefly agricultural and
believed in various superstitions. This type of religion held
fast until the ninth century when Prince Pribina, the first
direct Slovak ruler of Slavic birth, established the first
Slavic Christian church. Pribina's efforts to christianize
his people met with little success, largely because he was
dependent on Frankish missionaries whose language his
people could not understand. 4
In 846 Pribina's court surrendered to Rastislav, a skillful warrior, who succeeded in winning independence from
the Franks. Rastislav sought religious as well as political
freedom. In the year 863 Prince Rastislav invited the two

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holy brothers, Constantine and Methodius, to come from
Constantinople and work among the Slovak people. These
Byzantine missionaries found it necessary to invent an
alphabet for the Slavs, so that the Holy Scriptures could
be given to them in their own tongue. After having the use
of the Slavonic tongue in Western Liturgy sanctioned by
the Roman Pope, Methodius returned to Slovakia as a
bishop. Constantine meanwhile had died in Rome in 869 ,
after entering a monastery there and assuming the name
of Cyril.
By means of their translations of the Holy Scriptures
Constantine and Methodius laid the foundations of Slavic
literature. The introduction of schools went hand in hand
with this introduction and spread of Christianity in Slovakia.5 Archbishop Methodius continued his teaching and
missionary activity until his death in 885.
That period of political independence for Slovakia
lasted but a short time. Slovakia was soon incorporated
into the State of Hungary, which during medieval times
consisted of various nations.
During this period known as 'The Thousand Years of
Oppression', the Slovaks' civil life declined and thus their
national consciousness was under a cloud.
The Lutheran Reformation, the Turkish invasion of
Hungary in 1526 and the Counter-Reformation led by the
Jesuits all had varying effects on Slovak education. But
it was not until the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773
and the state control of education under Empress Maria
Theresa, that the Slovak education was directed by any
one source. The State of Hungary considered it its duty
to provide for the education of its people, hoping to make
the power of the state felt in every phase of life.6 The
reigns of Maria Theresa and Joseph II saw an expansion
of education and also an attempt at Germanization of the
Slovaks. Joseph's attempt at Germanization was significantly challenged in 1847 and replaced by Hungarian Magyarization. Whether Germanization or Magyarization the NonHungarian Nationalities' interests were ignored.
In 1867 the 'Austro-Hungarian Compromise' touched
off rapid action to create a unitary Hungary by Magyarizing
all departments of public life, especially the schools. The
aim of this policy was the complete assimilation and

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conversion of Slovakia into a purely Magyar Province of
Hungary. Since language is the chief symbol of nationality,
the Slovak language was suppressed. Poor economically
and having their national ideals and traditions submerged,
the Slovaks began seeking a new way to improve their life.
U.S. SHINES WITH HOPE FOR SLOVAK IMMIGRANTS
Immigration held the dream of a better life. The
heaviest immigration of the Slovaks occurred between 1890
and 1900.7 It must be stressed that the majority of immigrants came to America for economic reasons, few
peasants ever left East Europe during this period due to
political reasons, though politics did cause many not to
return. 8
The first immigrants were usually the fathers of the
Slovak families, hoping for quick economic gain, and a
subsequent return to their native land and families. But
once in America few immigrants returned. They found
employment that significantly raised their living standard.
Though in a strange, sometimes hostile land, the immigrant
recognized the ideals of freedom that he was denied in his
homeland. As thoughts of returning to their native land diminished, the pioneering immigrants sent for their families
to join them in their adopted country. 9
Once the immigrant families had situated themselves
in this new land, they were faced with problems of adjustment. The majority of the Slovak immigrants settled in
the industrial East, seeking employment with the mining
industries, particularly in Pennsylvania. Since the closing
of the American frontier the greatest means of livelihood
for new immigrants was in these rising industrial areas.10
As the economic necessity of making a living diminished, the new Americans turned to their social needs.
Subsequently as the new settlements became more permanent, these Slovak immigrants turned to their religious
needs. They began by building community parishes, while
searching for Slovak priests who were few in number in
this time of early immigration.11 The churches provided
a common bond upon which were built beneficial organizations, such as the organizations of the First Catholic Slovak
Union known as Jednota. It was the purpose of these
beneficial groups to locate and unite the scattered elements

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of American Slovaks. Unity was usually provided through
the weekly Slovak newspapers.
EDUCATION AL ASPIRATIONS OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS
Upon completion of the drive to build parishes the
Slovaks had finished with what they call the Church Age of
their settlement in America. 12 Having established themselves
within their own community, they were faced with the task
of joining the larger American community. Obviously, they
needed to learn the English language and familiarize themselves with American customs. It was over this need for
education that friction developed. On the one hand the
immigrant desired to be accepted in this new environment;
yet on the other, he also desired to preserve his own cultural
past. The first generation immigrant was taught English
usually by his employer and did not have his culture challenged, thus resisting assimilation. 13 It was the education
of successive generations that presented the problem of
cultural alienation. The apparent choice in education was
to enroll their offsprings in public schools in order to help
them adjust to this new American Life. But education in
the public schools posed severe cultural hazards.
The public school taught American subjects with American values. The foreign children were judged by American
cultural standards of conduct. In this position the foreign
children were caught between their old culture and the new
American culture. This had definite results: A limited
number abandoned their embarrassing heritage-to accept
American standards; a larger number sought to forget their
traditional background regarding them as inferior-lead ing
to family disruption and disintegration . Finally, the largest
group failed to adjust to school and left feeling disregarded,
discouraged and inferior .14
The public school encouraged the disintegration of
Slovak families. The Slovaks had successfully resisted
attempts of assimilation by stronger cultures in the past,
but now they faced the task of resisting assimilation in
a foreign land. To be assimilated meant the destruction
of their culture. The chief means of assimilation was
through education, as was attempted in their past history.
Though it was largely an unconscious process by which
America imposed its own standard of ideals on the new-

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comers, the public schools were succeeding in imposing
a common English culture upon the children of many
nationalities. 15 By treating the immigrant as a native the
public school disregarded his culture and background. What was needed was a means to hand down a suitable
portion of his native culture in order to provide a past,
thus avoiding an identity crisis. The public school system
could not provide this necessity in full. What was needed
was a new system that could teach their children good
American citizenship and preserve in them a profitable
appreciation of the language, culture and tradition of their
forefathers, while still providing a sufficient academic
education. Fearing further disintegration of their culture,
the Slovaks began searching and discussing alternatives
in the development of Slovak America.
REV. MATTHEW JANKOLA ASSUMES LEADERSHIP
A leader in this search for a solution to the American
Slovak's educational needs was Father Matthew Jankola.
He spent much time studying his fellow Slovaks in their
new surroundings. Early in his life he wrote: "We have
a serious problem, the problem of educating our children
according to American methods, and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their cultural character
and their cultural traditions." 16 With this attitude Father
Jankola formed an Association of Priests in 1903 to consider
the question of providing for the Catholic education of
Slovak youth.
Father Jankola began his studies for the priesthood
in his native Slovakia. But under pressure from both the
Hungarian civil and ecclesiastical authorities, which frowned apon Slovak devotion to Saints Cyril and Methodius,
and the fostering of Slovak nationalism, Father Jankola
sought refuge in America. 17 He arrived in 1893, and finished
his studies at Saint Bonaventure's Seminary in Allegheny,
New York. As a priest Father Jankola dedicated himself
to the problem of cultural disintegration of his people,
begun in Hungary and now continuing in America.
It was on behalf of this couse that Father Jankola
directed his early writings. When considering education,
Father Jankola looked to its broader meaning of culture,
rather than its narrow sense of formal schooling. He felt

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that next to the parish church must be a school, because
without Catholic schools the Catholic Church had no future,
no assured existence. Father Jankola saw the parish church
alone and unaided by a Catholic school as but a "feeble
barrier" against the rapid onrush of worldliness and a too
sudden Americanization for Slovak youth. Further, to preserve the Slovak national character, the children must be
educated in Slovak schools with religious principles. Father
Jankola held the schools as helpful for religious training,
and necessary also to preserve nationality. In Father
Jankola's mind the church directed religion, not language;
for the teaching of language, which fosters the national
spirit, teachers and schools were needed.18
In this spirit Father Jankola called for the establishment of schools, staffed by Slovak Sisters. His initial
contact with the Slovak people on this project was done
through the newspapers, such as the weekly Jednota. Many
attempts were made · to secure Slavic Sisters, but to no
avail. This was a time of heavy immigration causing the
demand for Sisters in America to be very great. Confronted
with the problem of no available Sisters for his project,
Father Jankola suggested the possibility of founding a
Religious Community for the education of Slovak youth.
The suggestion was received favorably, so Father Jankola
sought Slovak candidates to train in an American Sisterhood, which would later branch off into an independent
congregation as their numbers grew.
A Czech Benedictine Community of Sisters expressed
willingness to receive and educate Slovak girls. Father
Jankola secured three aspirants who were sent to the Czech
Sisters in Chicago. But this project failed when the girls
became discontented and wished to return to Pennsylvania.
Their return was hard on Father Jankola, but their young
age and the great distances they had traveled made him
sympathetic. 19
Father Jankola did not abandon his project. Instead,
upon further study he came in contact with Mother Mary
Cyril at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton, Penna.
After considering Father Jankola's plan for a parochial
school system under Slovak Sisters, Mother Mary Cyril
agreed to accept the young girls. The girls entered Mount
Saint Mary's Seminary in November of 1903, to learn the

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principles of religious life and live according to its Rules. 20
While preparing the Slovak girls for religious teaching
and guidance under Mother Mary Cyril and the Sisters of
the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Father Jankola began a fund
to further his project. He established "St. Anthony's Treasury" which received donations from parishes, societies and
individuals.
A TEACHING COMMUNITY
OF SLOVAK SISTERS IS BORN
On September 11, 1909, the first Slovak girls pronounced their religious vows, 21 marking the birth of the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, honoring the Saints
who gave Slovakia its faith and culture. Father Jankola
noted that this was the founding of the first Slovak religious
sisterhood that the Slovaks ever had, either in Europe or
America. At the birth of this new Order Father Jankola
set down four principal reasons for its conception:
1) Educate Slovak children
2) Care for Slovak orphans and aged
3) Preserve Slovak culture
4) Pray for the return of Slav schismatics.22
Father Jankola's first principle has been the primary
apostolate of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The
parish school has always constituted the particular vocation
of the Sisters. The Sisters set themselves the traditional
objective of education in a Christian spirit to develop and
train to the fullest the powers and capacities of a young
student's mind and body. They also strove to inculcate
principles of true patriotism and citizenship in order to
develop enlightened, conscientious American citizens, imbued with Christian attitudes of justice and charity, peace
and order, which they feel are the main components for
social living. As Slovak American teachers, they endeavored
to preserve some of the traditions and the cultural heritage
of the Slovak people among the students of Slovak parentage, and to foster in all students an interest and respect
for the varied cultures and attitudes that make up the
Brotherhood of Man. 23
Through such recognition and acceptance of foreign
natures, characteristics, and personalities built from a different culture, the Sisters sought to achieve cultural
democracy. To accept cultural democracy means to accept

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a technique of social adjustment that will make possible
the preservation of the best of all cultures. 24 This was the
desire of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To accept,
as well as to be accepted, is the condition for effective
pluralism in a nation. Cultural pluralism in the American
educational system has existed because we are a multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-lingual nation. It was thought
that the public school system would Americanize these
foreign elements into the melting pot of uniform American
culture. The concept of American culture as a mosaic has
been the reason for, and the challenge of, the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius.
For six years this newly established Community of
Sisters continued under the guidance of the Sisters of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary. It was on August 4, 1915, that
the Community had its first elections in which Sister Mary
(Mihalik) was elected the first Superior General. During
this period the Sisters opened their first school to educate
children in the Sacred Heart of Jesus Parish in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, marking the beginning of the educational
work of the Community. Before this group could be firmly
established Mother Mary died in 1916. Her successor was
Mother M. Emmanuel whose greatest achievement involved
the establishment of a suitable, permanent Motherhouse.25
MOTHER M. EMMANUEL, SS.C.M. (1916-1922)
The Sisters had been temporarily situated in Middletown, Pennsylvania. While in this location, Mother M.
Emmanuel sought a permanent Motherhouse. She was
informed by Reverend Julius Foin about a large tract of
land with an old mansion in Danville. Through Bishop
Philip R. McDevitt, Mother M. Emmanuel made contact
with a local attorney, Ralph Kisner, and was informed that
the 'Castle Grove' property was for sale. The Mansion site
proper, containing thirteen acres-forty rooms, eleven
bathrooms-finished throughout with hardwood, was a relic
of the passing iron industry in Danville. There was also
an adjoining farm with one hundred thirty-three acres and
numerous outbuildings.
This enormous dwelling was perfect for Mother M.
Emmanuel's aims, but the price was beyond the Community's ability to pay. Upon inspection of this property,
Mother M. Emmanuel found that the Mansion had stood

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vacant for fourteen years, needing numerous repairs. With
this in mind she made a meager offer. The actual owner was
in France, causing slow communication. Price remained the
hindrance as Mother M. Emmanuel would not raise her
offer. In March of 1919, Attorney Kisner informed the
Sisters that the owner had agreed to drastically reduce
his price to meet the Community's needs.
Now that the Community's prayers for a Motherhouse
had been answered, only the necessary funds for purchase
remained an obstacle. The Sisters had saved about half
of the required amount, but had discouraging experiences
in acquiring the rest. This was the critical period during
World War I, causing excess funds to be scarce.26 After
futile appeals to the citizens and banks of the Wilkes-Barre
area, a heavily populated Slovak community, Mother M.
Emmanuel turned to the Danville National Bank for a loan.
This bank considered the risk minimal and granted the
loan at low interest. With payment secured, the Sisters
concluded the 'Castle Grove' deal in June of 1919, and began
preparations for the transfer of the Motherhouse from
Middletown to its permanent home in Danville.
Throughout the summer months in 1919, the Sisters
worked to put the house and grounds in order. Within this
new convent the Community prepared for the continuance
of religious training for its Sisters and converted one of
the two ballrooms into a chapel. Holy Mass was first
celebrated on Sunday morning, July 6, 1919. With the
approach of Autumn all but the Sisters in training took
leave of 'Sacred Heart Villa,' as the grounds had been
named, to resume their duties in the parish schools.
During the War Years the demand for Sisters in
parochial schools became very great. The war and the influenza epidemic strongly limited the work of the Sisters.27
As this situation relaxed in the summer of 1920, Mother
M. Emmanuel arranged classes for the Sisters to improve
their educational resources. The educational progress of
the Community was under the direction of the Sisters
from Marywood. This was being continued by Mother M.
Emmanuel who sought also to further the Community's
material progress. She was engaged in soliciting funds
from the homes of Slovaks to pay off the Sister's bank
loan. Mother M. Emmanuel promoted thrift within her

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Community because she felt the Community would be more
secure in the American culture when free from debt. Mother
M. Emmanuel's term expired in 1922. She had directed
this young Sisterhood through its pioneering days, giving
it shelter, resources and existence through the war years.
Mother M. Emmanuel's main contribution was, of course,
the establishment of the Motherhouse that was to become
the center of Slovak culture in America.
MOTHER M. PIUS, SS.C.M. OPENS
ST. CYRIL ACADEMY IN 1922
By the choice of the Sisters, Sister M. Pius was elected
the third Superior General. Bishop McDevitt, who supervised the election, also commented on the importance of
the Sisters' studies because someday the civil authorities
would require that every teacher must be certified by the
State of Pennsylvania. Certification would be important in
having the Community accepted as a competent educational
institution in American society. Now that they had an
established center, the Sisters could begin to focus their
educational mission with greater assurance.
The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius had always
wished for the establishment of a high school and boarding
school for girls. Presently, they were only employed in
elementary education. This idea for an institution of higher
education for their own children was popular among the
Slovaks. In addition to the regularly prescribed American
branches, they wanted their offsprings to be taught the
mother tongue and trained to appreciate the historical and
cultural traditions of their nation. 28 To this wish Mother
M. Pius responded.
Mother M. Pius expressed a desire to have an official
from the Department of Public Instruction in Harrisburg
come to Danville to give a lecture on the requirements of
the State, regarding the equipment and function of a high
school and its accreditation.
In August of 1922, Doctor Edward Hoban arrived from
Harrisburg and explained such subjects as extension
courses, summer school, teacher certificates, teaching of
foreign languages, importance of teaching citizenship, the
teaching of historical and social studies, and the necessity
of physical education. This lecture assured the commencement of preparation for a high school on American terms.

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The following week an advertisement appeared in the
Slovak newspapers stating that the Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius had equipped part of their convent at
Danville as a boarding school for girls.
To conform to American standards the equipment of
the high school called for two very important departments
-the Library and the Laboratory for the Sciences. Both
of these were begun with the opening of the school. Books
acquired were those recommended by the Department o!
Education. Also a large selection of Catholic and Slovak
books supplemented the Community's aim of a multicultural education. In all, nineteen pupils attended the first year
of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School, indicating
a desire on the part of the Slovaks to have their children
educated in a Slovak, as well as an American atmosphere.
Towards the close of the first year in the spring of
1923, a small group of students ventured into the school's
first extra-curricular activity. These girls formed a Literary
Society in which they compiled a little booklet of essays,
stories, and poems. Under Mother M. Pius' encouragement
this activity continued, resulting in the first issue of the
bi-lingual (Slovak and American) school magazine, Fialky
(Violets). The Fialky were thereafter issued semi-annually
until 1940 and then annually until 1970, when it ceased
publication.
During the summer vacation Mother M. Pius encouraged
the Sisters toward further studies, hoping to improve their
competence as teachers. She was anxious to secure state
certification for as many Sisters as could qualify. Now
that the Community was engaged in all levels of education,
Mother M. Pius wished to secure them within the American
educational system through accreditation.
The Academy's opening in the second year exposed
space problems as enrollment grew. Mother Pius expressed
the need for a strong building fund and enacted new
collection drives among the Slovak people. The number
of students steadily increased into the third and fourth
year.• With the fourth year the need for accredition increased as the first graduation approached. The school
was informed that the State Representatives would make
an official inspection at the school year's end.
That June, just a week before graduation, the State

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Inspector arrived and spent a day inspecting the school,
interviewing both the staff and the students. The State
Representative, Doctor Pentz, found the Slovak students
being educated and trained in all that the modern high
schools offered, and in their Religion and mother tongue as
well. To this he expressed his satisfaction, commenting on
the orderly and methodological way in which the different
departments were being conducted. 29 After Dr. Pentz reported the Academy as "first class" in both arrangement and
curriculum, the school received a telegram, congratulating
teachers and students on receiving accreditation from the
State.
This good news arrived just days before the first
graduation, much to the Sisters' delight. While preparations
for this first commencement progressed, another great
event was in prospect, namely, the Eucharistic Congress
in Chicago. This event made a great impact on the first
commencement of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High
School.
Accreditation from the State of Pennsylvania proved
the Sisters' ability to provide their students with a fitting
education in their new society, but what remained to be
seen was whether or not the Sisters could live up to the
task of preserving Slovak culture in America. Slovak
American culture was to receive a fresh impetus by the
Eucharistic Congress held in Chicago. Due to attend the
Congress were four bishops from Slovakia. The presence
of these Slovak bishops greatly excited the Slovak Americans and especially the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
since through the influence of Bishop McDevitt arrangements were made to have these four bishops attend the
Academy's first graduation.
The date of the festivity was June 14, 1926. Under the
guidance of Bishop McDevitt, who presided at the First
Graduation ceremony, the entire Community and students
assembled at the Convent's gate to welcome the visiting
bishops. Upon the arrival of the Slovak bishops, who were
traveling in European fashion, clad in cassock and purple
cincture, the commencement proceeded with prayers, songs,
and speeches. The speeches were delivered in Slovak,
calling for a continuance of Catholic education. Bishop
McDevitt's address underscored the advantages which the

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145

Slovak people can derive from a solid Catholic education.
He also pointed out that this could be done because the
American government stood to protect the religious rights
of all American citizens. The theme of religious pluralism
in America was carried further by the Senior Bishop from
Slovakia in a speech that noted how this American government respects, upholds, and protects the religious liberty
of the people who found refuge under her banner. Bishop
Marian Blaha further cited the great accomplishments of
the American Slovaks. Their ability to provide a Catholic
education while preserving their mother tongue greatly
impressed him. Then as an old Slovak proverb states,
"Every perfect day must end even as the sweetest song"
-this first commencement was no exception; it was concluded by a student chorale of inspirational Slovak songs.30
The first graduation was a significant milestone in the
history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. It was
their first public manifestation of their educational standards and traditions. The graduation exercise presented a
new phase in the mission of the Slovak Sisters. Their people
realized that Danville would not only house a Convent and
an Academy, but would be the center of genuine culture
for the Slovaks in America. To attain a status combining
a true Americanism with an appreciation of the spirit and
traditions of their native land was the Community's desire.31
With this spirit of appreciation, encouraged by the
sharp increase of applicants, new thoughts of building
were entertained. But unlike before, the Slovak people,
organizations and individuals alike, urged this step. These
groups advised a general benefit drive for funds, alleging
the time was ripe for such a movement since industrial
conditions were favorable and the people were willing to
donate.32 In the spring of 1927 Mother M. Pius presented
a letter of the officers of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies'
Union, another element of Slovak-American culture, announcing the drive for a building fund. When Mother M.
Pius asked for their contribution, she was immediately
promised five thousand dollars. The response elsewhere
was the same. The Slovak newspapers pushed the drive
and local groups competed in fund raising. This favorable
reaction illustrates the Slovak-Americans' desire for an
enlarged Slovak cultural center in America.

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With the building fund well under way, Mother M. Pius
contracted Architect Bernard Starr of Harrisburg, who in
turn sought the assistance of Harry Sternfeld of Philadelphia. A spot for the new building was selected on the Villa
Sacred Heart campus, and Mr. Sternfeld sketched a building
dominated by a central tower. This initial plan brought
eriticism for its "needless extravagance," but Mother M.
Pius retained the plan as the answer to the needs of the
Community, plus the cultural, educational and religious
needs of the Slovak-American people.
The Community wasted no time in beginning the new
building. Ground was broken on May 23, 1929, in a ceremony
which the local Danville Morning News described as an
event to go down in Slovak history. 33
The speakers' program included representatives of the
church, state, and Slovak national life. As the building
progressed, the country entered the depression of the
1930's. By the time the building was completed, economic
tension was beginning to be felt everywhere.34 With this
in mind, Mother M. Pius avoided any elaborate dedication
ceremony. This new building was made to catch the spirit
of the past and to intepret it with a contemporaneous point
of view in order to make it fit actual conditions.35 Its
design was in accord with the ideals of the Sisters of SS.
Cyril and Methodius, who hoped to blend the past into
a new, usable present. In a more practical manner the
new building provided an institution solely devoted to the
education of the Slovak people and the preserving of their
culture. It was viewed as a national work, one that provided
b roader limits and better accommodations which would
produce greater results. 36 The local paper saw the building
as a monument to the Slovak people of America, and
considered it one of the local community's finest aspects.37
The Sisters moved into their new building in September
of 1931.
The following three years were quiet, filled with earnest
activity toward the educational goals of the Community.
This period ended with the significant year of 1934, the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the Community's existence. In
those twenty-five years the Community developed and
established itself in a permanent Motherhouse, which in
turn had developed the First Catholic Slovak Girls' High

�SLOVAKIA

147

School, crowned by the magnificent new building. This had
been done under three Superiors General-Mother Mary,
Mother M. Emmanuel, Mother M. Pius-all of whom promoted the cultivation of the Slovak language and history,
which, with religion, constitute the two outstanding characteristics of the Slovak Academy. Extra-curricular activities,
like Fialky and Cyrilika-a society for fostering interest
in Slovak journalism-as well as customs established for
the practical study of Slovak, such as speaking Slovak all
day every Saturday, and the annual observance of Slovak
Week, acquired notice and approval. The observance of
Slovak tradition gave this Academy a unique position in
the field of American education.38
With a high spirit of celebration the Silver Jubilee of
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius commenced. The
Jubilee marked still another turning point in the Community's history as it came at the close of Mother M. Pius'
long administration. Her work finished laying a firm
foundation which became the base for a promising era of
new growth.
MOTHER M. EMERENTIA, SS.C.M. (1934-1946)
In this new period of the Community's history the
work of the Academy advanced quietly, with gratifying
results in the field of Slovak-American culture. When
Mother M. Emerentia was elected Superior General in 1934,
she encouraged Slovak interests and cultural projects like
formal programs, dramatic productions, Slovak readings,
folk song festivals and, above all, research and creative
writing on Slovak topics. Mother M. Emerentia was also
responsible for the compilation of Slovak language texts
and hymnals used widely in Slovak elementary schools and
parishes in America.
The early years of Mother M. Emerentia's administration coincided with the greatest period of the depression.
Though there was no drop in student enrollment, neither
was there the marked increase that would have normally
been the case.• These drawbacks, however, had advantages.
The subdued quiet of the interval was conducive to a
greater concentration on school work, both regular and
extracurricular. Correspondence with students in Slovakia
'' See enrollment figures; Table I.

�148

SLOVAKIA

was an activity greatly enjoyed by the students of St. Cyril
Academy. It was also during these years that the school
was favored by a number of distinguished visitors from
Slovakia, including a delegation from the Slovak Institute
of Arts and Sciences, a group of students from the Slovak
unit of Pax Romana, plus numerous distinguished scholars,
writers, and statesmen, including the Slovak martyr, Msgr.
Joseph Tiso.39
When our country was drawn into war on December
8, 1941, the first care of the Motherhouse was directed
toward the Sisters and their pupils in the parish schools.
The Community placed its trust in God and His care of
our country, and classes went on as usual. However, extracurricular activities were directed toward war needs.
Beyond the prayers for peace, the Community and its
students turned out quantities of knitted sweaters and
helmets. They experienced the value of thrift by rationing
food and collected all scraps such as fats, iron and paper.
The Sisters also joined in relief efforts for their native
land. An extensive relief project for the war sufferers in
Slovakia was aided by the Community, which sent abroad
numerous packages of relief materials. The motherhouse
was a center for this organized relief work.
The relief project continued in action even after the
war, when Slovakia again was suppressed by a stronger
force. Following a remarkably successful and flourishing
six-year period of self-rule under the Presidency of Tiso,
the Slovak government collapsed when victory came to
Russia and the Allies. 40 With this victory Slovakia was
overrun by the Communists. Their occupation of the country led to the execution of Msgr. Tiso, plus the silencing of
many bishops and priests. The people of Slovakia remained
in destitution; hence, the necessity for relief work to
continue until the Iron Curtain cut off all communication. 41
The Communist occupation caused more refugees to
seek freedom and sanctuary from Slovakia. As thousands
came to America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
and their students enjoyed fresh contacts with persons
of their fatherland. Priests and professional people willingly
gave lectures to both the Sisters and the students, chiefly
on conditions in Slovakia and on topics of Slovak history.

�SLOVAKIA

149

Several high school students from Slovakia enrolled in the
Academy, thus enriching the Slovak-American culture.
MOTHER M. CRESCENTIA, SS.C.M. (1946-1958)
While the Slovak-American tradition was being enriched during these post-war years, a new Superior General
was elected, placing renewed importance on the educational
aspects of the Academy. Mother M. Crescentia realized
that during the earlier years the educational objectives
could not be pursued as fully as desired since more urgent
activities were at hand. In time, however, conditions
improved, so that more and better organized work could
be done in the field of teacher education. Mother M.
Crescentia took advantage of this situation, arranging for
more Sisters to take college courses in a greater variety of
fields. With this renewed progress in the Sisters' personal
educational ventures, activities in the Academy moved
apace. The student enrollment at the Academy, which
increased only to a minor extent after the depression, now
began rapid growth.
This growth of the Academy advanced steadily into the
fifties, causing every available space within the Academy
to be filled. It necessitated the building of Saint Philomena
Hall to be used for students' living and classrooms. Also
in the fifties, the Community worked for the founding of
Father Jankola. They are Villa Saint Cyril in Highland
Park, Illinois, and Maria Joseph Manor in Danville, Pennsylvania. By 1958 the Community had a new Superior
General in the person of Mother M. Bernard.
MOTHER M. BERNARD, SS.C.M. (1958-1970)
The highlight of this decade was the observance of
the Community's Golden Jubilee. It was climaxed by the
celebration of a Roman-Slavonic Mass on the Villa campus
in the presence of five thousand visitors from all parts
of the country.42 It was the first Roman rite vernacular
Mass ever offered on this continent.
The increased enrollment and the large turnout for the
Roman-Slavonic Mass indicates the strong support the
Academy received from the Slovak-American people in its
preserving of Slovak culture.
The early sixties were also highlighted by a large
celebration honoring another aspect of the Comunity's
Slovak heritage. The year 1963 marked the eleven hundredth

�150

SLOVAKIA

anniversary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among
the Slovaks. In addition to the Community celebration in
America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius participated
in a week-long observance in Rome, involving numerous
Slovak pilgrims, who had assembled there for the dedication of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
a seminary for the training of priests for Slovakia.
THE JANKOLA LIBRARY

The latter sixties and early seventies for St. Cyril Academy had been dominated by two cherished Slovak projects.
First was the active cooperation with the Apostolate of
the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,
begun during the 1963 pilgrimage. Second was the professional development of the Jankola Library at the Academy.
This Library is a center of Slovak culture and learning for
St. Cyril Academy and Slovak America. It is called Jankola
Library in honor of the founder of the Community and
promoter of Slovak-American culture, Father Matthew Jankola. The Library provides invaluable resources for study
and research purposes, as well as literary works to enrich
the Slovak spirit. Jankola Library contains over six thousand (6,000) fully catalogued items on its shelves with
several hundred more reserved for further processing.43
Beyond just Slovak books this Library also promotes
Slovak-American culture with its large collection of Slovak
art. Included among its treasures are a large unusual map
of Czecho-Slovakia, an artistically costumed mannequin
representing the Slovak tradition, and a large, valuable
collection of Slovak ceramic art, some embroidery and
sizeable pieces of cutglass sent from Slovakia. This Library
with its vast assortment of Slovak art is truly a tribute
to Slovakia's culture.
With Jankola Library as its Slovak center, SS. Cyril
Academy still provides an excellent American education.
It offers a wide range of courses, including four foreign
languages.* Besides educating students for social living in
America, the Academy can also train girls for a religious
teaching life within its own Community. The Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius are presently teaching in parish
schools and eight (8) high schools, including a boarding
* Source listing of St. Cyril Academy. Table II.

�151

SLOVAKIA

school for girls. 0 Education of Slovak children continues
to be the principal vocation of a Sister of SS. Cyril and
Methodius. It is to these children that a Sister dedicates
herseJf and hopes to preserve Slovakia's heritage.
Today, the St. Cyril Academy is justifiably proud of
tts accomplishments during the past fifty ( 50) years. Both
the teaching Sisters and their students are fully educated
in, and cognizant of, their dual heritage. The traditions
and artifacts of Slovak culture have been preserved; while
at the same time, each graduate is proud to be an American.
St. Cyril Academy continues to revere its Slovak past.
The Sisters continue to aid the suppressed people of
Slovakia, but now this is done indirectly to the extent
possible. It is the desire of the Sisters of the Academy to
provide their countrymen with new hope of cultural freedom by showing them the accomplishments that have been
possible in America. This Academy is rightly considered
the center of Slovak culture in America.
"" List of schools staffed by Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Table III.

TABLE I
Enrollment figures of St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.
Year

1925-26
1926-27
1927-28
1928-29
1929-30
1930-31
1931-32
1932-33
1933-34
1934-35
1935-36
1936-37
1937-38
1938-39
1939-40
1940-41

Total Number
of Students

38
39
44
47
42
61
75
69
60
58
52
58
54
50
60
70

Year

1941-42
1942-43
1943-44
1944-45
1945-46
1946-47
1947-48
1948-49
1949-50
1950-51
1951-52
1952-53
1953-54
1954-55
1955-56
1956-57

Total Number
of Students

66
55
55
69
91
96
90
107
112
109
123
138
148
153
157
180

Total Number
Year of Students

1957-58
1958-59
1959-60
1960-61
1961-62
1962-63
1963-64
1964-65
1965-66
1966-67
1967-68
1968-69
1969-70
1970-71
1971-72
1972-73

181
175
162
182
202
195
202
171
156
178
120
108
104
101
108
106

�SLOVAKIA

152

TABLE II
Curriculum of St. Cyril Academy
FIRST YEAR

Religion I
English I
Algebra I
Intr. Physical Science
Physical Education
Chorus
World Culture I
Latin I
Spanish I

French I
Slovak I
Foods
Art I
Art Appreciation
Music Appreciation
Health Education
Piano
Interpretive Dance

SECOND YEAR

Religion II
English II
Geometry
Biology
Physical Education
Chorus
World Culture II
Latin II

French II
Spanish II
Slovak II
Foods
Clothing I
Art II
Piano
Interpretive Dance
THIRD YEAR

Religion III
English III
Algebra II
Chemistry
Physical Education
Chorus
American Culture I
Latin III
Spanish III

French III
Slovak III
Foods
Advanced Clothing
Art III
Piano
Interpretive Dance
Typing I
Stenography I

�SLOVAKIA

153

FOURTH YEAR

Religion IV
English IV
Business English
Math 12
Advanced Biology
Physical Education
Chorus
American Culture II
Latin IV
Spanish IV
French IV

Slovak IV
Advanced Clothing
Art IV
Speech
Piano
Interpretive Dance
Typing II
Stenography II
Bookkeeping
Business Law

TABLE III
SCHOOLS STAFFED BY SIS'llEIBS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS

Berwick, Pa.
Bloomsburg, Pa.
Binghamton, N. Y.
Binghamton, N. Y.
Bridgeport, Conn.
Bridgeport, Pa.
Charleston, S. C.
Charleston, S. C.
Chicago, Ill.
East Vandergrift, Pa.
Endicott, N. Y.
Gary, Indiana
Hazleton, Pa.
Jessup, Pa.
Lebanon, Pa.
Luzerne, Pa.
Nanticoke, Pa.
New York, N. Y.
Olyphant, Pa.
Perth Amboy, N. J.
Phoenixville, Pa.
Pittston, Pa.
Plymouth, Pa.
Stratford, Conn.
Swoyersville, Pa.
Torrington, Conn.

St. Mary's School
St. Columba School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
St. Ann's School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
Mother of Sorrows School
Blessed Sacrament School
Nativity School
SS. Simon and Jude School
Holy Trinity School
St. Joseph School
Holy Trinity School
St. Joseph School
St. Michael's School
SS. Cyril and Methodius School
St. John Nepomucene School
St. Joseph School
St. John Nepomucene School
Holy Ghost School
Holy Trinity School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School
St. John Baptist School
St. Stephen School
Sacred Name of Jesus School
Holy Trinity School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School

�SLOVAKIA

154

Immaculate Conception School
Sacred Heart of Jesus School
Holy Trinity School

Whiting, Ind.
Wilkes-Barre, Pa.
Yonkers, N. Y.

IDGH SCHOOLS

Andrean High School
Dunmore Catholic High School
Lourdes H. S.
Lebanon Catholic H. S.
Kingston Catholic Central
Catholic Central H. S.
Catholic Central (St. Pius X)
Blessed Sacrament Academy
St. Cyril Academy

1. Gary, Ind.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

Dunmore, Pa.
Shamokin, Pa.
Lebanon, Pa.
Kingston, Pa.
Charleston, S. C.
Pottstown, Pa.
Yonkers, N. Y.
Danville, Pa.

FOOTNOTES

1) David F . Bowers, "Social and Cultural Impact" in For eign Influences in American Life (Princeton, 1944) , p. 1.
2) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1969), p. 86.
3) The Slovak Nation, Manuscript in Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
Community Archives, Danville, Pennsylvania.
4 ) Ibid.
5) Education in Slovakia, Manuscript in SS. C. M Community Archives,
composition by M . I. Angelovic, pp. 88.
6) Ibid.
7) Ear liest Immigration, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
8 ) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p . 108.
9 ) Earliest Immigration

Ms.

10) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, "Czechoslovak American" in
One America (New York, 1946), p. 147.
11) In 1899, there were eight Slovak priests in America. Earliest
Immigration Ms.

12) The Slovaks divide their settlement in America into three Ages:
Church Age, School Age, and Institution Age. Ibid.
13) Daniel Tanzone, "The Slovak Experience in Contemporary America"
in Slovakia (Middletown, Pa., 1972), p. 129.
14) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our Racial and National Minorities (New York, 1937), p. 602.
15) Timothy Smith, "New Approaches to the History of Immigration
in 20th Century America", in The America Historical Review LXXI,
(July 1966), p. 127.

�155

SLOVAKIA

16) Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic
Education in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by Sister M. Consuela Gregorovic, p. 14.
17) Ibid. , p. 3.
18 ) Earliest Plans, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.

19) Ibid .
20) Ibid.
21) The girls wer,e Mary Mihalik, Mary Bartek and Mary Pauly.
22) Father Jankola, Ms., pp. 38-46.
23) Philosophy of Saint Cyril Academy,

Ms.

24) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our America, p. 501.
25) The Educational Activities of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. C-Ommunity Archives, composition by Sister Maria Berchmans Teplicky, p. 4.
26) Danville, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
27) Ibid.
28) Educational Expansion, Ms. in SS. C.M. Community Archives.
29) Josephine M. Marcinko, "A Little Historical Sketch" in Fialky (Danville, 1927), p. 23.
30) Edttcational Expansion, Ms.
31) Preparing to Build, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.
32) Ibid.
33) Morning News, (Danville, May 23, 1929), p. 6.
34 ) Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and
Methodius, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, p. 85.
35) Fialky, (Danville, 1931), p. 82.
36) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 85.
37) Morning News, (Danville, June 8, 1931), p. 4.
38) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, pp. 88-90.
39 ) Ibid. , p. 108.
40 ) Joseph Pauco, Slovakia, pp. 26-28.
41) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 125.
42) Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Jankola Book, (Danville,
1972) , p. 90.
43) SS. C. M., Jankola Book, p. 108.

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              <text>132&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
William W a g n e r :&#13;
&#13;
The Sisters of SS. Cyril and&#13;
Methodius and the Preservation&#13;
of Slovak Culture in America&#13;
The research involved in writing the history of an ethnic teaching community presented me with two problems.&#13;
First, there are relatively few works completed on American&#13;
ethnic groups, including the Slovak Americans. Secondly,&#13;
the past of this particular teaching Community, the Sisters&#13;
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, has been largely recorded only&#13;
by the Sisters of that Community. Therefore, my research&#13;
on the Slovak past ( still predominantly written in the Slovak tongue) and my compiling of the Community's history&#13;
were very dependent on the writings of the Sisters of the&#13;
Community. I believe my work is objective, because of the&#13;
limitation of my knowledge of the Community's religious&#13;
life, thus removing me from a biased influence. All in all,&#13;
I attempted to deal with this subject in such a manner as&#13;
to present an honest view of the history and purpose&#13;
surrounding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.&#13;
My appreciation is extended to Reverend Mother M.&#13;
Valeria Romanchek and special thanks are expressed to&#13;
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius for their helpful&#13;
cooperation and endless assistance and guidance throughout&#13;
the researching of this paper.&#13;
I dedicate this history to Reverend Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, former Community historian, upon whose&#13;
research of the Slovak past and the tracing of the&#13;
Community's growth I so heavily relied.&#13;
THE ROOTS OF SLOVAK CULTURE ARE&#13;
CENTURIES OLD&#13;
The United States is the most important immigrant&#13;
receiving country in the world. Between 1850 and 1930 no&#13;
less than thirty-eight million people settled within our&#13;
borders. 1 Although early in this immigration period many&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
133&#13;
&#13;
newcomers strove to sever ties with the old world, a sizeable portion continued to look reverently upon their past.&#13;
The Slovak American, who journeyed to this country&#13;
primarily in the later wave of European immigration, were&#13;
such a group. The Slovaks feared the loss of their native&#13;
culture to a new growing American culture because their&#13;
past history consisted of repeated attempts at such assimilation. But also in America the Slovak hoped for the chance&#13;
and the right to have his own life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril&#13;
and Methodius are a teaching community dedicated to&#13;
preserving and promoting this American Slovak culture.&#13;
Because one-third of all Slovaks live in America,2 the Sisters'&#13;
preservation of their culture is extremely important to&#13;
the overall existence of the Slovak people as a national&#13;
entity.&#13;
The Slovak people are a small part of the Slavic family&#13;
found on the European continent. Ethnologists place the&#13;
Slovaks in the Western Slavic group, which also includes&#13;
Poles, Czechs and Moravians. Commonly but erroneously&#13;
the Slovaks are considered only a part of the "Czechoslovak&#13;
Nation," but during the ten centuries of Slovak history,&#13;
the Slovaks did not live in a common state with the Czechs&#13;
until 1918.&#13;
Little is known of the early Slavs. Ancient Greeks and&#13;
Romans made contact, but left few records. Early recorded&#13;
Slovak history tells of struggles with Asiatic tribes, particularly the Avari to whom the Slovaks were subjected&#13;
for almost a century. The subjection was followed by the&#13;
influence and reign of the Franks. 3&#13;
The early Slovak was pagan and war-like. He had many&#13;
customs but few laws. He was chiefly agricultural and&#13;
believed in various superstitions. This type of religion held&#13;
fast until the ninth century when Prince Pribina, the first&#13;
direct Slovak ruler of Slavic birth, established the first&#13;
Slavic Christian church. Pribina's efforts to christianize&#13;
his people met with little success, largely because he was&#13;
dependent on Frankish missionaries whose language his&#13;
people could not understand. 4&#13;
In 846 Pribina's court surrendered to Rastislav, a skillful warrior, who succeeded in winning independence from&#13;
the Franks. Rastislav sought religious as well as political&#13;
freedom. In the year 863 Prince Rastislav invited the two&#13;
&#13;
134&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
holy brothers, Constantine and Methodius, to come from&#13;
Constantinople and work among the Slovak people. These&#13;
Byzantine missionaries found it necessary to invent an&#13;
alphabet for the Slavs, so that the Holy Scriptures could&#13;
be given to them in their own tongue. After having the use&#13;
of the Slavonic tongue in Western Liturgy sanctioned by&#13;
the Roman Pope, Methodius returned to Slovakia as a&#13;
bishop. Constantine meanwhile had died in Rome in 869 ,&#13;
after entering a monastery there and assuming the name&#13;
of Cyril.&#13;
By means of their translations of the Holy Scriptures&#13;
Constantine and Methodius laid the foundations of Slavic&#13;
literature. The introduction of schools went hand in hand&#13;
with this introduction and spread of Christianity in Slovakia.5 Archbishop Methodius continued his teaching and&#13;
missionary activity until his death in 885.&#13;
That period of political independence for Slovakia&#13;
lasted but a short time. Slovakia was soon incorporated&#13;
into the State of Hungary, which during medieval times&#13;
consisted of various nations.&#13;
During this period known as 'The Thousand Years of&#13;
Oppression', the Slovaks' civil life declined and thus their&#13;
national consciousness was under a cloud.&#13;
The Lutheran Reformation, the Turkish invasion of&#13;
Hungary in 1526 and the Counter-Reformation led by the&#13;
Jesuits all had varying effects on Slovak education. But&#13;
it was not until the suppression of the Jesuit Order in 1773&#13;
and the state control of education under Empress Maria&#13;
Theresa, that the Slovak education was directed by any&#13;
one source. The State of Hungary considered it its duty&#13;
to provide for the education of its people, hoping to make&#13;
the power of the state felt in every phase of life.6 The&#13;
reigns of Maria Theresa and Joseph II saw an expansion&#13;
of education and also an attempt at Germanization of the&#13;
Slovaks. Joseph's attempt at Germanization was significantly challenged in 1847 and replaced by Hungarian Magyarization. Whether Germanization or Magyarization the NonHungarian Nationalities' interests were ignored.&#13;
In 1867 the 'Austro-Hungarian Compromise' touched&#13;
off rapid action to create a unitary Hungary by Magyarizing&#13;
all departments of public life, especially the schools. The&#13;
aim of this policy was the complete assimilation and&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
135&#13;
&#13;
conversion of Slovakia into a purely Magyar Province of&#13;
Hungary. Since language is the chief symbol of nationality,&#13;
the Slovak language was suppressed. Poor economically&#13;
and having their national ideals and traditions submerged,&#13;
the Slovaks began seeking a new way to improve their life.&#13;
U.S. SHINES WITH HOPE FOR SLOVAK IMMIGRANTS&#13;
Immigration held the dream of a better life. The&#13;
heaviest immigration of the Slovaks occurred between 1890&#13;
and 1900.7 It must be stressed that the majority of immigrants came to America for economic reasons, few&#13;
peasants ever left East Europe during this period due to&#13;
political reasons, though politics did cause many not to&#13;
return. 8&#13;
The first immigrants were usually the fathers of the&#13;
Slovak families, hoping for quick economic gain, and a&#13;
subsequent return to their native land and families. But&#13;
once in America few immigrants returned. They found&#13;
employment that significantly raised their living standard.&#13;
Though in a strange, sometimes hostile land, the immigrant&#13;
recognized the ideals of freedom that he was denied in his&#13;
homeland. As thoughts of returning to their native land diminished, the pioneering immigrants sent for their families&#13;
to join them in their adopted country. 9&#13;
Once the immigrant families had situated themselves&#13;
in this new land, they were faced with problems of adjustment. The majority of the Slovak immigrants settled in&#13;
the industrial East, seeking employment with the mining&#13;
industries, particularly in Pennsylvania. Since the closing&#13;
of the American frontier the greatest means of livelihood&#13;
for new immigrants was in these rising industrial areas.10&#13;
As the economic necessity of making a living diminished, the new Americans turned to their social needs.&#13;
Subsequently as the new settlements became more permanent, these Slovak immigrants turned to their religious&#13;
needs. They began by building community parishes, while&#13;
searching for Slovak priests who were few in number in&#13;
this time of early immigration.11 The churches provided&#13;
a common bond upon which were built beneficial organizations, such as the organizations of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
Union known as Jednota. It was the purpose of these&#13;
beneficial groups to locate and unite the scattered elements&#13;
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of American Slovaks. Unity was usually provided through&#13;
the weekly Slovak newspapers.&#13;
EDUCATION AL ASPIRATIONS OF AMERICAN SLOVAKS&#13;
Upon completion of the drive to build parishes the&#13;
Slovaks had finished with what they call the Church Age of&#13;
their settlement in America. 12 Having established themselves&#13;
within their own community, they were faced with the task&#13;
of joining the larger American community. Obviously, they&#13;
needed to learn the English language and familiarize themselves with American customs. It was over this need for&#13;
education that friction developed. On the one hand the&#13;
immigrant desired to be accepted in this new environment;&#13;
yet on the other, he also desired to preserve his own cultural&#13;
past. The first generation immigrant was taught English&#13;
usually by his employer and did not have his culture challenged, thus resisting assimilation. 13 It was the education&#13;
of successive generations that presented the problem of&#13;
cultural alienation. The apparent choice in education was&#13;
to enroll their offsprings in public schools in order to help&#13;
them adjust to this new American Life. But education in&#13;
the public schools posed severe cultural hazards.&#13;
The public school taught American subjects with American values. The foreign children were judged by American&#13;
cultural standards of conduct. In this position the foreign&#13;
children were caught between their old culture and the new&#13;
American culture. This had definite results: A limited&#13;
number abandoned their embarrassing heritage-to accept&#13;
American standards; a larger number sought to forget their&#13;
traditional background regarding them as inferior-lead ing&#13;
to family disruption and disintegration . Finally, the largest&#13;
group failed to adjust to school and left feeling disregarded,&#13;
discouraged and inferior .14&#13;
The public school encouraged the disintegration of&#13;
Slovak families. The Slovaks had successfully resisted&#13;
attempts of assimilation by stronger cultures in the past,&#13;
but now they faced the task of resisting assimilation in&#13;
a foreign land. To be assimilated meant the destruction&#13;
of their culture. The chief means of assimilation was&#13;
through education, as was attempted in their past history.&#13;
Though it was largely an unconscious process by which&#13;
America imposed its own standard of ideals on the new-&#13;
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&#13;
comers, the public schools were succeeding in imposing&#13;
a common English culture upon the children of many&#13;
nationalities. 15 By treating the immigrant as a native the&#13;
public school disregarded his culture and background. What was needed was a means to hand down a suitable&#13;
portion of his native culture in order to provide a past,&#13;
thus avoiding an identity crisis. The public school system&#13;
could not provide this necessity in full. What was needed&#13;
was a new system that could teach their children good&#13;
American citizenship and preserve in them a profitable&#13;
appreciation of the language, culture and tradition of their&#13;
forefathers, while still providing a sufficient academic&#13;
education. Fearing further disintegration of their culture,&#13;
the Slovaks began searching and discussing alternatives&#13;
in the development of Slovak America.&#13;
REV. MATTHEW JANKOLA ASSUMES LEADERSHIP&#13;
A leader in this search for a solution to the American&#13;
Slovak's educational needs was Father Matthew Jankola.&#13;
He spent much time studying his fellow Slovaks in their&#13;
new surroundings. Early in his life he wrote: "We have&#13;
a serious problem, the problem of educating our children&#13;
according to American methods, and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their cultural character&#13;
and their cultural traditions." 16 With this attitude Father&#13;
Jankola formed an Association of Priests in 1903 to consider&#13;
the question of providing for the Catholic education of&#13;
Slovak youth.&#13;
Father Jankola began his studies for the priesthood&#13;
in his native Slovakia. But under pressure from both the&#13;
Hungarian civil and ecclesiastical authorities, which frowned apon Slovak devotion to Saints Cyril and Methodius,&#13;
and the fostering of Slovak nationalism, Father Jankola&#13;
sought refuge in America. 17 He arrived in 1893, and finished&#13;
his studies at Saint Bonaventure's Seminary in Allegheny,&#13;
New York. As a priest Father Jankola dedicated himself&#13;
to the problem of cultural disintegration of his people,&#13;
begun in Hungary and now continuing in America.&#13;
It was on behalf of this couse that Father Jankola&#13;
directed his early writings. When considering education,&#13;
Father Jankola looked to its broader meaning of culture,&#13;
rather than its narrow sense of formal schooling. He felt&#13;
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&#13;
that next to the parish church must be a school, because&#13;
without Catholic schools the Catholic Church had no future,&#13;
no assured existence. Father Jankola saw the parish church&#13;
alone and unaided by a Catholic school as but a "feeble&#13;
barrier" against the rapid onrush of worldliness and a too&#13;
sudden Americanization for Slovak youth. Further, to preserve the Slovak national character, the children must be&#13;
educated in Slovak schools with religious principles. Father&#13;
Jankola held the schools as helpful for religious training,&#13;
and necessary also to preserve nationality. In Father&#13;
Jankola's mind the church directed religion, not language;&#13;
for the teaching of language, which fosters the national&#13;
spirit, teachers and schools were needed.18&#13;
In this spirit Father Jankola called for the establishment of schools, staffed by Slovak Sisters. His initial&#13;
contact with the Slovak people on this project was done&#13;
through the newspapers, such as the weekly Jednota. Many&#13;
attempts were made · to secure Slavic Sisters, but to no&#13;
avail. This was a time of heavy immigration causing the&#13;
demand for Sisters in America to be very great. Confronted&#13;
with the problem of no available Sisters for his project,&#13;
Father Jankola suggested the possibility of founding a&#13;
Religious Community for the education of Slovak youth.&#13;
The suggestion was received favorably, so Father Jankola&#13;
sought Slovak candidates to train in an American Sisterhood, which would later branch off into an independent&#13;
congregation as their numbers grew.&#13;
A Czech Benedictine Community of Sisters expressed&#13;
willingness to receive and educate Slovak girls. Father&#13;
Jankola secured three aspirants who were sent to the Czech&#13;
Sisters in Chicago. But this project failed when the girls&#13;
became discontented and wished to return to Pennsylvania.&#13;
Their return was hard on Father Jankola, but their young&#13;
age and the great distances they had traveled made him&#13;
sympathetic. 19&#13;
Father Jankola did not abandon his project. Instead,&#13;
upon further study he came in contact with Mother Mary&#13;
Cyril at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton, Penna.&#13;
After considering Father Jankola's plan for a parochial&#13;
school system under Slovak Sisters, Mother Mary Cyril&#13;
agreed to accept the young girls. The girls entered Mount&#13;
Saint Mary's Seminary in November of 1903, to learn the&#13;
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139&#13;
&#13;
principles of religious life and live according to its Rules. 20&#13;
While preparing the Slovak girls for religious teaching&#13;
and guidance under Mother Mary Cyril and the Sisters of&#13;
the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Father Jankola began a fund&#13;
to further his project. He established "St. Anthony's Treasury" which received donations from parishes, societies and&#13;
individuals.&#13;
A TEACHING COMMUNITY&#13;
OF SLOVAK SISTERS IS BORN&#13;
On September 11, 1909, the first Slovak girls pronounced their religious vows, 21 marking the birth of the&#13;
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, honoring the Saints&#13;
who gave Slovakia its faith and culture. Father Jankola&#13;
noted that this was the founding of the first Slovak religious&#13;
sisterhood that the Slovaks ever had, either in Europe or&#13;
America. At the birth of this new Order Father Jankola&#13;
set down four principal reasons for its conception:&#13;
1) Educate Slovak children&#13;
2) Care for Slovak orphans and aged&#13;
3) Preserve Slovak culture&#13;
4) Pray for the return of Slav schismatics.22&#13;
Father Jankola's first principle has been the primary&#13;
apostolate of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The&#13;
parish school has always constituted the particular vocation&#13;
of the Sisters. The Sisters set themselves the traditional&#13;
objective of education in a Christian spirit to develop and&#13;
train to the fullest the powers and capacities of a young&#13;
student's mind and body. They also strove to inculcate&#13;
principles of true patriotism and citizenship in order to&#13;
develop enlightened, conscientious American citizens, imbued with Christian attitudes of justice and charity, peace&#13;
and order, which they feel are the main components for&#13;
social living. As Slovak American teachers, they endeavored&#13;
to preserve some of the traditions and the cultural heritage&#13;
of the Slovak people among the students of Slovak parentage, and to foster in all students an interest and respect&#13;
for the varied cultures and attitudes that make up the&#13;
Brotherhood of Man. 23&#13;
Through such recognition and acceptance of foreign&#13;
natures, characteristics, and personalities built from a different culture, the Sisters sought to achieve cultural&#13;
democracy. To accept cultural democracy means to accept&#13;
&#13;
140&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
a technique of social adjustment that will make possible&#13;
the preservation of the best of all cultures. 24 This was the&#13;
desire of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To accept,&#13;
as well as to be accepted, is the condition for effective&#13;
pluralism in a nation. Cultural pluralism in the American&#13;
educational system has existed because we are a multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-lingual nation. It was thought&#13;
that the public school system would Americanize these&#13;
foreign elements into the melting pot of uniform American&#13;
culture. The concept of American culture as a mosaic has&#13;
been the reason for, and the challenge of, the Sisters of&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius.&#13;
For six years this newly established Community of&#13;
Sisters continued under the guidance of the Sisters of the&#13;
Immaculate Heart of Mary. It was on August 4, 1915, that&#13;
the Community had its first elections in which Sister Mary&#13;
(Mihalik) was elected the first Superior General. During&#13;
this period the Sisters opened their first school to educate&#13;
children in the Sacred Heart of Jesus Parish in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, marking the beginning of the educational&#13;
work of the Community. Before this group could be firmly&#13;
established Mother Mary died in 1916. Her successor was&#13;
Mother M. Emmanuel whose greatest achievement involved&#13;
the establishment of a suitable, permanent Motherhouse.25&#13;
MOTHER M. EMMANUEL, SS.C.M. (1916-1922)&#13;
The Sisters had been temporarily situated in Middletown, Pennsylvania. While in this location, Mother M.&#13;
Emmanuel sought a permanent Motherhouse. She was&#13;
informed by Reverend Julius Foin about a large tract of&#13;
land with an old mansion in Danville. Through Bishop&#13;
Philip R. McDevitt, Mother M. Emmanuel made contact&#13;
with a local attorney, Ralph Kisner, and was informed that&#13;
the 'Castle Grove' property was for sale. The Mansion site&#13;
proper, containing thirteen acres-forty rooms, eleven&#13;
bathrooms-finished throughout with hardwood, was a relic&#13;
of the passing iron industry in Danville. There was also&#13;
an adjoining farm with one hundred thirty-three acres and&#13;
numerous outbuildings.&#13;
This enormous dwelling was perfect for Mother M.&#13;
Emmanuel's aims, but the price was beyond the Community's ability to pay. Upon inspection of this property,&#13;
Mother M. Emmanuel found that the Mansion had stood&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
141&#13;
&#13;
vacant for fourteen years, needing numerous repairs. With&#13;
this in mind she made a meager offer. The actual owner was&#13;
in France, causing slow communication. Price remained the&#13;
hindrance as Mother M. Emmanuel would not raise her&#13;
offer. In March of 1919, Attorney Kisner informed the&#13;
Sisters that the owner had agreed to drastically reduce&#13;
his price to meet the Community's needs.&#13;
Now that the Community's prayers for a Motherhouse&#13;
had been answered, only the necessary funds for purchase&#13;
remained an obstacle. The Sisters had saved about half&#13;
of the required amount, but had discouraging experiences&#13;
in acquiring the rest. This was the critical period during&#13;
World War I, causing excess funds to be scarce.26 After&#13;
futile appeals to the citizens and banks of the Wilkes-Barre&#13;
area, a heavily populated Slovak community, Mother M.&#13;
Emmanuel turned to the Danville National Bank for a loan.&#13;
This bank considered the risk minimal and granted the&#13;
loan at low interest. With payment secured, the Sisters&#13;
concluded the 'Castle Grove' deal in June of 1919, and began&#13;
preparations for the transfer of the Motherhouse from&#13;
Middletown to its permanent home in Danville.&#13;
Throughout the summer months in 1919, the Sisters&#13;
worked to put the house and grounds in order. Within this&#13;
new convent the Community prepared for the continuance&#13;
of religious training for its Sisters and converted one of&#13;
the two ballrooms into a chapel. Holy Mass was first&#13;
celebrated on Sunday morning, July 6, 1919. With the&#13;
approach of Autumn all but the Sisters in training took&#13;
leave of 'Sacred Heart Villa,' as the grounds had been&#13;
named, to resume their duties in the parish schools.&#13;
During the War Years the demand for Sisters in&#13;
parochial schools became very great. The war and the influenza epidemic strongly limited the work of the Sisters.27&#13;
As this situation relaxed in the summer of 1920, Mother&#13;
M. Emmanuel arranged classes for the Sisters to improve&#13;
their educational resources. The educational progress of&#13;
the Community was under the direction of the Sisters&#13;
from Marywood. This was being continued by Mother M.&#13;
Emmanuel who sought also to further the Community's&#13;
material progress. She was engaged in soliciting funds&#13;
from the homes of Slovaks to pay off the Sister's bank&#13;
loan. Mother M. Emmanuel promoted thrift within her&#13;
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&#13;
Community because she felt the Community would be more&#13;
secure in the American culture when free from debt. Mother&#13;
M. Emmanuel's term expired in 1922. She had directed&#13;
this young Sisterhood through its pioneering days, giving&#13;
it shelter, resources and existence through the war years.&#13;
Mother M. Emmanuel's main contribution was, of course,&#13;
the establishment of the Motherhouse that was to become&#13;
the center of Slovak culture in America.&#13;
MOTHER M. PIUS, SS.C.M. OPENS&#13;
ST. CYRIL ACADEMY IN 1922&#13;
By the choice of the Sisters, Sister M. Pius was elected&#13;
the third Superior General. Bishop McDevitt, who supervised the election, also commented on the importance of&#13;
the Sisters' studies because someday the civil authorities&#13;
would require that every teacher must be certified by the&#13;
State of Pennsylvania. Certification would be important in&#13;
having the Community accepted as a competent educational&#13;
institution in American society. Now that they had an&#13;
established center, the Sisters could begin to focus their&#13;
educational mission with greater assurance.&#13;
The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius had always&#13;
wished for the establishment of a high school and boarding&#13;
school for girls. Presently, they were only employed in&#13;
elementary education. This idea for an institution of higher&#13;
education for their own children was popular among the&#13;
Slovaks. In addition to the regularly prescribed American&#13;
branches, they wanted their offsprings to be taught the&#13;
mother tongue and trained to appreciate the historical and&#13;
cultural traditions of their nation. 28 To this wish Mother&#13;
M. Pius responded.&#13;
Mother M. Pius expressed a desire to have an official&#13;
from the Department of Public Instruction in Harrisburg&#13;
come to Danville to give a lecture on the requirements of&#13;
the State, regarding the equipment and function of a high&#13;
school and its accreditation.&#13;
In August of 1922, Doctor Edward Hoban arrived from&#13;
Harrisburg and explained such subjects as extension&#13;
courses, summer school, teacher certificates, teaching of&#13;
foreign languages, importance of teaching citizenship, the&#13;
teaching of historical and social studies, and the necessity&#13;
of physical education. This lecture assured the commencement of preparation for a high school on American terms.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
143&#13;
&#13;
The following week an advertisement appeared in the&#13;
Slovak newspapers stating that the Sisters of SS. Cyril&#13;
and Methodius had equipped part of their convent at&#13;
Danville as a boarding school for girls.&#13;
To conform to American standards the equipment of&#13;
the high school called for two very important departments&#13;
-the Library and the Laboratory for the Sciences. Both&#13;
of these were begun with the opening of the school. Books&#13;
acquired were those recommended by the Department o!&#13;
Education. Also a large selection of Catholic and Slovak&#13;
books supplemented the Community's aim of a multicultural education. In all, nineteen pupils attended the first year&#13;
of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High School, indicating&#13;
a desire on the part of the Slovaks to have their children&#13;
educated in a Slovak, as well as an American atmosphere.&#13;
Towards the close of the first year in the spring of&#13;
1923, a small group of students ventured into the school's&#13;
first extra-curricular activity. These girls formed a Literary&#13;
Society in which they compiled a little booklet of essays,&#13;
stories, and poems. Under Mother M. Pius' encouragement&#13;
this activity continued, resulting in the first issue of the&#13;
bi-lingual (Slovak and American) school magazine, Fialky&#13;
(Violets). The Fialky were thereafter issued semi-annually&#13;
until 1940 and then annually until 1970, when it ceased&#13;
publication.&#13;
During the summer vacation Mother M. Pius encouraged&#13;
the Sisters toward further studies, hoping to improve their&#13;
competence as teachers. She was anxious to secure state&#13;
certification for as many Sisters as could qualify. Now&#13;
that the Community was engaged in all levels of education,&#13;
Mother M. Pius wished to secure them within the American&#13;
educational system through accreditation.&#13;
The Academy's opening in the second year exposed&#13;
space problems as enrollment grew. Mother Pius expressed&#13;
the need for a strong building fund and enacted new&#13;
collection drives among the Slovak people. The number&#13;
of students steadily increased into the third and fourth&#13;
year.• With the fourth year the need for accredition increased as the first graduation approached. The school&#13;
was informed that the State Representatives would make&#13;
an official inspection at the school year's end.&#13;
That June, just a week before graduation, the State&#13;
&#13;
144&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Inspector arrived and spent a day inspecting the school,&#13;
interviewing both the staff and the students. The State&#13;
Representative, Doctor Pentz, found the Slovak students&#13;
being educated and trained in all that the modern high&#13;
schools offered, and in their Religion and mother tongue as&#13;
well. To this he expressed his satisfaction, commenting on&#13;
the orderly and methodological way in which the different&#13;
departments were being conducted. 29 After Dr. Pentz reported the Academy as "first class" in both arrangement and&#13;
curriculum, the school received a telegram, congratulating&#13;
teachers and students on receiving accreditation from the&#13;
State.&#13;
This good news arrived just days before the first&#13;
graduation, much to the Sisters' delight. While preparations&#13;
for this first commencement progressed, another great&#13;
event was in prospect, namely, the Eucharistic Congress&#13;
in Chicago. This event made a great impact on the first&#13;
commencement of the First Catholic Slovak Girls High&#13;
School.&#13;
Accreditation from the State of Pennsylvania proved&#13;
the Sisters' ability to provide their students with a fitting&#13;
education in their new society, but what remained to be&#13;
seen was whether or not the Sisters could live up to the&#13;
task of preserving Slovak culture in America. Slovak&#13;
American culture was to receive a fresh impetus by the&#13;
Eucharistic Congress held in Chicago. Due to attend the&#13;
Congress were four bishops from Slovakia. The presence&#13;
of these Slovak bishops greatly excited the Slovak Americans and especially the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius,&#13;
since through the influence of Bishop McDevitt arrangements were made to have these four bishops attend the&#13;
Academy's first graduation.&#13;
The date of the festivity was June 14, 1926. Under the&#13;
guidance of Bishop McDevitt, who presided at the First&#13;
Graduation ceremony, the entire Community and students&#13;
assembled at the Convent's gate to welcome the visiting&#13;
bishops. Upon the arrival of the Slovak bishops, who were&#13;
traveling in European fashion, clad in cassock and purple&#13;
cincture, the commencement proceeded with prayers, songs,&#13;
and speeches. The speeches were delivered in Slovak,&#13;
calling for a continuance of Catholic education. Bishop&#13;
McDevitt's address underscored the advantages which the&#13;
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SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
145&#13;
&#13;
Slovak people can derive from a solid Catholic education.&#13;
He also pointed out that this could be done because the&#13;
American government stood to protect the religious rights&#13;
of all American citizens. The theme of religious pluralism&#13;
in America was carried further by the Senior Bishop from&#13;
Slovakia in a speech that noted how this American government respects, upholds, and protects the religious liberty&#13;
of the people who found refuge under her banner. Bishop&#13;
Marian Blaha further cited the great accomplishments of&#13;
the American Slovaks. Their ability to provide a Catholic&#13;
education while preserving their mother tongue greatly&#13;
impressed him. Then as an old Slovak proverb states,&#13;
"Every perfect day must end even as the sweetest song"&#13;
-this first commencement was no exception; it was concluded by a student chorale of inspirational Slovak songs.30&#13;
The first graduation was a significant milestone in the&#13;
history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. It was&#13;
their first public manifestation of their educational standards and traditions. The graduation exercise presented a&#13;
new phase in the mission of the Slovak Sisters. Their people&#13;
realized that Danville would not only house a Convent and&#13;
an Academy, but would be the center of genuine culture&#13;
for the Slovaks in America. To attain a status combining&#13;
a true Americanism with an appreciation of the spirit and&#13;
traditions of their native land was the Community's desire.31&#13;
With this spirit of appreciation, encouraged by the&#13;
sharp increase of applicants, new thoughts of building&#13;
were entertained. But unlike before, the Slovak people,&#13;
organizations and individuals alike, urged this step. These&#13;
groups advised a general benefit drive for funds, alleging&#13;
the time was ripe for such a movement since industrial&#13;
conditions were favorable and the people were willing to&#13;
donate.32 In the spring of 1927 Mother M. Pius presented&#13;
a letter of the officers of the First Catholic Slovak Ladies'&#13;
Union, another element of Slovak-American culture, announcing the drive for a building fund. When Mother M.&#13;
Pius asked for their contribution, she was immediately&#13;
promised five thousand dollars. The response elsewhere&#13;
was the same. The Slovak newspapers pushed the drive&#13;
and local groups competed in fund raising. This favorable&#13;
reaction illustrates the Slovak-Americans' desire for an&#13;
enlarged Slovak cultural center in America.&#13;
&#13;
146&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
With the building fund well under way, Mother M. Pius&#13;
contracted Architect Bernard Starr of Harrisburg, who in&#13;
turn sought the assistance of Harry Sternfeld of Philadelphia. A spot for the new building was selected on the Villa&#13;
Sacred Heart campus, and Mr. Sternfeld sketched a building&#13;
dominated by a central tower. This initial plan brought&#13;
eriticism for its "needless extravagance," but Mother M.&#13;
Pius retained the plan as the answer to the needs of the&#13;
Community, plus the cultural, educational and religious&#13;
needs of the Slovak-American people.&#13;
The Community wasted no time in beginning the new&#13;
building. Ground was broken on May 23, 1929, in a ceremony&#13;
which the local Danville Morning News described as an&#13;
event to go down in Slovak history. 33&#13;
The speakers' program included representatives of the&#13;
church, state, and Slovak national life. As the building&#13;
progressed, the country entered the depression of the&#13;
1930's. By the time the building was completed, economic&#13;
tension was beginning to be felt everywhere.34 With this&#13;
in mind, Mother M. Pius avoided any elaborate dedication&#13;
ceremony. This new building was made to catch the spirit&#13;
of the past and to intepret it with a contemporaneous point&#13;
of view in order to make it fit actual conditions.35 Its&#13;
design was in accord with the ideals of the Sisters of SS.&#13;
Cyril and Methodius, who hoped to blend the past into&#13;
a new, usable present. In a more practical manner the&#13;
new building provided an institution solely devoted to the&#13;
education of the Slovak people and the preserving of their&#13;
culture. It was viewed as a national work, one that provided&#13;
b roader limits and better accommodations which would&#13;
produce greater results. 36 The local paper saw the building&#13;
as a monument to the Slovak people of America, and&#13;
considered it one of the local community's finest aspects.37&#13;
The Sisters moved into their new building in September&#13;
of 1931.&#13;
The following three years were quiet, filled with earnest&#13;
activity toward the educational goals of the Community.&#13;
This period ended with the significant year of 1934, the&#13;
twenty-fifth anniversary of the Community's existence. In&#13;
those twenty-five years the Community developed and&#13;
established itself in a permanent Motherhouse, which in&#13;
turn had developed the First Catholic Slovak Girls' High&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
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147&#13;
&#13;
School, crowned by the magnificent new building. This had&#13;
been done under three Superiors General-Mother Mary,&#13;
Mother M. Emmanuel, Mother M. Pius-all of whom promoted the cultivation of the Slovak language and history,&#13;
which, with religion, constitute the two outstanding characteristics of the Slovak Academy. Extra-curricular activities,&#13;
like Fialky and Cyrilika-a society for fostering interest&#13;
in Slovak journalism-as well as customs established for&#13;
the practical study of Slovak, such as speaking Slovak all&#13;
day every Saturday, and the annual observance of Slovak&#13;
Week, acquired notice and approval. The observance of&#13;
Slovak tradition gave this Academy a unique position in&#13;
the field of American education.38&#13;
With a high spirit of celebration the Silver Jubilee of&#13;
the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius commenced. The&#13;
Jubilee marked still another turning point in the Community's history as it came at the close of Mother M. Pius'&#13;
long administration. Her work finished laying a firm&#13;
foundation which became the base for a promising era of&#13;
new growth.&#13;
MOTHER M. EMERENTIA, SS.C.M. (1934-1946)&#13;
In this new period of the Community's history the&#13;
work of the Academy advanced quietly, with gratifying&#13;
results in the field of Slovak-American culture. When&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia was elected Superior General in 1934,&#13;
she encouraged Slovak interests and cultural projects like&#13;
formal programs, dramatic productions, Slovak readings,&#13;
folk song festivals and, above all, research and creative&#13;
writing on Slovak topics. Mother M. Emerentia was also&#13;
responsible for the compilation of Slovak language texts&#13;
and hymnals used widely in Slovak elementary schools and&#13;
parishes in America.&#13;
The early years of Mother M. Emerentia's administration coincided with the greatest period of the depression.&#13;
Though there was no drop in student enrollment, neither&#13;
was there the marked increase that would have normally&#13;
been the case.• These drawbacks, however, had advantages.&#13;
The subdued quiet of the interval was conducive to a&#13;
greater concentration on school work, both regular and&#13;
extracurricular. Correspondence with students in Slovakia&#13;
'' See enrollment figures; Table I.&#13;
&#13;
148&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
was an activity greatly enjoyed by the students of St. Cyril&#13;
Academy. It was also during these years that the school&#13;
was favored by a number of distinguished visitors from&#13;
Slovakia, including a delegation from the Slovak Institute&#13;
of Arts and Sciences, a group of students from the Slovak&#13;
unit of Pax Romana, plus numerous distinguished scholars,&#13;
writers, and statesmen, including the Slovak martyr, Msgr.&#13;
Joseph Tiso.39&#13;
When our country was drawn into war on December&#13;
8, 1941, the first care of the Motherhouse was directed&#13;
toward the Sisters and their pupils in the parish schools.&#13;
The Community placed its trust in God and His care of&#13;
our country, and classes went on as usual. However, extracurricular activities were directed toward war needs.&#13;
Beyond the prayers for peace, the Community and its&#13;
students turned out quantities of knitted sweaters and&#13;
helmets. They experienced the value of thrift by rationing&#13;
food and collected all scraps such as fats, iron and paper.&#13;
The Sisters also joined in relief efforts for their native&#13;
land. An extensive relief project for the war sufferers in&#13;
Slovakia was aided by the Community, which sent abroad&#13;
numerous packages of relief materials. The motherhouse&#13;
was a center for this organized relief work.&#13;
The relief project continued in action even after the&#13;
war, when Slovakia again was suppressed by a stronger&#13;
force. Following a remarkably successful and flourishing&#13;
six-year period of self-rule under the Presidency of Tiso,&#13;
the Slovak government collapsed when victory came to&#13;
Russia and the Allies. 40 With this victory Slovakia was&#13;
overrun by the Communists. Their occupation of the country led to the execution of Msgr. Tiso, plus the silencing of&#13;
many bishops and priests. The people of Slovakia remained&#13;
in destitution; hence, the necessity for relief work to&#13;
continue until the Iron Curtain cut off all communication. 41&#13;
The Communist occupation caused more refugees to&#13;
seek freedom and sanctuary from Slovakia. As thousands&#13;
came to America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius&#13;
and their students enjoyed fresh contacts with persons&#13;
of their fatherland. Priests and professional people willingly&#13;
gave lectures to both the Sisters and the students, chiefly&#13;
on conditions in Slovakia and on topics of Slovak history.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
149&#13;
&#13;
Several high school students from Slovakia enrolled in the&#13;
Academy, thus enriching the Slovak-American culture.&#13;
MOTHER M. CRESCENTIA, SS.C.M. (1946-1958)&#13;
While the Slovak-American tradition was being enriched during these post-war years, a new Superior General&#13;
was elected, placing renewed importance on the educational&#13;
aspects of the Academy. Mother M. Crescentia realized&#13;
that during the earlier years the educational objectives&#13;
could not be pursued as fully as desired since more urgent&#13;
activities were at hand. In time, however, conditions&#13;
improved, so that more and better organized work could&#13;
be done in the field of teacher education. Mother M.&#13;
Crescentia took advantage of this situation, arranging for&#13;
more Sisters to take college courses in a greater variety of&#13;
fields. With this renewed progress in the Sisters' personal&#13;
educational ventures, activities in the Academy moved&#13;
apace. The student enrollment at the Academy, which&#13;
increased only to a minor extent after the depression, now&#13;
began rapid growth.&#13;
This growth of the Academy advanced steadily into the&#13;
fifties, causing every available space within the Academy&#13;
to be filled. It necessitated the building of Saint Philomena&#13;
Hall to be used for students' living and classrooms. Also&#13;
in the fifties, the Community worked for the founding of&#13;
Father Jankola. They are Villa Saint Cyril in Highland&#13;
Park, Illinois, and Maria Joseph Manor in Danville, Pennsylvania. By 1958 the Community had a new Superior&#13;
General in the person of Mother M. Bernard.&#13;
MOTHER M. BERNARD, SS.C.M. (1958-1970)&#13;
The highlight of this decade was the observance of&#13;
the Community's Golden Jubilee. It was climaxed by the&#13;
celebration of a Roman-Slavonic Mass on the Villa campus&#13;
in the presence of five thousand visitors from all parts&#13;
of the country.42 It was the first Roman rite vernacular&#13;
Mass ever offered on this continent.&#13;
The increased enrollment and the large turnout for the&#13;
Roman-Slavonic Mass indicates the strong support the&#13;
Academy received from the Slovak-American people in its&#13;
preserving of Slovak culture.&#13;
The early sixties were also highlighted by a large&#13;
celebration honoring another aspect of the Comunity's&#13;
Slovak heritage. The year 1963 marked the eleven hundredth&#13;
&#13;
150&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
anniversary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among&#13;
the Slovaks. In addition to the Community celebration in&#13;
America, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius participated&#13;
in a week-long observance in Rome, involving numerous&#13;
Slovak pilgrims, who had assembled there for the dedication of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius,&#13;
a seminary for the training of priests for Slovakia.&#13;
THE JANKOLA LIBRARY&#13;
&#13;
The latter sixties and early seventies for St. Cyril Academy had been dominated by two cherished Slovak projects.&#13;
First was the active cooperation with the Apostolate of&#13;
the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,&#13;
begun during the 1963 pilgrimage. Second was the professional development of the Jankola Library at the Academy.&#13;
This Library is a center of Slovak culture and learning for&#13;
St. Cyril Academy and Slovak America. It is called Jankola&#13;
Library in honor of the founder of the Community and&#13;
promoter of Slovak-American culture, Father Matthew Jankola. The Library provides invaluable resources for study&#13;
and research purposes, as well as literary works to enrich&#13;
the Slovak spirit. Jankola Library contains over six thousand (6,000) fully catalogued items on its shelves with&#13;
several hundred more reserved for further processing.43&#13;
Beyond just Slovak books this Library also promotes&#13;
Slovak-American culture with its large collection of Slovak&#13;
art. Included among its treasures are a large unusual map&#13;
of Czecho-Slovakia, an artistically costumed mannequin&#13;
representing the Slovak tradition, and a large, valuable&#13;
collection of Slovak ceramic art, some embroidery and&#13;
sizeable pieces of cutglass sent from Slovakia. This Library&#13;
with its vast assortment of Slovak art is truly a tribute&#13;
to Slovakia's culture.&#13;
With Jankola Library as its Slovak center, SS. Cyril&#13;
Academy still provides an excellent American education.&#13;
It offers a wide range of courses, including four foreign&#13;
languages.* Besides educating students for social living in&#13;
America, the Academy can also train girls for a religious&#13;
teaching life within its own Community. The Sisters of&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius are presently teaching in parish&#13;
schools and eight (8) high schools, including a boarding&#13;
* Source listing of St. Cyril Academy. Table II.&#13;
&#13;
151&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
school for girls. 0 Education of Slovak children continues&#13;
to be the principal vocation of a Sister of SS. Cyril and&#13;
Methodius. It is to these children that a Sister dedicates&#13;
herseJf and hopes to preserve Slovakia's heritage.&#13;
Today, the St. Cyril Academy is justifiably proud of&#13;
tts accomplishments during the past fifty ( 50) years. Both&#13;
the teaching Sisters and their students are fully educated&#13;
in, and cognizant of, their dual heritage. The traditions&#13;
and artifacts of Slovak culture have been preserved; while&#13;
at the same time, each graduate is proud to be an American.&#13;
St. Cyril Academy continues to revere its Slovak past.&#13;
The Sisters continue to aid the suppressed people of&#13;
Slovakia, but now this is done indirectly to the extent&#13;
possible. It is the desire of the Sisters of the Academy to&#13;
provide their countrymen with new hope of cultural freedom by showing them the accomplishments that have been&#13;
possible in America. This Academy is rightly considered&#13;
the center of Slovak culture in America.&#13;
"" List of schools staffed by Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Table III.&#13;
&#13;
TABLE I&#13;
Enrollment figures of St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.&#13;
Year&#13;
&#13;
1925-26&#13;
1926-27&#13;
1927-28&#13;
1928-29&#13;
1929-30&#13;
1930-31&#13;
1931-32&#13;
1932-33&#13;
1933-34&#13;
1934-35&#13;
1935-36&#13;
1936-37&#13;
1937-38&#13;
1938-39&#13;
1939-40&#13;
1940-41&#13;
&#13;
Total Number&#13;
of Students&#13;
&#13;
38&#13;
39&#13;
44&#13;
47&#13;
42&#13;
61&#13;
75&#13;
69&#13;
60&#13;
58&#13;
52&#13;
58&#13;
54&#13;
50&#13;
60&#13;
70&#13;
&#13;
Year&#13;
&#13;
1941-42&#13;
1942-43&#13;
1943-44&#13;
1944-45&#13;
1945-46&#13;
1946-47&#13;
1947-48&#13;
1948-49&#13;
1949-50&#13;
1950-51&#13;
1951-52&#13;
1952-53&#13;
1953-54&#13;
1954-55&#13;
1955-56&#13;
1956-57&#13;
&#13;
Total Number&#13;
of Students&#13;
&#13;
66&#13;
55&#13;
55&#13;
69&#13;
91&#13;
96&#13;
90&#13;
107&#13;
112&#13;
109&#13;
123&#13;
138&#13;
148&#13;
153&#13;
157&#13;
180&#13;
&#13;
Total Number&#13;
Year of Students&#13;
&#13;
1957-58&#13;
1958-59&#13;
1959-60&#13;
1960-61&#13;
1961-62&#13;
1962-63&#13;
1963-64&#13;
1964-65&#13;
1965-66&#13;
1966-67&#13;
1967-68&#13;
1968-69&#13;
1969-70&#13;
1970-71&#13;
1971-72&#13;
1972-73&#13;
&#13;
181&#13;
175&#13;
162&#13;
182&#13;
202&#13;
195&#13;
202&#13;
171&#13;
156&#13;
178&#13;
120&#13;
108&#13;
104&#13;
101&#13;
108&#13;
106&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
152&#13;
&#13;
TABLE II&#13;
Curriculum of St. Cyril Academy&#13;
FIRST YEAR&#13;
&#13;
Religion I&#13;
English I&#13;
Algebra I&#13;
Intr. Physical Science&#13;
Physical Education&#13;
Chorus&#13;
World Culture I&#13;
Latin I&#13;
Spanish I&#13;
&#13;
French I&#13;
Slovak I&#13;
Foods&#13;
Art I&#13;
Art Appreciation&#13;
Music Appreciation&#13;
Health Education&#13;
Piano&#13;
Interpretive Dance&#13;
&#13;
SECOND YEAR&#13;
&#13;
Religion II&#13;
English II&#13;
Geometry&#13;
Biology&#13;
Physical Education&#13;
Chorus&#13;
World Culture II&#13;
Latin II&#13;
&#13;
French II&#13;
Spanish II&#13;
Slovak II&#13;
Foods&#13;
Clothing I&#13;
Art II&#13;
Piano&#13;
Interpretive Dance&#13;
THIRD YEAR&#13;
&#13;
Religion III&#13;
English III&#13;
Algebra II&#13;
Chemistry&#13;
Physical Education&#13;
Chorus&#13;
American Culture I&#13;
Latin III&#13;
Spanish III&#13;
&#13;
French III&#13;
Slovak III&#13;
Foods&#13;
Advanced Clothing&#13;
Art III&#13;
Piano&#13;
Interpretive Dance&#13;
Typing I&#13;
Stenography I&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
153&#13;
&#13;
FOURTH YEAR&#13;
&#13;
Religion IV&#13;
English IV&#13;
Business English&#13;
Math 12&#13;
Advanced Biology&#13;
Physical Education&#13;
Chorus&#13;
American Culture II&#13;
Latin IV&#13;
Spanish IV&#13;
French IV&#13;
&#13;
Slovak IV&#13;
Advanced Clothing&#13;
Art IV&#13;
Speech&#13;
Piano&#13;
Interpretive Dance&#13;
Typing II&#13;
Stenography II&#13;
Bookkeeping&#13;
Business Law&#13;
&#13;
TABLE III&#13;
SCHOOLS STAFFED BY SIS'llEIBS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS&#13;
&#13;
Berwick, Pa.&#13;
Bloomsburg, Pa.&#13;
Binghamton, N. Y.&#13;
Binghamton, N. Y.&#13;
Bridgeport, Conn.&#13;
Bridgeport, Pa.&#13;
Charleston, S. C.&#13;
Charleston, S. C.&#13;
Chicago, Ill.&#13;
East Vandergrift, Pa.&#13;
Endicott, N. Y.&#13;
Gary, Indiana&#13;
Hazleton, Pa.&#13;
Jessup, Pa.&#13;
Lebanon, Pa.&#13;
Luzerne, Pa.&#13;
Nanticoke, Pa.&#13;
New York, N. Y.&#13;
Olyphant, Pa.&#13;
Perth Amboy, N. J.&#13;
Phoenixville, Pa.&#13;
Pittston, Pa.&#13;
Plymouth, Pa.&#13;
Stratford, Conn.&#13;
Swoyersville, Pa.&#13;
Torrington, Conn.&#13;
&#13;
St. Mary's School&#13;
St. Columba School&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius School&#13;
St. Ann's School&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius School&#13;
Mother of Sorrows School&#13;
Blessed Sacrament School&#13;
Nativity School&#13;
SS. Simon and Jude School&#13;
Holy Trinity School&#13;
St. Joseph School&#13;
Holy Trinity School&#13;
St. Joseph School&#13;
St. Michael's School&#13;
SS. Cyril and Methodius School&#13;
St. John Nepomucene School&#13;
St. Joseph School&#13;
St. John Nepomucene School&#13;
Holy Ghost School&#13;
Holy Trinity School&#13;
Sacred Heart of Jesus School&#13;
St. John Baptist School&#13;
St. Stephen School&#13;
Sacred Name of Jesus School&#13;
Holy Trinity School&#13;
Sacred Heart of Jesus School&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
154&#13;
&#13;
Immaculate Conception School&#13;
Sacred Heart of Jesus School&#13;
Holy Trinity School&#13;
&#13;
Whiting, Ind.&#13;
Wilkes-Barre, Pa.&#13;
Yonkers, N. Y.&#13;
&#13;
IDGH SCHOOLS&#13;
&#13;
Andrean High School&#13;
Dunmore Catholic High School&#13;
Lourdes H. S.&#13;
Lebanon Catholic H. S.&#13;
Kingston Catholic Central&#13;
Catholic Central H. S.&#13;
Catholic Central (St. Pius X)&#13;
Blessed Sacrament Academy&#13;
St. Cyril Academy&#13;
&#13;
1. Gary, Ind.&#13;
&#13;
2.&#13;
3.&#13;
4.&#13;
5.&#13;
6.&#13;
7.&#13;
8.&#13;
9.&#13;
&#13;
Dunmore, Pa.&#13;
Shamokin, Pa.&#13;
Lebanon, Pa.&#13;
Kingston, Pa.&#13;
Charleston, S. C.&#13;
Pottstown, Pa.&#13;
Yonkers, N. Y.&#13;
Danville, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
FOOTNOTES&#13;
&#13;
1) David F . Bowers, "Social and Cultural Impact" in For eign Influences in American Life (Princeton, 1944) , p. 1.&#13;
2) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (New York, 1969), p. 86.&#13;
3) The Slovak Nation, Manuscript in Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius&#13;
Community Archives, Danville, Pennsylvania.&#13;
4 ) Ibid.&#13;
5) Education in Slovakia, Manuscript in SS. C. M Community Archives,&#13;
composition by M . I. Angelovic, pp. 88.&#13;
6) Ibid.&#13;
7) Ear liest Immigration, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.&#13;
8 ) Emily Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p . 108.&#13;
9 ) Earliest Immigration&#13;
&#13;
Ms.&#13;
&#13;
10) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, "Czechoslovak American" in&#13;
One America (New York, 1946), p. 147.&#13;
11) In 1899, there were eight Slovak priests in America. Earliest&#13;
Immigration Ms.&#13;
&#13;
12) The Slovaks divide their settlement in America into three Ages:&#13;
Church Age, School Age, and Institution Age. Ibid.&#13;
13) Daniel Tanzone, "The Slovak Experience in Contemporary America"&#13;
in Slovakia (Middletown, Pa., 1972), p. 129.&#13;
14) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our Racial and National Minorities (New York, 1937), p. 602.&#13;
15) Timothy Smith, "New Approaches to the History of Immigration&#13;
in 20th Century America", in The America Historical Review LXXI,&#13;
(July 1966), p. 127.&#13;
&#13;
155&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
16) Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic&#13;
Education in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by Sister M. Consuela Gregorovic, p. 14.&#13;
17) Ibid. , p. 3.&#13;
18 ) Earliest Plans, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.&#13;
&#13;
19) Ibid .&#13;
20) Ibid.&#13;
21) The girls wer,e Mary Mihalik, Mary Bartek and Mary Pauly.&#13;
22) Father Jankola, Ms., pp. 38-46.&#13;
23) Philosophy of Saint Cyril Academy,&#13;
&#13;
Ms.&#13;
&#13;
24) Francis Brown and Joseph Roucek, Our America, p. 501.&#13;
25) The Educational Activities of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius&#13;
in the United States, Ms. in SS. C. M. C-Ommunity Archives, composition by Sister Maria Berchmans Teplicky, p. 4.&#13;
26) Danville, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.&#13;
27) Ibid.&#13;
28) Educational Expansion, Ms. in SS. C.M. Community Archives.&#13;
29) Josephine M. Marcinko, "A Little Historical Sketch" in Fialky (Danville, 1927), p. 23.&#13;
30) Edttcational Expansion, Ms.&#13;
31) Preparing to Build, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives.&#13;
32) Ibid.&#13;
33) Morning News, (Danville, May 23, 1929), p. 6.&#13;
34 ) Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and&#13;
Methodius, Ms. in SS. C. M. Community Archives, composition by&#13;
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, p. 85.&#13;
35) Fialky, (Danville, 1931), p. 82.&#13;
36) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 85.&#13;
37) Morning News, (Danville, June 8, 1931), p. 4.&#13;
38) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, pp. 88-90.&#13;
39 ) Ibid. , p. 108.&#13;
40 ) Joseph Pauco, Slovakia, pp. 26-28.&#13;
41) Brief History, Ms., Petrasek, p. 125.&#13;
42) Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Jankola Book, (Danville,&#13;
1972) , p. 90.&#13;
43) SS. C. M., Jankola Book, p. 108.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>210

SLOVAKIA

CURRENT ISSUES

RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT CONFERENCE
OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
IN NEW YORK CITY, MAY 19, 1973
Your Holiness:
In the name of more than 350,000 American-Slovaks, the greater
majority Catholic, and supporting the Slovak League of America and
its cultural and civic programs, we extend cordial greetings.
We appreciate your efforts and dedication to obtain equal rights
for all Catholics and to continue the ecumenical co-operation with all
Christians and believers throughout the whole world.
We also present to you a petition asking that you give particular
attention to the land of our forefathers-Slovakia -cradle in 833 of
Christianity in Central Europe and ever devotedly loyal to the Holy See.
Notwithstanding this historic fact, Slovakia, oppressed by the
atheistic Soviet regime in civil affairs, lacks, in the spiritual domain, its
own province, does not have a single archbishop and for so long a time,
no Slovak has achieved cardinalhood. Of course, Slovak Catholics share
their sufferings with their Lutheran and Greek Catholic brethren.
We respectfully suggest that Slovakia be accorded similar recognition as Bohemia, Moravia, Slovenia, Croatia and many other countries
in Africa and Asia. We are confident that among dedicated and
oppressed Slovak clergy can be found an archbishop to lead a Slovak
;irovince as in days gone by.
Such a magnanimous gesture would invigorate all Slovaks at home
as well as here in America.
We believe that your Holiness by such a decision will strengthen
us and thus fortify our fidelity to the Vatican and reverence to the
throne of St. Peter.
Very respectfully and sincerely,
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary
Dear Mr. President:
The Slovak League of America on the occasion of its 1973 Conference here in New York extends cordial greetings.
We hope you will continue to enjoy good health and achieve
even greater success in your efforts on behalf of all citizens of whatever
origin.
We unequivocally endorse your stand in Vietnam and welcome
your policy in Europe and Asia.
As you are well aware, our origins are in Central Europe, in

�SLOVAKIA

211

Slovakia, which has a more than 1100 year Christian history and which
for many centuries, excepting a brief period, has lived in subjugation.
Now, Slovakia is in its fifth year of Soviet occupation and deprivation by the communists of all human, spiritual and political rights.
So, today, we again respectfully request that you, individually as
our leader, as well as your entire administration, continue to remember
Slovakia and the other oppressed nations behind the Iron Curtain.
All thes•e subjugated peoples seek and des·erve statehood and
democratic freedom such as we in the United States are so fortunate
to enjoy. In your discussions with the leaders of the totalitarian world,
we ask that you give high priority to this humane cause.
W!! are confident that if permitted free elections, our brethren in
Slovakia would officially confirm their dedication and devotion to the
United States of America as the stalwart guardian of human freedoms .
Most Sincerely,
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary

DECLARATION ADOPTED AT THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS
HELD IN CHICAGO ON JUNE 30TH 1973
The representatives of Slovaks abroad gathered at the
General Assembly of the Slovak World Congress, held in
Chicago on June 28-30th, 1973, adopted the following
Declaration:
(1) We consider ourselves an integral part of the Slovak
people. We are conscious of our co-responsibility for their
destiny and for their contribution to the overall culture of
humanity.
(2) We claim for the Slovak nation, on the basis of its
national individuality, recognition for an equal status with
other sovereign nations of the world.
(3) We deny any Great Power the right to interfere with
the destiny of the Slovak people and to integrate Slovakia in
other states or zones of influence which are opposed to the
will of the Slovak people and their national interests. We
consider such actions, condemned as they are by all civilized
people of the world, to be a violation of the Charter of the
United Nations.
(4) We demand the departure of all occupation forces
from Central Europe in order that, after more than a quarter

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SLOVAKIA

of a century since the end of the War, the nations of that area
can finally govern themselves.
(5) As representatives of a nation conscious of its
responsibility towards others, we consider the principles of
democracy and humanism the basis for peace and co-operation
among the peoples of the world.
(6) On these principles alone, life in freedom and a free
culture can develop in Slovakia according to the traditions of
the Slovak people and in harmony with the progress of the
world.

PHILIP A. HROBAK YEAR
January 10, 1974 marked the tenth anniversary of the death of
Philip A. Hrobak, and on May 1, 1974 we will mark the seventieth
anniversary of his birth.
These special dates impel us to honor his memory in a special
way. He was one of the most deserving of our cultural and civic
workers from among the many American-born Slovaks and one who
dedicated himself to the Slovak cause since early manhoJd.
Philip A. Hrobak, as a newspaperman, writer, histocian, linguist,
fraternalist and organizer rose to heights in American Slovak life.
His contributions to the Slovak cause in both English and Slovak are
most noteworthy and memorable in Slovak history.
Therefore, the Slovak League of America deems it a special honor
to be able to lend itself to the legacy of Philip A. Hrobak. Not only
did he honorably serve as a long time editor of JEDNOTA, as the
founder and editor of "Slovak Newsletters," "Jednota Annual Furdek"
and "Slo·v akia", but also as a distinguished President and member of
the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America-all this
is his eternal monument.
Bowing before his genius, we turn to our Slovak people and
we seek recognition in 1974 of the unfinished dreams of Philip A.
Hrobak and so-licit continued help in proving that we i&gt;..re all worthy
followers of this g,r eat son of our people.
For the Slovak League of America, the year 1974 will be the
time of increased activity, as he idealized and set by his example. In
tribute to his linguistic talents, we can have the opportunity to help
build a strong scholarship fund for the League, because the main
purpose of this fund is to preserve and enhance, as he desired, the
Slovak conscience in America.
Surely, there cannot be any American Slovak who would not make
his or her contribution to our scholarship fund in memory of Philip
.A. Hirobak.
The Slovak League of America also feels compelled to follow the

�SLOVAKIA

213

footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak in other fields. In the firat place, we
must preserve and continue with the annual "Slovakia", we must
daily and fairly continue to inform the American public of the ideals
and accomplishments of the American Slovaks, and we must continue
our cl-forts to renew the rightful place of the Slovak nation as an independent unit in the family of nations.
These were the goals of Philip A. Hrobak, and our Slovak League
has so proceeded in the last ten years since we with heavy hearts
bid a sad farewell to our never-forgotten leader.
With prayer, with labor, and with sacrifices we thus honor this
meritocious Slovak son. May the memory of Philip A. Hrobak be
perpetual.
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary

As the others see it
represented. What to me is more
worse, is the attempt to sublimate
the Slovaks into the Czech people.
That's why we hear about a 'Czechoslovak nation'. It does not exists!
Czecho-Slovakia is a political entity
of two nations - the Czechs and
the Slovaks. I never think of myself as Czech. I am Slovak and
nothing else."- Rev. John Zornan,
President of the Slovak Zion Synod,
"What kind of man is Alex Del- National News, Pittsburgh, Pa.,
vecchio? (Playing for Detroit Red August 1, 1973.
Wings.) He's middle aged, 41. A
guy who you can't get in an
"Despite the courage and per•
argument with. His salt-and-pepper severance the Slovaks and other
gray hair is impeccably coiffured peoples of Eastern Europe have
around round Eastern European displayed time and again in their
face (his late mother was a Slovak; relentless search for internal liberhis father Italian.)" - Bob Naylor, ties and external sovereignty, they
Detroit Free Press, December 9, cannot achieve their goals without
1973.
outside help. It is our duty, and
only in keeping with our own
"The idea of 'Slovak Heritage' is
to extend our support. The
ideals,
quite intriguing to me. It implies
world will not know genuine
that we have one. Looking at hisevery country enjoys
tory books, however, you might peace until
freedom and can exercise the right
have doubts. Even when discussing
to self-determination.
Central Europe, the Slovaks as a
"The history of Slovakia is one
nation are often forgotten or mis-

"Call a Slovak Czechoslovak and
you plant a burr under his skin.
To a Slovak, named for a geograph•
ic region divided by the wars and
politics, that frequent error is more
than just misnomer; it conveys a
complete historical misunderstanding of who he is." - Sue Morse,
The Herald Statesman, Yonkers,
N. Y., November 30, 1973.

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SLOVAKIA

of turmoil, frustration, and heroic
struggle. Your continued devotion
to the cause of a free and independent Slovakia - despite hundreds of years of oppression - is
an inspiration to those of us who
cherish freedom as you do. These
are the characteristics that help us,
in maintaining a better and stronger America.
"The existence of the World Congress is an important step in achieving your long delayed place
among the family of the free naRobert P. Hanrahan,
tions." Member of Congress.

U.S. Senator Adlai E. Stevenson.
"I am sure all of the American
Slovaks sincerely wish to acknowledge the plight of their brethren
under Communist oppression. The
Slovak people strongly pursue the
course that someday freedom will
reign in all corners of the world.
People of America need to be remainded of the severe repressing
of Communist-held nations of the
world endure." - U.S. Senator
Hugh Scott.
"Slovaks of Cleveland brought
many Christmas customs from the
old country, notably the custom of
caroling. Among the most cherished Slovak folk songs are those sung
at Christmas time. These carols are
sung not only in churches, but also
in the homes of the faithful, no
matter how many generations they
have lived here." - Sun Herald,
Cleveland, 0., December 20, 1973.

"We must re-dedicate ourselves
to cause of all captives of Communism. Recognizing that the world
cannot enjoy peace until all peoples are free from yoke of Communism. Please continue your dedication to the traditions, cultural
life, religious beliefs, and desire
for independence on behalf of Slo"There is a strong feeling of
vak people everywhere."- Edward
awareness among some
ethnic
J. Derwinski, Member of Congress.
members of the younger generation.
"I do want you to know I share There are also strong indications
your commitment to the Slovak that the melting pot concept can
people and to strengthening the no longer be maintained and that
ties with their sons and daughters America is beginning to recognize
throughout the world. I know we and appreciate the diversity of its
will not falter in our efforts to ethnic populations in terms of a
insure that no people need face re- new cultural pluralism."- Dr. Goy,
pression and indignity as a result a member of City College's library
of their yearning to be free." - faculty, New York, N. Y.

�SLOVAKIA

215

--------------

WHO'S WHO
Among American Slovaks
JOSEPH C. K RAJ SA
It was a mark of social maturity
when the Chamber of Commerce
of the Greater Harrisburg Area
decided to have "Slovak power"
for its presidency. Such is progress
that it is hardly news anymore
when a second-generation American of ethnic background and
working-class origins becomes the
leader of the town's top capitalists.
Pardon us, Karl Marx.
Joseph Charles Krajsa is the 60th
president of the Harrisburg Chamber. He is so ethnic that more than
half the Chamber's members can't
pronounce his name correctly: It
is "Crysa," and Anglicized it would
mean "nicer."
Well beyond his own physical
size - 6-foot-1 and 240 pounds Krajsa is a big man.
He was manager of the Allentown
Finance Co. for 14 years, which is
owned by his older brother, John.
He has the equivalent of two college degrees and has a speaking
knowledge of seven languages. He
was an outstanding football, baseball and basketball coach for 11
years. And, lastly, he served as
auditor and vice president of the
First Catholic Slovak Union, and
is now the editor of its bilingual
weekly, Jednota, and manager of
the Jednota home, farm and printery.

Very much a Slovak as a warm
convivial person, Krajsa also is a
Rotarian, Elk, Legionaire and democrat. He once was a topflight golfer who won country-club trophies.

"I find more businessmen in this
Chamber, for example, wanting to
be more human, wanting to share
their good fortune," he said. "The
single-minded emphasis on economics has diminished. A person must
be involved politically, socially and
religiously, as well as economically, to be well-rounded, and more
and more businessmen understand
that."
Krajsa, 56, grew up in Allentown.
His father was a wire-worker from
Skalica in Slovakia and emigrated
to America in 1906. Old Joe Krajsa
married a girl living here, Agnes
Baranek, a native of Horna Krupa,
Slovakia. He built his own home
and started a corner grocery. Everybody knew and loved the Krajsas.
"Put it on the book," or "na knizku," they said as Father Krajsa had
a credit book, so the neighborhood
could have its groceries.
One of the articles in Krajsa's
published Furdek 1974 is entitled
"Slovaks Are Lovers." The author
asserts, "Slovak mothers can equally match the 'Good Jewish Mother'
of book fame." A Slovak mother
will say to her daughter, "Ja som
t'a nevychovala, aby si behala za
muzami," or "I didn'-t raise you to
go chasing after men."
Many Slovaks came to America
between 1880 and 1920, with most
of them settling here between 1900
and 1910. Thousands settled in
Pennsylvania, and the men became
the muscle of this commonwealth's
steel, coal and railroading indus-

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SLOVAKIA

tries. Of Slovak descent are Astronaut Eugene A. Cernan, Penn
State's great lineman, Mark Markovich; Will Hartack, Chuck Bednarik, Johnny Bucha and George
Blanda. Stan Musial is half-Polish
and half-Slovak. Blanda's mother is
president of the Jednota lodge in
Youngwood.
There were 277 scattered Slovak
fraternal organizations and widoworphan funds when in 1890 the Rev.
Stephen Furdek, of Cleveland, organized the national union called
Jednota (the word means union,
or united). Nineteen years later
the Middletown property of the
aristocrat Simon Cameron Young
was purchased for $38,000. What
originally was 298 acres is now 255
acres, but worth well over one million dollars. The old orphanage,
now phased out, cared for 4,000
children in its history. The newspaper Krajsa edits and writes for
has a circulation of 40,000. Jednota
also publishes 15 book titles annually. It is building a million dollar printery.
Krajsa was elected editor for a
three-year term in 1964, and he
keeps being re-elected. He arrived
in Middletown when Olmsted Air
Force Base was closing, so immediately he plunged into civic activity.
It got him involved in Chamber of
Commerce work, and he did so well
that the Chamber named him president last October.
Krajsa had a typical Americanimmigrant family upbringing. He

did well in his studies. He captained Allentown Central Catholic High
School's basketball team, was center on the football team and pitched
for the baseball team. He went on
to East Stroudsburg State College,
where he was a stellar athlete, and
then was a Navy chief petty officer
in World War II.
After the war, he married Romanza Fairman, from Kansas City,
and settled in Allentown. He put in
11 years at Central Catholic High
lurning in several state championship teams and ending up as athletic director. Meanwhile, he was in
the finance business, too. The Krajsas have four children: Joe, in insurance, Mike, administrative assistant in the Agriculture Department; Maryagnes, assistant to the
Dauphin County Democratic chairman, and George, an athlete at
Middletown High.
Krajsa's desire for the Chamber
of Commerce is a Slovak's wish for
more unity, more strength of purpose and more aggressiveness for
the community. "We can get unity
and not take a thing away from
anybody," he said looking toward
the West Shore. He believes that
the county line should be easier
to cross than the ethnic line over
which his presidency already has
triumphed.
Paul B. Beers,

Associated Editor
The Evening News
Harrisburg, Pa.

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.

�SLOVAKIA -

217

Book Reviews
Books on Slovakia and Slovaks
Reviewed by
Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
writes about the Czech l.'esistance
during the last years of the War.
Three contributions deal with the
Slovak problem. Hans Kaiser writes
about integration of Slovakia into
national socialist war economy;
In this carefully edited volume, Ladislav Lipscher examines the in12 German scholars and specialists fluence of the Third Reich on the
in Czecho-Slovak affairs analyze the policy of the Slovak government
eventful year of 1945 in Czecho- with regard to the Jewish problem,
Slovakia. Some of the contributors and Jorg K. Hoensch gives a generare known as experts in the prob- al survey of the situation in Slovalems of Eastern Europe. Others kia in 1945.
specialized in the German-Czech
The remaining contributions deal
relations or in the Slovak problem. with the transfer of the Sudeten
Since until recently the German Germans and its consequences (Pescholars avoided publishing the re- ter Burian); with rebuilding of the
sults of their research on Czecho- Communist Party of Czecho-SlovaSlovakia, their views will be of lda in 1945 (Heinrich Kuhn); with
interest for schoiars in the West.
the constitutional problems in
The volume gives a survey of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 (Helmut
international, national and socio- Slapnicka); and with the integraeconomic problems in Czecho-Slova- tion of the Sudeten German expelkia in 1945, but two contributions, lees in Germany.
The book provides abundant inone by Ferdinand Seibt, and the
other by Karl Bosl, outline the formation on each topic and referhistorical background of boundary ences to sources used indicate that
problems and basic information on German scholars weve dealing with
the division of Germany by the their subjects with great effort to
present an objective picture of
Allies.
Further contributions deal with Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. Their
Czecho-Slovakia itself during the views and conclusions will, thereWar and her l'estoration in 1945. fore, be at variance with some
Peter Kruger gives a survey of the Western specialists in East Central
views of the Allies on Czecho-Slo- ; Europe, including the emigre Czech
vakia from the Atlantic Charter to j historians. Czecho-Slovakia has
the Potsdam Conference; Martin K. been presented in the West during
Bachstein outlines the policy of I the past decades with evident relithe social democratic exiles from ance on Czech sources and favoring
Czecho-Slovakia and Detlef Brandes I the Czechs. Especially Slovakia was
Karl Bosl: Das Jahr 1945 in der
Tschechoslowakei, Vortrag,e der
wissenschaftlichen Tagung des
Collegium Carolinum, R. Oldenbourg, Mlinchen-Wien, 1971, 316 p.

�218

SLOVAKIA

treated with bias, mostly as a "postscriptum" to Czech history, and the
cruel and often inhuman treatment
of minorities or political adversaries was overlooked. German scholars endeavored to be factual and
objective and since some of them
were born or raised in Czecho-Slovakia, their knowledge of the prob!ems discussed in their contribution
cannot be doubted. Nevertheless,
they present a German view, because nobody can separate himself
fr.om his own background and personal or national experience. · And
the manner in which Prague solved
the Sudeten German problem in
1945 was bound to create deep resentiment and animosity, which is
not easy to overcome.
Slovakia is treated in the book
with more understanding and impa.rtiality than is the usual case in
Western historiography; there is
nevertheless certain bias in all
three contributors "with regard to
the Slovak republic, including the
article ·by Jorg Hoensch. Hoensch
published two well researched
books on Slovakia in the past but,
in many instances, adopted the
Czech or the Slovak Marxist view
of the wartime Slovakia. This also
occurred in his present contribution
which is well researched and refers
also to Slovak emigre political literature. Nevertheless, some conclusions were made by Hoensch on
assumptions and not on facts. For
instance, his view that "the majority of the Slovak leading strata and,
even more, the large masses of the
population believed during the war
that their social ,i nterest and political rights would be better preserved in the restored Czechoslovakia"
and that the Slovak Republic "could
not give proof -of its viability
(Lebensfiihigkeit)" is a part of
Czech and Communist propaganda
which was recen_tly contradicted

and abandoned even by Slovak
Marxist historians (see books by L.
Liptak and S. Falt'an).
Likewise is disputable his statement that the "Slovak population
accepted with equal passivity the
introduction of the peoples democracy and the declaration of the
Slovak Republic." The enthusiastic
manifestations in Slovakia in 1939
can hardly be compared with the
fear from rape, confiscation, deportation and hiding in cellars
which ·could be witness in Slovakia
' during the first months of the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia.
Also treated in the volume are
two important problems for Slovakia during the war years: the integration of Slovakia into the German war economy and the policy
of the Slovak government with regard to the Jewish problem. Hans
Kaiser deals with the first topic
and gives a well researched survey
of the impact of Germany on Slovak economy, and of the pressures
used by Berlin on the Slovak government. Kaiser's contribution is
the first one in the West to deal
expertly · with the subject. So far,
only the Marxist historians or economists published studies on the
economic situation in Slovakia during th e War and their approach
was a priori hostile. The views of
the members of the Slovak government and Slovak economists who
did not side with the regime imposed upon Slovakia in 1945, are
buried in the archives of the "people's courts" and only in part were
published by Slovak emigre politicians and writers. The picture of
Slovak :war economy presented by
Kaiser cannot, therefore, be without flaws. It is, in any case, a useful
basis for further research and full
presentation of the economic development of Slovakia during the
Second , World War.

�SLOVAKIA ·

219

The third contributio n dealing I Horst Glass!: Die slowakische Geschichtswis senschaft nach 1945
with Slovakia touches on the prob(Slovak Historiogra phy After
!em which harmed Slovaks and
1945), Otto Harrassowi tz, Wies their reputation in the world, but
baden, 1971, 166 pages, Register.
the11e were only a few attempts to
put the policy of the Slovak governThe author and the publisher of
ment towa!'ds Jews into a proper this book deserve recognition for
perspective.
making available to Western scholars and students of history an
Lipscher's contributio n analyzes objective survey of Slovak historithe influence of the Third Reich on ography after 1945. Except for
that policy on the basis of G€rman short summaries in one or two
archives and partly also on the foreign languages, writings of Slohave been published
Slovak sources. In comparison vak historians
1945 exclusively in Slovak
since
with many articles published on and, as such, they have remained
this subject in the West, Lipscher's inaccessible to most of foreign hiscontributio n is marked by an effort torians. Glassl's book provides at
to present the policy of the Slovak least those Western historians who
impartial
governmen t more objectively and read German with an
phy and
historiogra
Slovak
at
look
with considerab le restraint from
during
blaming only the Slovak govern- its remarkable developme nt
decades.
two
past
the
ment in harsh terms, as has been
the case until now. Lipscher does
The book is the result of a thornot make any reference to sources ough research in Slovakia itself.
of Slovak emigre historians and
The author compiled considerab le
political writers who dealt with the knowledge of writings on Slovak
subject and he recognized that the
history by both the old traditionalproblem would require further
ist and the recent Marxist historistudy. This indicates that he enIn his attempt to give an obans.
deJvored to approach the problem
pictul'e he points to the
jective
wi th impartiality and, as a result,
and ideological interrestrictions
his contributio n may be a beginwhich Slovak histounder
ference
ning of dealing with the tragedy
or remain silent
write
to
had
rians
of Jews in Slovakia with more
"It lasted
1956.
until
1948
after
understand ing of the circumstan ces
"before
Glassl,
says
years,"
several
and pressures under which the
developthe
that
possible
was
it
Slovaks could not save more Jewment of Slovak historiogra phy and
ish citizens than they did.
research could come up with noA complete review of this volume ticeable results. Under the pressure
would, of course, require to deal of the circumstan ces in those years
with all the other contributio ns (Slovak) histo1ians had to take into
which give a survey of many prob- considerati on the political goals
lems in the Czech part of Czecho- and requiremen ts. The Communist
Slovakia, and analyze the relations Party which took over power in
between Czechs and G€rmans in- Czecho-Slovakia required complete
cluding the expulsion, often under re-writing of the whole historiinhuman circumstan ces, of the Su- ography acco11ding to Marxist crideten Germans.
teria ... many historians were fired

�220

SLOVAKIA

from their positions, and some of works on Slovakia. The author
made undoubtedly a very thorough
th,em were even sent to jails."
On the other hand, the author research into the writings and publications of Slovak historians and
underlines that there was a remarkable development of Slovak produced a standard work on a
historiography since the War either high academic level.
in the number of books published
or in the number of institutes and
people involved in research. Unlike
Marxist or some Western historians, Glass! also states that "during
the period of the Slovak Republic
(]939-1945) , there was a fruitful
development in the field of historical research even though the war
was not the right time for a successful build-up of this discipline."
He considers it as wrong and unjust
of the Marxist historians to belittle
the results of this period in research into the history of Slovakia.
Glass! also refers to the writings
of Slovak scholars in Western
countries but for some reason he
became acquainted only with the
works published by Prof. M. Lacko
and with one book and one essay
by this reviewer. Writings of other
Slovak historians, especially those
pertaining to the period of the 18th
and 19th centuries, escaped the
author, which is regrettable, because they shed a different light
on Slovak national awakening from
that of Marxist historiography.
The book stops at the year 1918
and leaves out the past 60 years
during which Slovakia, as well as
Slovak historiography, experienced
an unexpected development. The
explanation for this is given by the
author in the Preface by one sentence: "For understandable political
reasons, the inclusion in this survey
of the writings dealing exclusive,l y
with the period 1918-1960 was abandoned."
Even in the present form the
book is a very valuable scholarly
addition to the foreign language

MORE ABOUT BOOKS
Slov akia in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Edited by Prof. Joseph M.

Kirschbaum ; Preface by S. B.
Roman, published by the Slovak
World Congress, Toronto, Ont. ,
1973, 368 p., bibl., $12.50.
The Slovak World Congress published for the General Meeting held
in Chicago on June 28th-July 1st,
1973, another English book on Slovakia which deserves special attention. While the first publication by
the Congress outlined the historical and cultural background of Slovakia, this new voluminous work
will give the readers an insight
into the political and literary developments in Slovakia in the 19th
and 20th centuries.
In his Preface to the book, the
President of the Slovak World Congress, Stephen B. Roman, explains
that the Slovak World Congress
"undertook to publish this book
with the desire to contribute to the
search for historical truth about
Slovaks and thereby to help better
understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that
peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and
build their future only in close
co-oper ation and only if each recognizes the equal rights to independence that each has." One cannot but agree with such aim and
the contents of the book confirm
that it was also the intention of
the editor and contributors.
The book is composed of contributions by 20 authors, four of

�221

SLOVAKIA
whom are of non-Slovak origin, and
it is divided into four parts. The
first part deals with Slovak national philosophy and the subject is
treated by two known Slovak professors, Charles Murin from the
University of Montreal, and Stefan
Polakovic, former professor at the
University of Bratislava. The second part deals with Slovak politics
and culture in the 19th and 20th
centuries and contains contributions by Prof. J. A. Mikus, Msgr. J.
Rekem, Dr. Stefan Osusky, Prof. F .
Vnuk, Dr. F. f&gt;urcansky, Prof. E.
Loebl, Prof. Stefan Glejdura, Dr.
lmrich Kruzliak and Rev. Mikulas
Sprinc.
Part three deals with the relations
of Slovakia with her neighbors
and among the contributors are
mostly authors of non-Slovak origin. On Slovakia under the Habsburg rule, an interesting survey
was written by a members of the
Jlabsburg dynasty, Archduke Robert of Austria while Slovak-Hungarian relations are treated by Prof.
George Perenyi-Lukacs with comments by Dr. Arved Grebert and
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum. Prof. Thaddeus Gromada contributed an excellent essay on Slovak-Polish relations and Slovak-Russian relations
are analyzed and evaluated by
Prof. Stefan Glejdura and Miroslav
Licko. Prof. Kurt Glaser, author of
the book, Czecho-Slovakia - A Critical History, closed this chapter
with a scholarly treatise on "National States Versus Federalism in
Central European Future," commented upon by Prof J. A. Mikus
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum. In the
last part, the book deals with Slovaks abroad and their attitude towards Slovakia. It contains two
essays, one by Dr. Joseph Pauro
and another by Dr. F . Braxator. An
extensive Select Bibliography on

Slovakia completes the contents of
this standard work.
We cannot but welcome this new
English book on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad. It fills an important
gap which existed for a long time
in presenting Slovakia's political
and cultural development in the
19th and 20th centuries to the
Western world in an objective
manner. For the first time 20 experts are expressing their opinions
on various subjects pertaining to
Slovakia. They belong not only to
two generations, as the editor of
the book observed, but "also represent two schools of thought and,
therefore, the book presents a confrontation of views on the Slovak
p:i.st and present."
In form and contents, the book
is a scholarly work. The editor,
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum, took his
task seriously and enhanced the
volume by an extensive bibliography in several languages. He also
paid tribute to American Slovaks
by stating that "at the end of the
First World War, Slovakia was
freed from Hungarian rule above
all by the efforts of Slovaks who
settled in the United States and by
Slovak legionaries fighting on the
side of the victorious powers. This
gave American Slovaks and all
Slovaks abroad not only recognition
and a new sense of patriotism but
also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the
Slovak people when they are silenced."
It would be desirable that this
volume be followed by a book on
Slovak culture, especially arts and
literature of the past two hundred
years. A conference on these topics,
at the next general meeting of the
Congress could help to achieve this
goal.
Joseph P a u

co

�222

SLOVAKIA

TWO PUBLICATIONS
BY l\'lATICA SLOVENSKA
Matica slovenska was degraded
by the Communist regime and
went through several periods of
regimentation and persecution of
her leading representatives and
cultural workers. Independent of
political pressure and refusing to
serve political parties or ideologies,
Matica slovenska was, before 1945,
a cultural institution which belonged to the nation and represented
the highest aspirations of all Slovaks. The Communist Party made
Matica slovenska a subservient tool
of the regimes imposed upon S'lovakia since 1945. In spite of this
nefarious situation, Matica slovenska succeeded in developing Slovak
culture at least in some sectors.
Among these sectors, literary history and philology deserve our
consideration.

vakia from literary to musical. This
was a neglected sector in the past
mainly due to the lack of experts
and, therefore, we have to welcome
this publication.
Of special interest for elucidating some periods of Slovak history
is, however, the essay by Jozef Kuzmik : Book Culture Among the Slova/c Slavs in the Years 863-1000.

The period of Great Moravia became a favored subject for Slovak
intellectuals during the past two
decades. In Kuzmik's contribution
we find some interesting information about the territorial extent of
the ancestors of today's Slovaks, as
well as about their book culture
which were in the past hardly
known or were insufficiently explored.
Unfortunately, the publication
has only a Russian and German
summary and, therefore, it is accessible to a very limited number
For several years, Matica has of scholars in the Anglo-Saxon
published a series of publications world where there are still many
dealing with Slovak literary life misconceptions about the Slovak
entitled:Letopis pamiitnika sloven- past. A new confusion was created
s/cej literatury and Literarny ar- even recently by scholars of Magchiv. We have revi,ewed some issues yar background who tried to deny
in the past in Slovakia, underlying the cultural heritage of the Great
their significance for Slovak litera- Moravian period to Slovaks.
Li t erarny archiv 8/ 71 is a valuture. We have now received Litercirny archiv 8/ 71, edited by Michal able source for literary history on
Elias, and Letopis 19 72 , edited by several Slovak poets and writers
Juraj Chovan-Rehak, and some not only of the 19th century but
comments would perhaps be ap- also of the 20th century. The publication deals mostly with archive
propriate.
Letopis 1972 contains a number of materials, unknown manuscripts, or
contributions dealing with various correspondence among leading Slosubjects from book culture (kniz- vak literary figures and cultural
na kultura) among Slovak Slavs in workers. Even though the Commuthe years 863-1000 to several in- nist regime tried to regiment Sloteresting contributions on the de- vak literary history and endeavorvelopment of museums in Slovakia ed to impose Marxist criteria, Sloand the idiomatic vocabulary in vak intellectuals display more or
the writing of Martin Kukucin. The less equal interest in the literary
main part of the book is dedicated life of poets and writers who were
to the history and development of I neglected in the past because of
various types of museums in Slo- their religion or ideological orien-

�SLOVAKIA

223

Literature, government, law, education, etc. Even though hardly complete, the Bibliography shows that
Canadian Slavists were not idle
during the twenty post-war years.
In spite of the fact that Slavic
studies had to start in Canada
from scratch, the Bibliography contains many titles of books, essays,
studies and articles, which have
given Canadian students a new
picture of the history, culture and
civilization of the Slavic peoples.
From the Slovak point of view,
we have many reasons to welcome
this Bibliography. Similar American or European bibliographies
either overlooked books, publicaJ.M. Kirschbaum
tions and essays on Slovak history,
Daniel Dorotich (ed.) : A Bibliogra- Language and literature by Slovak
phy of Canadian Slavists 1951- authors, or made selection of writ1971 , University of Saskatchewan ings which presented Slovakia and
Publications, Saskatoon, Sask., Slovak culture in the light of ad1972.
verse propaganda and Czech linAfter the Second World War, a guistic and literary theses. The misnumber of Canadian universities conceptions about the Slovak people
added to their usual curricular and their culture were cultivated
courses on Slavic languages, litera- especially by the older generations
ture and civilization. At some uni- of Slavists who studied at the Universities special Centres or Depart- versity of Prague and use as their
ments of Slavic Studies were organ- source of information books pubized, while at other universities lished by Czech scholars before
Slavic languages, literature and and during the Second World War.
The new generation of Slavists
history were taught within Departm ents of Modern Languages and at American and Canadian univerLiteratures and in History Depart- sities gradually detached itself
from the old school. Using source
ments.
In Canada, professors of Slavic materials published in today's Slostudies were soon organized in the vakia and other socialist countries
Ca nadian Association of Slavists ' as well as in Western countries'
which held every year an annual they have no more any doubt that
meeting within the framework of Slovaks are a distinct nation and
Canadian Learned Societies. The their language and literature have
present Bibliography gives an in- developed independently of the
sight into the writings and pub- Czechs or other Slavs.
The Bibliography compiled and
lications of the members of the
edited by Prof. Dorotich reflects
Association.
Prof. Dorotich, in compiling and this new trend in Slavic studies
editing the Bibliography, followed with regard to Slovakia. By inlhe •usual division of subject mat- eluding over 50 titles (books, monoters _into general history, languages, graphs, essays, articles) published
talion and those who were closer
to the socialist outlook.
As a result, Literarny archiv contains interesting information on
Bernolak, Stur, Vajansky and Radlinsky, as well as on Janko Kral',
Roy, Hamuljak and others.
It is regrettable that also in this
publication the summary is only in
Russian and German. For Slovak
literary history, both publications
are nevertheless of importance and
unveil to a great degree some
periods of Slovak cultural development which were intentionally
neglected before 1938 as well as
during the Stalinist period.

�224

SLOVAKIA

by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum in five
languages, the Bibliography presents a new picture of Slovak history, culture, language and literature.
Not only the main works on Slovakia in English are recorded, but
also one book published in Slovak,
monographs and essays in French,
English, German and Spanish. In
fact, the Bibliography is more complete in this respect that the Slovak
Bibliography Abroad compiled by
Prof. M. Lacko and published by
the Slovak Institute (Rome, 1967).
Since the Bibliography will go
into the hands of many Slavists
and into university libraries, we
welcome this publication as a very
useful guide for students and professors of Slavic studies.
Joseph Pauco

Joseph Pauco: Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers
in America), The First Catholic
Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio,
1972, English Introduction by J.
C. Krajsa, Ill., 360 pages.
Slovaks in the United States played an important role in the history
of the Slovak people, but a complete story of their endeavors on
behalf of Slovakia, their struggle
for preserving national consciousness and cultural heritage has not
yet been published. Due to political
circumstances in Slovakia, historians either were not allowed or had
no possibility to carry out research
in order to compile a standard
work which would present Slovaks
in the United States in an objective
light. It was only during the Second World War that two volumes:
Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of Slovaks in America) by Konstantin Culen were published in
Slovakia. Since that time, only Slovak exiled intellectuals, including
Culen, carried out a research and
published monographs on the life

and achievements of the large Slovak ethnic group in the United
States.
Historians in Slovakia were
either not allowed by ,t he Communist regime or for ideological reasons avoided recording their struggle for survival and the many contributions of American Slovaks not
only to their own national life but
also to the fight for freedom and
independence of the Slovak people.
After Prof. F . Hrusovsky and K.
Culen, Dr. Joseph Pauco deserves
main credit for systematic research
into the past and present of American Slovaks. For the past 20 years
he published monographs on individual Slovak leaders and organizations of which the voluminous
history of the First Catholic Slovak
union deserves particular mention.
In the present book he deals with
55 outstanding Slovak leaders who
did the pioneering organizational,
cultural and religious work among
American Slovaks. The importance
of this book should be, however,
measured not only according to
its literary value, but also against
the fact that there are no organized
archives and many printed documents are perishing. In spite of this,
Dr. Pauco gathered many valuable
facts about the individual leaders
among whom there are clergymen
of both denominations - Catholic
and Lutheran - outstanding organizers of Slovak fraternal and
cultural life, men and women of
great dedication to the cause of
preservation of Slovak cultural
heritage.
The author approached his subjects with great abjectivity and
painted their profiles in a fluent,
uncomplicated style to make the
book readab1e to the general public
and, at the same time, by many
references to printed sources, useful to historians and researchers.

�SLOVAKIA
Some of the chapters are shorter
and contain only the most important data. Others present a full life
story and evaluation of the activities and of the role the individual
leaders played in the Slovak organizational, religious and cultural life
in America. The reason for the
uneven treatment of some pioneers
was given by the author in the
introduction to the book. As he
says he was sometimes unable to
gather, even the most neces~ary
information, because there was no
organization and no individuals in
the past who would have preserved
old newpapers, almanacs, minutes
of meetings, or other archive materials. Since the Second World War
the Slovak Institute in Cleveland
and the recently organized Jankola
Library have made an effort to
gather and preserve archive materials pertaining to the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.
In these circumstances, Pauco's
present work, as well as his book
on the First Catholic Slovak Union
and numerous monographs, deserve
special recognition. The book has,
however, also its own value due to
its composition, contents and style.
Dr. Pauco produced a standard work
comparable with writings of this
kind on any other ethnic groups
in America. The book also has a
useful introduction by Joseph C.
Krajsa, but it lack an English summary which would have given to
the younger generations of American Slovaks and researchers at
least the basic information on Slovak pioneers in America. Unless
the author and the publisher intend to publish this work in English, it would be a useful thing to
attach to the second edition an
extensive English summary.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m

225

Joseph L. Dieska: "Faith and Reason" in the Life and Philosophy
of Jacques Maritain, An Offprint
from Most, Vol. XIX, No. 3-4,

Cleveland, Ohio, 1973.
Shortly before the death of the
famous French philosopher, Jacques Maritain, Slovaks paid his tribute on the occasion of his 90th
birthday in a commemorative study
by Prof. Joseph L. Dieska under
the title The Religious and Philo sophical Profile of Jacques Maritain. The scholarly essay was pub-

lished in Slovak but the author
prepared also an English version
under the above title.
Prof. Dieska was one of the known
adherents of Maritain's philosophy
already in Slovakia, and pursued
his interests in the great Catholic
philosopher's concepts also as Professor of Philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio, where he has
taught for the past several years.
The present essay is one of his
numerous articles on the subjects.
The Slovak and English texts
contain a well written and well
documented insight and analysis of
Maritain's religious and philosophical profile. Dieska approached Maritain's philosophy from the position of "Faith and Reason" and
explains the role of reason as well
as the mystery of faith in Maritain's
philosophy which became a part of
the Catholic doctrine and influenced the thinking of several generations in Europe and elsewhere.
His theories of creative evolution
and his ability to find basic reality
through intuition ,e xalted the spirit
of man in many parts of the world.
Known as neo-Thomism Maritain's
philosophy anchors in the works and
philosophical concepts of St. Thomas
Aquinas. As Dieska explains, Maritain became adherent to the philosophy of St. Thomas as a result of
his own independent reflections and

�226

SLOVAKIA

studies of various philosophers and ing tribute to Maritain also on
because of the comparison he made behalf of Slovak intellectuals who
between them. He found the truth are silenced in their native counhe was searching for in the an- try where Maritain's philosophy
had a strong influence before Marxswers of St. Thomas.
However, if it is true that Mari- ism was imposed as the only philotain followed the logic and argu- sophical concept tolerated by the
mentation of St. Thomas, he put regime.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m
both, in the view of Prof. Dieska,
in a " new, modern, and contemporary setting. His language was ad- Encydopedic Directory of Ethnic
Newspapers and P eriodicals in
justed to the philosophical expresthe United States. By Lubomyr
sions used today. His arguments
R. Wynar. 260 pp. Libraries Unare aimed at and against modern
limited, Inc., Littleton, Colorado,
and recent objectors and critics.
1972. $12.50.
And above all, when he speaks of
For those interested in ethnic
the necessity of taking faith and
supernatural, revealed truths into studies a valuable tool has recentconsiderations while solving the ly been published to aid in learning
political, social, ethical and estheti- 1 about the complex mosaic that is
cal difficulties and 'crises' of our ' the United States of America.
time, Maritain must transcend Tho- Whereas in the past the student
mas and go much farther not, of of ethnic Americana had to wade
course, in essential immutable, and through Ulrich's directories, or
universally valid principles but in through state manuals, or specialtheir applications to the new, dif- ized histories, facility in locating
Icrent and more complex situations data about 903 ethnic publications
and issues. In these new approach- can now be had by utilizing Luboes lie the tremendous responsibility myr R. Wynar's Encyclopedic Diand significance of Maritain's Tho- rectory of Ethnic Newspapers and
mistic solutions, proposals and Periodicals in the United States.
often even sharp and merciless Included in this directory are escriticisms of the 'evils of time'"- scntials about 53 ethnic presses,
ranging from the Albanian Press,
concludes Dieska.
As St. Thomas had found in Assyrian Press, Italian Press, JaAristotle a philosophical basis for panese Pr,ess, Slovak Press, Ukrainreconciling man's reason and ian Press, etc. , to some not poChristian faith, so Maritain, in half pular enough presses such as the
a lifetime of philosophical study, Cossack, Cax,patho-Ruthenian, Flembrought a rejuvenated Thomism ish, Swiss, and Welsh.
In cases such as Croatian, Sloveinto a modern age of scepticism
and science. After the Second nian, and Serbian, there is a generWorld War, Maritain's vision and al heading as Yugoslav, which in
philosophy helped lend strength effect increases the number of
also to the whole Christian demo- presses substantially beyond the
cratic movement which stood as a figure of 53. Data cited for pub1.Julwark against Communism and lications are: title translations,
year founded, complete address
to the Catholic Church.
The author and the editor of (including ZIP), name of editor,
Most deserve recognition for pub- language(s) , sponsor, circulation,
Jishing both versions and for pay- frequency of publication, and sub-

�SLOVAKIA
scription rate. In additions commentaries aid in explaining the
scope of publications., e.g., the following for "The Handbook Ilbo''
(The Korea Times): "This publication, the only Korean daily in the
United States, carries international, national, and local news of interest of the Korean community.
Jllustrated. "
Professor Wynar of Kent State
University, both a librarian and an
ethnic specialist, includes a very
interesting Appendix of Statistical
Analysis for each ethnic group,
summarizing the number of publications, weekly circulation totals,
monthly circulation totals, totals
for native language publications,
bi-lingual totals, and English language totals. An index to the publications completes the book. An
interesting addendum to the book
would have been an analysis of
ethnic publications in each of the
fifty states.
This directory truly is the first
comprehensive annotated guide to
the current ethnic press in the
United States and with its clear
type and excellent alphabetical
format clearly rates an A.
Paul F e n c h a k
Panorama: A H i storical Review of
the Czechs and Slovaks i n the
United States of America. Pub-

lished by the Czechoslovak National Council of America, Cicero, Ill., U.S.A. Cicero-Berwyn
Press, 1970, pp. 328, index.
It is quite evident that there
exists today in America a need for
authorative works on the histories
of the various ethnic groups which
have contributed to the development of America. Objective, factual and concise histories of the various groups is essential. This volume
of the dual histories of the Czech

227

and Slovak immigrations to America, unfortunately from a viewpoint
of abjective Slovak history, seems
to lack sufficient factual data to
be accepted as a history of the
Slovak immigration to America.
From the standpoint of the history
of the Czech immigration it is
factu al, unbiased history but even
then much is amiss particularly in
the area of the religious development of the Czech community in
the United States.
Two basic criticisms can be found
in the basic format of the work.
The single most important error
in the work is the fact that the
various writers of Slovak topics
are weak in objective reporting, so
necessary in a historical work of
this kind . Unfortunately the writers, who are of the " Czechoslovak"
philosophical persuasion, would
wa nt the reader to actually believe
that only those Slovak organizations
which support that philosophy
have contributed to the development of the Slovak American community. In fact it must be remembered that over eighty per cent of
the organized Slovak American
community does not support the
'· Czechoslovak" philosophy but
ra ther a distinct Slovak philosophy
within the family of nations.
The authors seem to infer that
the staunch Catholic mass of Slovak immigrants contributed little
if anything at all to the development of the Slovak community in
Am erica. It appears that such
notables as Father Stephen Furdek,
founder of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, the co-founder of the First
Catholic Slovak Ladies. Association
and the founder of the Slovak
League of America played a very
minor role in the development of
the Slovak community. Other prominent leaders such as Father
Matthew Jankola, Joseph Rusek,

�228

SLOVAKIA

Anna Hurban and Philip Hrobak
are not even mentioned.
The second most important ingredient which is lacking in this
work is organization. Various bits
and pieces are scattered throughout the work on both the Czech
and Slovak development in America and from an academic journalistic point of view it is quite primitive
in its presentation. Too many writers cover certain geographical areas of the Slovak immigration but
much is ignored and almost always
repetitious. Too often the writers
are offering opinionated biased reporting which is not acc-eptable by
the vast majority of the Slovak
community today. There exists a
certain disorganization present in
the work and most often it effects
an objective Slovak history.
In one area in particular the work
is both factually deficient and
openly opinionated, that is the area
of the Slovak organization" in the
United States. Such organizations
as "Catholic Slovak Unity, Catholic
Slovak Women's Unity. Unity of
Catholic Sokols" are not acceptable
as Slovak organizations, as such do
not exist. Again faulty research is
evidenced in the presentation of
Slovak organizations. One area lists
"all" the Czech and Slovak organizations in America and the largest
and most important Slovak societies
are not listed.
Subjective reporting would lead
one to believe that indeed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol is the
most importa nt and influential organization of Americans of Slovak
descent. However factual research
will reveal to the alert writer that
in fact the above named organization has a membership of less than
24,000 while the First Catholic
Slovak Union, the First Catholic
Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsyl-

vania Slovak Catholic Union, the
Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and the First Slovak
Wreath of the Free Eagle have a
combined membership of over
300,000. The informed reader will
at once note that Sokol U.S.A., as
it is commonly associated and pubblicised in the America press is of
the "Czechoslovak" philosophical
persuasion while the other Catholic
Slovak organizations representing
the overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent are not of the appendage
philosophy but rather support a
distinct Slovak path completely free
of Czech domination. Another noteworthy fact is that the Sokol U.S.A.
is the only Slovak organization of
any magnitude which is a member
of the Czechoslovak National Council of America.
Included in the work is a Who's
Who among Americans of Czech
and Slovak ancestry. Again only
those Slovaks who support the idea
of a "Czechoslovak" culture, language and heritage are included.
Not only are the above mentioned
Slovaks notably absent but such
luminary as Bishop Andrew G.
Grutka, D.D., the Roman Catholic
Bishop of Gary, Indiana and countless others who have contributed
to the growth and development of
the Slovak American Community.
In the final analysis the work
offers little insight into the history
and development of the Slovaks in
America. The history of the Czechs
in America is acceptable but no t
commendable since again the underlining theme is to discredit any
theistic organizational development.
The work in general is primitive
in the Slovak sense and therefore
can not be accepted as a factual
history of the Slovaks in America.
This work is a prime example of
Czech and "Czechoslovak" chauvin-

�SLOVAKIA

229

ism in the interpretation of Slovak suring Czech hegemony in CzechoSlovakia, regardless of the fact
history.
Daniel F. Tanzone
that the Communist movement is
discredited by their policy. In some
Eugen Steiner: The Slovak Dilem- ways Czech Communists resemble
ma, Cambridge, at the University to Czech non-Communists or antiPress, 1973, 229 pages. Series Communists who used and still are
International Studies, Published using democracy, socialism, liberalfor the Centre for International ism or Catholicism for imposing or
Studies, London School of Eco- maintaining Czech hegemony over
nomics and Political Sciences.
others, especially Slovaks. The situation in Czecho-Slovakia between
inthe
in
writes
author
the
As
troduction his aim was "to trace 1918-1938 attests to it sufficiently.
the Communist attitude to national- The policy of Prague Governments
ism, and to define the effects of from 1918 to this day proved that
this attitude as far as the Slovaks Czechs are not capable to fulfill the
arc concerned." Or in other words mission which the victorious Powhe "deals in microcosm with a ers entrusted to them in 1918 or
major problem which lies at the again in 1945. Czecho-Slovalda did
heart of the Soviet Union's policies, not become a barrier against German expansion or a bridge between
internal and external." (p. 3)
and West. Czech governments
East
Dr. Steiner uses the case of Slovakia to show how Communism forced into opposition against the
fa iled to solve nationality problems. European block which created
Not only in the Soviet Union was Czecho-Slovakia, not only the mithis problem hidden behind slogans norities but also Slovaks. Czech
on the equality of nations, while politicians did not honor any agreethe Russians are the rulers, but ment, promise or pledge given to
also in restored and by Communists Slovaks.
They practiced such a policy regoverned Czecho-Slovakia. Steiner's
book leaves no doubt that the Marx- gardless of the danger for the
Leninist thesis on the problems of existence of the state or the misnationalities did not bring a satis- sion Czecho-Slovakia was to fulfill
factory solution to the relations according to its friends and creabetween the Czechs and Slovaks; tors. After occupying Slovakia with
on the contrary, since 1945 when the help of French and Italian
Czecho-Slovakia was restored (a- military units in 1918, and with the
gainst the will of majority of Slo- help of the Soviet armies in 1945,
vaks) the Czech rule was imposed they disregarded their promises
on Slovaks step by step, brutally and the rights of Slovaks to selfand without regard to promises and government. About the period of
agreements. Up to 1948, the Czech 1918-1938 there is in Western lanCommunists found accomplices in guages comparatively large literanon-Communists. After 1948, they ture dealing with this subject. The
imposed their rule on Slovaks with book by Dr. Steiner gives to Westthe help of a handful of collabora- ern readers sufficient information
tors from Slovakia, mostly of non- and documentary evidence for the
Slovak origin (Bacilek, Bil'ak, Mos- period of 1945-1968.
Dr. Steiner writes in the introkovic, Daubner, Siroky and others).
Czech Communists are using Com- duction to his book that he has
munism as an instrument for as- "chosen exile as a Jew, as a Com-

�230

SLOVAK.IA

On the cover of Steiner's book
munist and as a Slovak." He wrote
his book from this point of view, there are reproductions of pictures
which makes his work more inter- from demonstrations of Slovak
esting and more valuable. It is a youth in Bratislava against the
testimony of a "Jew, Communist Soviet occupation in August 1968.
and Slovak" about the political On the posters we can read: "Slodevelopments in Slovakia in this vaks stand firm, they won't pass!
Occupa nts go home!" These slogans
century.
His background and ideological o- express the feelings of Slovaks in
rientation explain to a great degree Slovakia as well as abroad not only
not only his favorable attitude to- against the So·,iet occupants, but
wards regimes in 1918-1938 (though any occupants, including the Czechs.
Czech Statistics can easily prove This conclusion can be found, if
the opposite) but his negative stand carefully read, also in Dr. Steiner's
towards the Slovak republic of book: The Slovak Dilemma.
Dr. A. Gr eb er t,
1939-1945 as well. We understand
Geneva, Switzerland
that the anti-communist and antijewish measures of the Slovak
Government could not meet with Slovak Studies, Historica 7 and 8,
Vol. X and XI, Slovak Institute,
his approval. It is, however, hard
Rome-Cleveland, Editor Prof. M.
to understand his attitude towards
Lacko, S. J .
Dr. Benes and his Government-inBoth volumes of Slovak Studies
exile. Even such adherents of
"Czechoslovakism" as were Dr. M. deal with history of Slovakia and
Hodfu and Dr. S. Osusky disagreed except for the contribution by Dr.
and at the end fought against Be- S. Nahalka, with the events of our
nes and his anti-Slovak policy which century. Since the Marxist historihe later (after 1945) also practiced ans not only avoid certain subjects
in co-operation with Czech Commu- but also write with prejudice and
nists and non-Communists. Unfor- strictly from the Marxist point of
tunately, Dr. Steiner deals with view, these volumes perform specific
this rather superficially and un- role in historiography on Slovakia.
convincingly. The post-war develop- In addition, their value is enhanced
ments in Czecho-Slovakia prove by the fact that they are published
that the Slovak-Czech antagonism in foreign language and two of the
is not a matter of temporary politi - contributors were educated abroad.
Students of modern Slovak hiscal situation but a fundamental and
lasting feature of Slovak-Czech tory will welcome especially the
relations. It is impossible to solve Ph.D. thesis by Sister M. E. Lubek,
this problem within the "Czecho- "An Inquiry into the United States
Slovak" framework. The successive _ Czechoslovak Relations between
a_bolition, ~~er 1969, _of C~nstitu- I 1918-1948." There were many myths
t10nal prov1S1ons dealing with the published on this subjects, but to
federalization of Czecho-Slovakia, my knowledge, no scholarly work.
mentioned in Dr. Steiner's book, Some years ago Prof. M. Mamatey
prove convincingly the validity of shed some light on the period of
the First World War, later years
the above conclusions.
In spite of some shortcomings, Dr. remained, however, unresearched.
Steiner's book is a valuable contri- Yet, this is an interesting topic,
bution to the historiography on since the United States played an
important role in the emergence
Eastern Europe.

�231

SLOVAKIA
of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and in
her re-emergence in 1945. Needless
to say that the treatise by M. E.
Lubek does not cover all the aspects
of the inter-state relations, remaining mostly in the field of politics
and diplomacy. The study is nevertheless of the importance and will
be useful for further research.
For foreign historians dealing
with Slovakia of special interest
will also be the contributions by
Prof. M. S. :l'.&gt;urica, who researched
Italian Military Documents in order
to shed a new light on the tragic
death of M. R. Stefanik, one of the
founders of Czecho-Slovakia, and
German biography of President Dr.
J. Tiso by F. H. Schneider. We
commented on the value of Prof.
Durica's study when it was first
published in Italian language (Slovalcia, Vol. XXIII, 1973) , and cannot but welcome the English version. Schneider's essay on the life
and historical role of Dr. J . Tiso
in Slovak politics is of importance
for more than one reason. The adversaries of Slovak aspirations for
independence - Communists and
non-Communists - succeeded in
presenting Dr. Tiso and his policies
in Western countries in a distorted
light. Even though, Dr. Tiso mostly
suffered for his forced cooperation
with Germany, there was a long
silence about him and Slovakia among German historians. Schneider's contribution does not exhaust
the subject and shows gaps, but it
was high time to draw a little differe nt picture of President Tiso in

♦

♦

German language than it was done
by Prague and Slovak Communists.
Unfortunately, Schneider overlooked some books and articles which
contain substantial information on
Dr. Tiso's life and politics, such as
Prof. Murin's articles, one of Dr.
Polakovic's books, many articles in
Sl.ovakia and other sources.
Dr. S. Nahalka's istructive article
on "Holy Scripture among Slovaks"
is a valuable contribution to the
religious and cultural history of
Slovaks. Religious history of Slovakia is one of the completely neglected fields in today's historiography in Slovakia, even though
Slova ks survived as a nation mostly
due to the fact that clergy (Catholic and Protestant) took over the
cultural leadership and national
struggle.
Professor Lacko in his contributions presents the synthesis of the
studies on Great-Moravian and Cyrillo-Methodian period and a survey of events which led to the reestablishment of the Greek-Catholic
Church in Slovakia. The latter
study would deserve to be completed by documents and names of
people who in Slovakia and abroad
helped the re-establishment. Both
contributions are timely and instructive.
Prof. Lacko deserves recognition
also for his efforts to continue publishing the Slovak Studies. Slovak
cultural activities abroad would be
much poorer without this series.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m

♦

Life Membership in the Slovak League of America
is $100.00 - join us! Write to: Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pa. 17057.

�SLOVAKlA

232

Our

Contributor s

theologian, author, Cambridge, Ontario

Stephen Sencik, S.J. -

Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D ., Columbus, Ohio
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -

author, Director, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0 .

Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Joseph C. Krajsa -

teacher, author, Danville, Pa.

Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.
industrialist, Toronto, Ontario

Stephen B. Roman -

attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.

Edward J. Behuncik -

Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D . Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. -

historian, author, Toronto, Ont.

author, historian, Middletown, Pa.

Michael O'Pake, Esq. -

State Senator, Reading, Pa.

Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A. -

teacher, Yonkers, N. Y.

Susan Pojer, B.A., Yonkers, N. Y.

professor, author, consultant for Rockefeller
Foundation, New York, N. Y.

Michael Novak, Ph.D. Paul Fenchak -

teacher, Baltimore, Md.

Steven I. Miller, Ph.D. -

assistant professor, Loyola University, Chicago,

Illinois
Junior history major, Susquehanna University,
Selinsgrove, Pa.

William Wagner Francis Vnuk -

historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,

Australia
Dr. Arved Grebert -

former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland

Jane Noonan, Marlene Bartos, Stephen J. Knoblock -

America Scholarship Winners

Slovak League of

�OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
Honorary President :
EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK
President
2385 Main Street
Stratford, Conn. 06497

Stephen J. Tkach
,
DR. JOSEPH PAUCO
Secretary
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pa. 17057

Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Piroch
'

Executive Committee : Edward J. Behuncik, John A. Holy, Paul C.
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(Affiliated with the Slovak League of America)
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                  <elementText elementTextId="3645">
                    <text>210

SLOVAKIA

CURRENT ISSUES

RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT CONFERENCE
OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
IN NEW YORK CITY, MAY 19, 1973
Your Holiness:
In the name of more than 350,000 American-Slovaks, the greater
majority Catholic, and supporting the Slovak League of America and
its cultural and civic programs, we extend cordial greetings.
We appreciate your efforts and dedication to obtain equal rights
for all Catholics and to continue the ecumenical co-operation with all
Christians and believers throughout the whole world.
We also present to you a petition asking that you give particular
attention to the land of our forefathers-Slovakia -cradle in 833 of
Christianity in Central Europe and ever devotedly loyal to the Holy See.
Notwithstanding this historic fact, Slovakia, oppressed by the
atheistic Soviet regime in civil affairs, lacks, in the spiritual domain, its
own province, does not have a single archbishop and for so long a time,
no Slovak has achieved cardinalhood. Of course, Slovak Catholics share
their sufferings with their Lutheran and Greek Catholic brethren.
We respectfully suggest that Slovakia be accorded similar recognition as Bohemia, Moravia, Slovenia, Croatia and many other countries
in Africa and Asia. We are confident that among dedicated and
oppressed Slovak clergy can be found an archbishop to lead a Slovak
;irovince as in days gone by.
Such a magnanimous gesture would invigorate all Slovaks at home
as well as here in America.
We believe that your Holiness by such a decision will strengthen
us and thus fortify our fidelity to the Vatican and reverence to the
throne of St. Peter.
Very respectfully and sincerely,
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary
Dear Mr. President:
The Slovak League of America on the occasion of its 1973 Conference here in New York extends cordial greetings.
We hope you will continue to enjoy good health and achieve
even greater success in your efforts on behalf of all citizens of whatever
origin.
We unequivocally endorse your stand in Vietnam and welcome
your policy in Europe and Asia.
As you are well aware, our origins are in Central Europe, in

�SLOVAKIA

211

Slovakia, which has a more than 1100 year Christian history and which
for many centuries, excepting a brief period, has lived in subjugation.
Now, Slovakia is in its fifth year of Soviet occupation and deprivation by the communists of all human, spiritual and political rights.
So, today, we again respectfully request that you, individually as
our leader, as well as your entire administration, continue to remember
Slovakia and the other oppressed nations behind the Iron Curtain.
All thes•e subjugated peoples seek and des·erve statehood and
democratic freedom such as we in the United States are so fortunate
to enjoy. In your discussions with the leaders of the totalitarian world,
we ask that you give high priority to this humane cause.
W!! are confident that if permitted free elections, our brethren in
Slovakia would officially confirm their dedication and devotion to the
United States of America as the stalwart guardian of human freedoms .
Most Sincerely,
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary

DECLARATION ADOPTED AT THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS
HELD IN CHICAGO ON JUNE 30TH 1973
The representatives of Slovaks abroad gathered at the
General Assembly of the Slovak World Congress, held in
Chicago on June 28-30th, 1973, adopted the following
Declaration:
(1) We consider ourselves an integral part of the Slovak
people. We are conscious of our co-responsibility for their
destiny and for their contribution to the overall culture of
humanity.
(2) We claim for the Slovak nation, on the basis of its
national individuality, recognition for an equal status with
other sovereign nations of the world.
(3) We deny any Great Power the right to interfere with
the destiny of the Slovak people and to integrate Slovakia in
other states or zones of influence which are opposed to the
will of the Slovak people and their national interests. We
consider such actions, condemned as they are by all civilized
people of the world, to be a violation of the Charter of the
United Nations.
(4) We demand the departure of all occupation forces
from Central Europe in order that, after more than a quarter

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SLOVAKIA

of a century since the end of the War, the nations of that area
can finally govern themselves.
(5) As representatives of a nation conscious of its
responsibility towards others, we consider the principles of
democracy and humanism the basis for peace and co-operation
among the peoples of the world.
(6) On these principles alone, life in freedom and a free
culture can develop in Slovakia according to the traditions of
the Slovak people and in harmony with the progress of the
world.

PHILIP A. HROBAK YEAR
January 10, 1974 marked the tenth anniversary of the death of
Philip A. Hrobak, and on May 1, 1974 we will mark the seventieth
anniversary of his birth.
These special dates impel us to honor his memory in a special
way. He was one of the most deserving of our cultural and civic
workers from among the many American-born Slovaks and one who
dedicated himself to the Slovak cause since early manhoJd.
Philip A. Hrobak, as a newspaperman, writer, histocian, linguist,
fraternalist and organizer rose to heights in American Slovak life.
His contributions to the Slovak cause in both English and Slovak are
most noteworthy and memorable in Slovak history.
Therefore, the Slovak League of America deems it a special honor
to be able to lend itself to the legacy of Philip A. Hrobak. Not only
did he honorably serve as a long time editor of JEDNOTA, as the
founder and editor of "Slovak Newsletters," "Jednota Annual Furdek"
and "Slo·v akia", but also as a distinguished President and member of
the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America-all this
is his eternal monument.
Bowing before his genius, we turn to our Slovak people and
we seek recognition in 1974 of the unfinished dreams of Philip A.
Hrobak and so-licit continued help in proving that we i&gt;..re all worthy
followers of this g,r eat son of our people.
For the Slovak League of America, the year 1974 will be the
time of increased activity, as he idealized and set by his example. In
tribute to his linguistic talents, we can have the opportunity to help
build a strong scholarship fund for the League, because the main
purpose of this fund is to preserve and enhance, as he desired, the
Slovak conscience in America.
Surely, there cannot be any American Slovak who would not make
his or her contribution to our scholarship fund in memory of Philip
.A. Hirobak.
The Slovak League of America also feels compelled to follow the

�SLOVAKIA

213

footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak in other fields. In the firat place, we
must preserve and continue with the annual "Slovakia", we must
daily and fairly continue to inform the American public of the ideals
and accomplishments of the American Slovaks, and we must continue
our cl-forts to renew the rightful place of the Slovak nation as an independent unit in the family of nations.
These were the goals of Philip A. Hrobak, and our Slovak League
has so proceeded in the last ten years since we with heavy hearts
bid a sad farewell to our never-forgotten leader.
With prayer, with labor, and with sacrifices we thus honor this
meritocious Slovak son. May the memory of Philip A. Hrobak be
perpetual.
Edward J. Behuncik, President
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary

As the others see it
represented. What to me is more
worse, is the attempt to sublimate
the Slovaks into the Czech people.
That's why we hear about a 'Czechoslovak nation'. It does not exists!
Czecho-Slovakia is a political entity
of two nations - the Czechs and
the Slovaks. I never think of myself as Czech. I am Slovak and
nothing else."- Rev. John Zornan,
President of the Slovak Zion Synod,
"What kind of man is Alex Del- National News, Pittsburgh, Pa.,
vecchio? (Playing for Detroit Red August 1, 1973.
Wings.) He's middle aged, 41. A
guy who you can't get in an
"Despite the courage and per•
argument with. His salt-and-pepper severance the Slovaks and other
gray hair is impeccably coiffured peoples of Eastern Europe have
around round Eastern European displayed time and again in their
face (his late mother was a Slovak; relentless search for internal liberhis father Italian.)" - Bob Naylor, ties and external sovereignty, they
Detroit Free Press, December 9, cannot achieve their goals without
1973.
outside help. It is our duty, and
only in keeping with our own
"The idea of 'Slovak Heritage' is
to extend our support. The
ideals,
quite intriguing to me. It implies
world will not know genuine
that we have one. Looking at hisevery country enjoys
tory books, however, you might peace until
freedom and can exercise the right
have doubts. Even when discussing
to self-determination.
Central Europe, the Slovaks as a
"The history of Slovakia is one
nation are often forgotten or mis-

"Call a Slovak Czechoslovak and
you plant a burr under his skin.
To a Slovak, named for a geograph•
ic region divided by the wars and
politics, that frequent error is more
than just misnomer; it conveys a
complete historical misunderstanding of who he is." - Sue Morse,
The Herald Statesman, Yonkers,
N. Y., November 30, 1973.

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SLOVAKIA

of turmoil, frustration, and heroic
struggle. Your continued devotion
to the cause of a free and independent Slovakia - despite hundreds of years of oppression - is
an inspiration to those of us who
cherish freedom as you do. These
are the characteristics that help us,
in maintaining a better and stronger America.
"The existence of the World Congress is an important step in achieving your long delayed place
among the family of the free naRobert P. Hanrahan,
tions." Member of Congress.

U.S. Senator Adlai E. Stevenson.
"I am sure all of the American
Slovaks sincerely wish to acknowledge the plight of their brethren
under Communist oppression. The
Slovak people strongly pursue the
course that someday freedom will
reign in all corners of the world.
People of America need to be remainded of the severe repressing
of Communist-held nations of the
world endure." - U.S. Senator
Hugh Scott.
"Slovaks of Cleveland brought
many Christmas customs from the
old country, notably the custom of
caroling. Among the most cherished Slovak folk songs are those sung
at Christmas time. These carols are
sung not only in churches, but also
in the homes of the faithful, no
matter how many generations they
have lived here." - Sun Herald,
Cleveland, 0., December 20, 1973.

"We must re-dedicate ourselves
to cause of all captives of Communism. Recognizing that the world
cannot enjoy peace until all peoples are free from yoke of Communism. Please continue your dedication to the traditions, cultural
life, religious beliefs, and desire
for independence on behalf of Slo"There is a strong feeling of
vak people everywhere."- Edward
awareness among some
ethnic
J. Derwinski, Member of Congress.
members of the younger generation.
"I do want you to know I share There are also strong indications
your commitment to the Slovak that the melting pot concept can
people and to strengthening the no longer be maintained and that
ties with their sons and daughters America is beginning to recognize
throughout the world. I know we and appreciate the diversity of its
will not falter in our efforts to ethnic populations in terms of a
insure that no people need face re- new cultural pluralism."- Dr. Goy,
pression and indignity as a result a member of City College's library
of their yearning to be free." - faculty, New York, N. Y.

�SLOVAKIA

215

--------------

WHO'S WHO
Among American Slovaks
JOSEPH C. K RAJ SA
It was a mark of social maturity
when the Chamber of Commerce
of the Greater Harrisburg Area
decided to have "Slovak power"
for its presidency. Such is progress
that it is hardly news anymore
when a second-generation American of ethnic background and
working-class origins becomes the
leader of the town's top capitalists.
Pardon us, Karl Marx.
Joseph Charles Krajsa is the 60th
president of the Harrisburg Chamber. He is so ethnic that more than
half the Chamber's members can't
pronounce his name correctly: It
is "Crysa," and Anglicized it would
mean "nicer."
Well beyond his own physical
size - 6-foot-1 and 240 pounds Krajsa is a big man.
He was manager of the Allentown
Finance Co. for 14 years, which is
owned by his older brother, John.
He has the equivalent of two college degrees and has a speaking
knowledge of seven languages. He
was an outstanding football, baseball and basketball coach for 11
years. And, lastly, he served as
auditor and vice president of the
First Catholic Slovak Union, and
is now the editor of its bilingual
weekly, Jednota, and manager of
the Jednota home, farm and printery.

Very much a Slovak as a warm
convivial person, Krajsa also is a
Rotarian, Elk, Legionaire and democrat. He once was a topflight golfer who won country-club trophies.

"I find more businessmen in this
Chamber, for example, wanting to
be more human, wanting to share
their good fortune," he said. "The
single-minded emphasis on economics has diminished. A person must
be involved politically, socially and
religiously, as well as economically, to be well-rounded, and more
and more businessmen understand
that."
Krajsa, 56, grew up in Allentown.
His father was a wire-worker from
Skalica in Slovakia and emigrated
to America in 1906. Old Joe Krajsa
married a girl living here, Agnes
Baranek, a native of Horna Krupa,
Slovakia. He built his own home
and started a corner grocery. Everybody knew and loved the Krajsas.
"Put it on the book," or "na knizku," they said as Father Krajsa had
a credit book, so the neighborhood
could have its groceries.
One of the articles in Krajsa's
published Furdek 1974 is entitled
"Slovaks Are Lovers." The author
asserts, "Slovak mothers can equally match the 'Good Jewish Mother'
of book fame." A Slovak mother
will say to her daughter, "Ja som
t'a nevychovala, aby si behala za
muzami," or "I didn'-t raise you to
go chasing after men."
Many Slovaks came to America
between 1880 and 1920, with most
of them settling here between 1900
and 1910. Thousands settled in
Pennsylvania, and the men became
the muscle of this commonwealth's
steel, coal and railroading indus-

�216

SLOVAKIA

tries. Of Slovak descent are Astronaut Eugene A. Cernan, Penn
State's great lineman, Mark Markovich; Will Hartack, Chuck Bednarik, Johnny Bucha and George
Blanda. Stan Musial is half-Polish
and half-Slovak. Blanda's mother is
president of the Jednota lodge in
Youngwood.
There were 277 scattered Slovak
fraternal organizations and widoworphan funds when in 1890 the Rev.
Stephen Furdek, of Cleveland, organized the national union called
Jednota (the word means union,
or united). Nineteen years later
the Middletown property of the
aristocrat Simon Cameron Young
was purchased for $38,000. What
originally was 298 acres is now 255
acres, but worth well over one million dollars. The old orphanage,
now phased out, cared for 4,000
children in its history. The newspaper Krajsa edits and writes for
has a circulation of 40,000. Jednota
also publishes 15 book titles annually. It is building a million dollar printery.
Krajsa was elected editor for a
three-year term in 1964, and he
keeps being re-elected. He arrived
in Middletown when Olmsted Air
Force Base was closing, so immediately he plunged into civic activity.
It got him involved in Chamber of
Commerce work, and he did so well
that the Chamber named him president last October.
Krajsa had a typical Americanimmigrant family upbringing. He

did well in his studies. He captained Allentown Central Catholic High
School's basketball team, was center on the football team and pitched
for the baseball team. He went on
to East Stroudsburg State College,
where he was a stellar athlete, and
then was a Navy chief petty officer
in World War II.
After the war, he married Romanza Fairman, from Kansas City,
and settled in Allentown. He put in
11 years at Central Catholic High
lurning in several state championship teams and ending up as athletic director. Meanwhile, he was in
the finance business, too. The Krajsas have four children: Joe, in insurance, Mike, administrative assistant in the Agriculture Department; Maryagnes, assistant to the
Dauphin County Democratic chairman, and George, an athlete at
Middletown High.
Krajsa's desire for the Chamber
of Commerce is a Slovak's wish for
more unity, more strength of purpose and more aggressiveness for
the community. "We can get unity
and not take a thing away from
anybody," he said looking toward
the West Shore. He believes that
the county line should be easier
to cross than the ethnic line over
which his presidency already has
triumphed.
Paul B. Beers,

Associated Editor
The Evening News
Harrisburg, Pa.

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.

�SLOVAKIA -

217

Book Reviews
Books on Slovakia and Slovaks
Reviewed by
Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
writes about the Czech l.'esistance
during the last years of the War.
Three contributions deal with the
Slovak problem. Hans Kaiser writes
about integration of Slovakia into
national socialist war economy;
In this carefully edited volume, Ladislav Lipscher examines the in12 German scholars and specialists fluence of the Third Reich on the
in Czecho-Slovak affairs analyze the policy of the Slovak government
eventful year of 1945 in Czecho- with regard to the Jewish problem,
Slovakia. Some of the contributors and Jorg K. Hoensch gives a generare known as experts in the prob- al survey of the situation in Slovalems of Eastern Europe. Others kia in 1945.
specialized in the German-Czech
The remaining contributions deal
relations or in the Slovak problem. with the transfer of the Sudeten
Since until recently the German Germans and its consequences (Pescholars avoided publishing the re- ter Burian); with rebuilding of the
sults of their research on Czecho- Communist Party of Czecho-SlovaSlovakia, their views will be of lda in 1945 (Heinrich Kuhn); with
interest for schoiars in the West.
the constitutional problems in
The volume gives a survey of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 (Helmut
international, national and socio- Slapnicka); and with the integraeconomic problems in Czecho-Slova- tion of the Sudeten German expelkia in 1945, but two contributions, lees in Germany.
The book provides abundant inone by Ferdinand Seibt, and the
other by Karl Bosl, outline the formation on each topic and referhistorical background of boundary ences to sources used indicate that
problems and basic information on German scholars weve dealing with
the division of Germany by the their subjects with great effort to
present an objective picture of
Allies.
Further contributions deal with Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. Their
Czecho-Slovakia itself during the views and conclusions will, thereWar and her l'estoration in 1945. fore, be at variance with some
Peter Kruger gives a survey of the Western specialists in East Central
views of the Allies on Czecho-Slo- ; Europe, including the emigre Czech
vakia from the Atlantic Charter to j historians. Czecho-Slovakia has
the Potsdam Conference; Martin K. been presented in the West during
Bachstein outlines the policy of I the past decades with evident relithe social democratic exiles from ance on Czech sources and favoring
Czecho-Slovakia and Detlef Brandes I the Czechs. Especially Slovakia was
Karl Bosl: Das Jahr 1945 in der
Tschechoslowakei, Vortrag,e der
wissenschaftlichen Tagung des
Collegium Carolinum, R. Oldenbourg, Mlinchen-Wien, 1971, 316 p.

�218

SLOVAKIA

treated with bias, mostly as a "postscriptum" to Czech history, and the
cruel and often inhuman treatment
of minorities or political adversaries was overlooked. German scholars endeavored to be factual and
objective and since some of them
were born or raised in Czecho-Slovakia, their knowledge of the prob!ems discussed in their contribution
cannot be doubted. Nevertheless,
they present a German view, because nobody can separate himself
fr.om his own background and personal or national experience. · And
the manner in which Prague solved
the Sudeten German problem in
1945 was bound to create deep resentiment and animosity, which is
not easy to overcome.
Slovakia is treated in the book
with more understanding and impa.rtiality than is the usual case in
Western historiography; there is
nevertheless certain bias in all
three contributors "with regard to
the Slovak republic, including the
article ·by Jorg Hoensch. Hoensch
published two well researched
books on Slovakia in the past but,
in many instances, adopted the
Czech or the Slovak Marxist view
of the wartime Slovakia. This also
occurred in his present contribution
which is well researched and refers
also to Slovak emigre political literature. Nevertheless, some conclusions were made by Hoensch on
assumptions and not on facts. For
instance, his view that "the majority of the Slovak leading strata and,
even more, the large masses of the
population believed during the war
that their social ,i nterest and political rights would be better preserved in the restored Czechoslovakia"
and that the Slovak Republic "could
not give proof -of its viability
(Lebensfiihigkeit)" is a part of
Czech and Communist propaganda
which was recen_tly contradicted

and abandoned even by Slovak
Marxist historians (see books by L.
Liptak and S. Falt'an).
Likewise is disputable his statement that the "Slovak population
accepted with equal passivity the
introduction of the peoples democracy and the declaration of the
Slovak Republic." The enthusiastic
manifestations in Slovakia in 1939
can hardly be compared with the
fear from rape, confiscation, deportation and hiding in cellars
which ·could be witness in Slovakia
' during the first months of the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia.
Also treated in the volume are
two important problems for Slovakia during the war years: the integration of Slovakia into the German war economy and the policy
of the Slovak government with regard to the Jewish problem. Hans
Kaiser deals with the first topic
and gives a well researched survey
of the impact of Germany on Slovak economy, and of the pressures
used by Berlin on the Slovak government. Kaiser's contribution is
the first one in the West to deal
expertly · with the subject. So far,
only the Marxist historians or economists published studies on the
economic situation in Slovakia during th e War and their approach
was a priori hostile. The views of
the members of the Slovak government and Slovak economists who
did not side with the regime imposed upon Slovakia in 1945, are
buried in the archives of the "people's courts" and only in part were
published by Slovak emigre politicians and writers. The picture of
Slovak :war economy presented by
Kaiser cannot, therefore, be without flaws. It is, in any case, a useful
basis for further research and full
presentation of the economic development of Slovakia during the
Second , World War.

�SLOVAKIA ·

219

The third contributio n dealing I Horst Glass!: Die slowakische Geschichtswis senschaft nach 1945
with Slovakia touches on the prob(Slovak Historiogra phy After
!em which harmed Slovaks and
1945), Otto Harrassowi tz, Wies their reputation in the world, but
baden, 1971, 166 pages, Register.
the11e were only a few attempts to
put the policy of the Slovak governThe author and the publisher of
ment towa!'ds Jews into a proper this book deserve recognition for
perspective.
making available to Western scholars and students of history an
Lipscher's contributio n analyzes objective survey of Slovak historithe influence of the Third Reich on ography after 1945. Except for
that policy on the basis of G€rman short summaries in one or two
archives and partly also on the foreign languages, writings of Slohave been published
Slovak sources. In comparison vak historians
1945 exclusively in Slovak
since
with many articles published on and, as such, they have remained
this subject in the West, Lipscher's inaccessible to most of foreign hiscontributio n is marked by an effort torians. Glassl's book provides at
to present the policy of the Slovak least those Western historians who
impartial
governmen t more objectively and read German with an
phy and
historiogra
Slovak
at
look
with considerab le restraint from
during
blaming only the Slovak govern- its remarkable developme nt
decades.
two
past
the
ment in harsh terms, as has been
the case until now. Lipscher does
The book is the result of a thornot make any reference to sources ough research in Slovakia itself.
of Slovak emigre historians and
The author compiled considerab le
political writers who dealt with the knowledge of writings on Slovak
subject and he recognized that the
history by both the old traditionalproblem would require further
ist and the recent Marxist historistudy. This indicates that he enIn his attempt to give an obans.
deJvored to approach the problem
pictul'e he points to the
jective
wi th impartiality and, as a result,
and ideological interrestrictions
his contributio n may be a beginwhich Slovak histounder
ference
ning of dealing with the tragedy
or remain silent
write
to
had
rians
of Jews in Slovakia with more
"It lasted
1956.
until
1948
after
understand ing of the circumstan ces
"before
Glassl,
says
years,"
several
and pressures under which the
developthe
that
possible
was
it
Slovaks could not save more Jewment of Slovak historiogra phy and
ish citizens than they did.
research could come up with noA complete review of this volume ticeable results. Under the pressure
would, of course, require to deal of the circumstan ces in those years
with all the other contributio ns (Slovak) histo1ians had to take into
which give a survey of many prob- considerati on the political goals
lems in the Czech part of Czecho- and requiremen ts. The Communist
Slovakia, and analyze the relations Party which took over power in
between Czechs and G€rmans in- Czecho-Slovakia required complete
cluding the expulsion, often under re-writing of the whole historiinhuman circumstan ces, of the Su- ography acco11ding to Marxist crideten Germans.
teria ... many historians were fired

�220

SLOVAKIA

from their positions, and some of works on Slovakia. The author
made undoubtedly a very thorough
th,em were even sent to jails."
On the other hand, the author research into the writings and publications of Slovak historians and
underlines that there was a remarkable development of Slovak produced a standard work on a
historiography since the War either high academic level.
in the number of books published
or in the number of institutes and
people involved in research. Unlike
Marxist or some Western historians, Glass! also states that "during
the period of the Slovak Republic
(]939-1945) , there was a fruitful
development in the field of historical research even though the war
was not the right time for a successful build-up of this discipline."
He considers it as wrong and unjust
of the Marxist historians to belittle
the results of this period in research into the history of Slovakia.
Glass! also refers to the writings
of Slovak scholars in Western
countries but for some reason he
became acquainted only with the
works published by Prof. M. Lacko
and with one book and one essay
by this reviewer. Writings of other
Slovak historians, especially those
pertaining to the period of the 18th
and 19th centuries, escaped the
author, which is regrettable, because they shed a different light
on Slovak national awakening from
that of Marxist historiography.
The book stops at the year 1918
and leaves out the past 60 years
during which Slovakia, as well as
Slovak historiography, experienced
an unexpected development. The
explanation for this is given by the
author in the Preface by one sentence: "For understandable political
reasons, the inclusion in this survey
of the writings dealing exclusive,l y
with the period 1918-1960 was abandoned."
Even in the present form the
book is a very valuable scholarly
addition to the foreign language

MORE ABOUT BOOKS
Slov akia in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Edited by Prof. Joseph M.

Kirschbaum ; Preface by S. B.
Roman, published by the Slovak
World Congress, Toronto, Ont. ,
1973, 368 p., bibl., $12.50.
The Slovak World Congress published for the General Meeting held
in Chicago on June 28th-July 1st,
1973, another English book on Slovakia which deserves special attention. While the first publication by
the Congress outlined the historical and cultural background of Slovakia, this new voluminous work
will give the readers an insight
into the political and literary developments in Slovakia in the 19th
and 20th centuries.
In his Preface to the book, the
President of the Slovak World Congress, Stephen B. Roman, explains
that the Slovak World Congress
"undertook to publish this book
with the desire to contribute to the
search for historical truth about
Slovaks and thereby to help better
understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that
peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and
build their future only in close
co-oper ation and only if each recognizes the equal rights to independence that each has." One cannot but agree with such aim and
the contents of the book confirm
that it was also the intention of
the editor and contributors.
The book is composed of contributions by 20 authors, four of

�221

SLOVAKIA
whom are of non-Slovak origin, and
it is divided into four parts. The
first part deals with Slovak national philosophy and the subject is
treated by two known Slovak professors, Charles Murin from the
University of Montreal, and Stefan
Polakovic, former professor at the
University of Bratislava. The second part deals with Slovak politics
and culture in the 19th and 20th
centuries and contains contributions by Prof. J. A. Mikus, Msgr. J.
Rekem, Dr. Stefan Osusky, Prof. F .
Vnuk, Dr. F. f&gt;urcansky, Prof. E.
Loebl, Prof. Stefan Glejdura, Dr.
lmrich Kruzliak and Rev. Mikulas
Sprinc.
Part three deals with the relations
of Slovakia with her neighbors
and among the contributors are
mostly authors of non-Slovak origin. On Slovakia under the Habsburg rule, an interesting survey
was written by a members of the
Jlabsburg dynasty, Archduke Robert of Austria while Slovak-Hungarian relations are treated by Prof.
George Perenyi-Lukacs with comments by Dr. Arved Grebert and
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum. Prof. Thaddeus Gromada contributed an excellent essay on Slovak-Polish relations and Slovak-Russian relations
are analyzed and evaluated by
Prof. Stefan Glejdura and Miroslav
Licko. Prof. Kurt Glaser, author of
the book, Czecho-Slovakia - A Critical History, closed this chapter
with a scholarly treatise on "National States Versus Federalism in
Central European Future," commented upon by Prof J. A. Mikus
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum. In the
last part, the book deals with Slovaks abroad and their attitude towards Slovakia. It contains two
essays, one by Dr. Joseph Pauro
and another by Dr. F . Braxator. An
extensive Select Bibliography on

Slovakia completes the contents of
this standard work.
We cannot but welcome this new
English book on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad. It fills an important
gap which existed for a long time
in presenting Slovakia's political
and cultural development in the
19th and 20th centuries to the
Western world in an objective
manner. For the first time 20 experts are expressing their opinions
on various subjects pertaining to
Slovakia. They belong not only to
two generations, as the editor of
the book observed, but "also represent two schools of thought and,
therefore, the book presents a confrontation of views on the Slovak
p:i.st and present."
In form and contents, the book
is a scholarly work. The editor,
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum, took his
task seriously and enhanced the
volume by an extensive bibliography in several languages. He also
paid tribute to American Slovaks
by stating that "at the end of the
First World War, Slovakia was
freed from Hungarian rule above
all by the efforts of Slovaks who
settled in the United States and by
Slovak legionaries fighting on the
side of the victorious powers. This
gave American Slovaks and all
Slovaks abroad not only recognition
and a new sense of patriotism but
also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the
Slovak people when they are silenced."
It would be desirable that this
volume be followed by a book on
Slovak culture, especially arts and
literature of the past two hundred
years. A conference on these topics,
at the next general meeting of the
Congress could help to achieve this
goal.
Joseph P a u

co

�222

SLOVAKIA

TWO PUBLICATIONS
BY l\'lATICA SLOVENSKA
Matica slovenska was degraded
by the Communist regime and
went through several periods of
regimentation and persecution of
her leading representatives and
cultural workers. Independent of
political pressure and refusing to
serve political parties or ideologies,
Matica slovenska was, before 1945,
a cultural institution which belonged to the nation and represented
the highest aspirations of all Slovaks. The Communist Party made
Matica slovenska a subservient tool
of the regimes imposed upon S'lovakia since 1945. In spite of this
nefarious situation, Matica slovenska succeeded in developing Slovak
culture at least in some sectors.
Among these sectors, literary history and philology deserve our
consideration.

vakia from literary to musical. This
was a neglected sector in the past
mainly due to the lack of experts
and, therefore, we have to welcome
this publication.
Of special interest for elucidating some periods of Slovak history
is, however, the essay by Jozef Kuzmik : Book Culture Among the Slova/c Slavs in the Years 863-1000.

The period of Great Moravia became a favored subject for Slovak
intellectuals during the past two
decades. In Kuzmik's contribution
we find some interesting information about the territorial extent of
the ancestors of today's Slovaks, as
well as about their book culture
which were in the past hardly
known or were insufficiently explored.
Unfortunately, the publication
has only a Russian and German
summary and, therefore, it is accessible to a very limited number
For several years, Matica has of scholars in the Anglo-Saxon
published a series of publications world where there are still many
dealing with Slovak literary life misconceptions about the Slovak
entitled:Letopis pamiitnika sloven- past. A new confusion was created
s/cej literatury and Literarny ar- even recently by scholars of Magchiv. We have revi,ewed some issues yar background who tried to deny
in the past in Slovakia, underlying the cultural heritage of the Great
their significance for Slovak litera- Moravian period to Slovaks.
Li t erarny archiv 8/ 71 is a valuture. We have now received Litercirny archiv 8/ 71, edited by Michal able source for literary history on
Elias, and Letopis 19 72 , edited by several Slovak poets and writers
Juraj Chovan-Rehak, and some not only of the 19th century but
comments would perhaps be ap- also of the 20th century. The publication deals mostly with archive
propriate.
Letopis 1972 contains a number of materials, unknown manuscripts, or
contributions dealing with various correspondence among leading Slosubjects from book culture (kniz- vak literary figures and cultural
na kultura) among Slovak Slavs in workers. Even though the Commuthe years 863-1000 to several in- nist regime tried to regiment Sloteresting contributions on the de- vak literary history and endeavorvelopment of museums in Slovakia ed to impose Marxist criteria, Sloand the idiomatic vocabulary in vak intellectuals display more or
the writing of Martin Kukucin. The less equal interest in the literary
main part of the book is dedicated life of poets and writers who were
to the history and development of I neglected in the past because of
various types of museums in Slo- their religion or ideological orien-

�SLOVAKIA

223

Literature, government, law, education, etc. Even though hardly complete, the Bibliography shows that
Canadian Slavists were not idle
during the twenty post-war years.
In spite of the fact that Slavic
studies had to start in Canada
from scratch, the Bibliography contains many titles of books, essays,
studies and articles, which have
given Canadian students a new
picture of the history, culture and
civilization of the Slavic peoples.
From the Slovak point of view,
we have many reasons to welcome
this Bibliography. Similar American or European bibliographies
either overlooked books, publicaJ.M. Kirschbaum
tions and essays on Slovak history,
Daniel Dorotich (ed.) : A Bibliogra- Language and literature by Slovak
phy of Canadian Slavists 1951- authors, or made selection of writ1971 , University of Saskatchewan ings which presented Slovakia and
Publications, Saskatoon, Sask., Slovak culture in the light of ad1972.
verse propaganda and Czech linAfter the Second World War, a guistic and literary theses. The misnumber of Canadian universities conceptions about the Slovak people
added to their usual curricular and their culture were cultivated
courses on Slavic languages, litera- especially by the older generations
ture and civilization. At some uni- of Slavists who studied at the Universities special Centres or Depart- versity of Prague and use as their
ments of Slavic Studies were organ- source of information books pubized, while at other universities lished by Czech scholars before
Slavic languages, literature and and during the Second World War.
The new generation of Slavists
history were taught within Departm ents of Modern Languages and at American and Canadian univerLiteratures and in History Depart- sities gradually detached itself
from the old school. Using source
ments.
In Canada, professors of Slavic materials published in today's Slostudies were soon organized in the vakia and other socialist countries
Ca nadian Association of Slavists ' as well as in Western countries'
which held every year an annual they have no more any doubt that
meeting within the framework of Slovaks are a distinct nation and
Canadian Learned Societies. The their language and literature have
present Bibliography gives an in- developed independently of the
sight into the writings and pub- Czechs or other Slavs.
The Bibliography compiled and
lications of the members of the
edited by Prof. Dorotich reflects
Association.
Prof. Dorotich, in compiling and this new trend in Slavic studies
editing the Bibliography, followed with regard to Slovakia. By inlhe •usual division of subject mat- eluding over 50 titles (books, monoters _into general history, languages, graphs, essays, articles) published
talion and those who were closer
to the socialist outlook.
As a result, Literarny archiv contains interesting information on
Bernolak, Stur, Vajansky and Radlinsky, as well as on Janko Kral',
Roy, Hamuljak and others.
It is regrettable that also in this
publication the summary is only in
Russian and German. For Slovak
literary history, both publications
are nevertheless of importance and
unveil to a great degree some
periods of Slovak cultural development which were intentionally
neglected before 1938 as well as
during the Stalinist period.

�224

SLOVAKIA

by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum in five
languages, the Bibliography presents a new picture of Slovak history, culture, language and literature.
Not only the main works on Slovakia in English are recorded, but
also one book published in Slovak,
monographs and essays in French,
English, German and Spanish. In
fact, the Bibliography is more complete in this respect that the Slovak
Bibliography Abroad compiled by
Prof. M. Lacko and published by
the Slovak Institute (Rome, 1967).
Since the Bibliography will go
into the hands of many Slavists
and into university libraries, we
welcome this publication as a very
useful guide for students and professors of Slavic studies.
Joseph Pauco

Joseph Pauco: Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers
in America), The First Catholic
Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio,
1972, English Introduction by J.
C. Krajsa, Ill., 360 pages.
Slovaks in the United States played an important role in the history
of the Slovak people, but a complete story of their endeavors on
behalf of Slovakia, their struggle
for preserving national consciousness and cultural heritage has not
yet been published. Due to political
circumstances in Slovakia, historians either were not allowed or had
no possibility to carry out research
in order to compile a standard
work which would present Slovaks
in the United States in an objective
light. It was only during the Second World War that two volumes:
Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of Slovaks in America) by Konstantin Culen were published in
Slovakia. Since that time, only Slovak exiled intellectuals, including
Culen, carried out a research and
published monographs on the life

and achievements of the large Slovak ethnic group in the United
States.
Historians in Slovakia were
either not allowed by ,t he Communist regime or for ideological reasons avoided recording their struggle for survival and the many contributions of American Slovaks not
only to their own national life but
also to the fight for freedom and
independence of the Slovak people.
After Prof. F . Hrusovsky and K.
Culen, Dr. Joseph Pauco deserves
main credit for systematic research
into the past and present of American Slovaks. For the past 20 years
he published monographs on individual Slovak leaders and organizations of which the voluminous
history of the First Catholic Slovak
union deserves particular mention.
In the present book he deals with
55 outstanding Slovak leaders who
did the pioneering organizational,
cultural and religious work among
American Slovaks. The importance
of this book should be, however,
measured not only according to
its literary value, but also against
the fact that there are no organized
archives and many printed documents are perishing. In spite of this,
Dr. Pauco gathered many valuable
facts about the individual leaders
among whom there are clergymen
of both denominations - Catholic
and Lutheran - outstanding organizers of Slovak fraternal and
cultural life, men and women of
great dedication to the cause of
preservation of Slovak cultural
heritage.
The author approached his subjects with great abjectivity and
painted their profiles in a fluent,
uncomplicated style to make the
book readab1e to the general public
and, at the same time, by many
references to printed sources, useful to historians and researchers.

�SLOVAKIA
Some of the chapters are shorter
and contain only the most important data. Others present a full life
story and evaluation of the activities and of the role the individual
leaders played in the Slovak organizational, religious and cultural life
in America. The reason for the
uneven treatment of some pioneers
was given by the author in the
introduction to the book. As he
says he was sometimes unable to
gather, even the most neces~ary
information, because there was no
organization and no individuals in
the past who would have preserved
old newpapers, almanacs, minutes
of meetings, or other archive materials. Since the Second World War
the Slovak Institute in Cleveland
and the recently organized Jankola
Library have made an effort to
gather and preserve archive materials pertaining to the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.
In these circumstances, Pauco's
present work, as well as his book
on the First Catholic Slovak Union
and numerous monographs, deserve
special recognition. The book has,
however, also its own value due to
its composition, contents and style.
Dr. Pauco produced a standard work
comparable with writings of this
kind on any other ethnic groups
in America. The book also has a
useful introduction by Joseph C.
Krajsa, but it lack an English summary which would have given to
the younger generations of American Slovaks and researchers at
least the basic information on Slovak pioneers in America. Unless
the author and the publisher intend to publish this work in English, it would be a useful thing to
attach to the second edition an
extensive English summary.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m

225

Joseph L. Dieska: "Faith and Reason" in the Life and Philosophy
of Jacques Maritain, An Offprint
from Most, Vol. XIX, No. 3-4,

Cleveland, Ohio, 1973.
Shortly before the death of the
famous French philosopher, Jacques Maritain, Slovaks paid his tribute on the occasion of his 90th
birthday in a commemorative study
by Prof. Joseph L. Dieska under
the title The Religious and Philo sophical Profile of Jacques Maritain. The scholarly essay was pub-

lished in Slovak but the author
prepared also an English version
under the above title.
Prof. Dieska was one of the known
adherents of Maritain's philosophy
already in Slovakia, and pursued
his interests in the great Catholic
philosopher's concepts also as Professor of Philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio, where he has
taught for the past several years.
The present essay is one of his
numerous articles on the subjects.
The Slovak and English texts
contain a well written and well
documented insight and analysis of
Maritain's religious and philosophical profile. Dieska approached Maritain's philosophy from the position of "Faith and Reason" and
explains the role of reason as well
as the mystery of faith in Maritain's
philosophy which became a part of
the Catholic doctrine and influenced the thinking of several generations in Europe and elsewhere.
His theories of creative evolution
and his ability to find basic reality
through intuition ,e xalted the spirit
of man in many parts of the world.
Known as neo-Thomism Maritain's
philosophy anchors in the works and
philosophical concepts of St. Thomas
Aquinas. As Dieska explains, Maritain became adherent to the philosophy of St. Thomas as a result of
his own independent reflections and

�226

SLOVAKIA

studies of various philosophers and ing tribute to Maritain also on
because of the comparison he made behalf of Slovak intellectuals who
between them. He found the truth are silenced in their native counhe was searching for in the an- try where Maritain's philosophy
had a strong influence before Marxswers of St. Thomas.
However, if it is true that Mari- ism was imposed as the only philotain followed the logic and argu- sophical concept tolerated by the
mentation of St. Thomas, he put regime.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m
both, in the view of Prof. Dieska,
in a " new, modern, and contemporary setting. His language was ad- Encydopedic Directory of Ethnic
Newspapers and P eriodicals in
justed to the philosophical expresthe United States. By Lubomyr
sions used today. His arguments
R. Wynar. 260 pp. Libraries Unare aimed at and against modern
limited, Inc., Littleton, Colorado,
and recent objectors and critics.
1972. $12.50.
And above all, when he speaks of
For those interested in ethnic
the necessity of taking faith and
supernatural, revealed truths into studies a valuable tool has recentconsiderations while solving the ly been published to aid in learning
political, social, ethical and estheti- 1 about the complex mosaic that is
cal difficulties and 'crises' of our ' the United States of America.
time, Maritain must transcend Tho- Whereas in the past the student
mas and go much farther not, of of ethnic Americana had to wade
course, in essential immutable, and through Ulrich's directories, or
universally valid principles but in through state manuals, or specialtheir applications to the new, dif- ized histories, facility in locating
Icrent and more complex situations data about 903 ethnic publications
and issues. In these new approach- can now be had by utilizing Luboes lie the tremendous responsibility myr R. Wynar's Encyclopedic Diand significance of Maritain's Tho- rectory of Ethnic Newspapers and
mistic solutions, proposals and Periodicals in the United States.
often even sharp and merciless Included in this directory are escriticisms of the 'evils of time'"- scntials about 53 ethnic presses,
ranging from the Albanian Press,
concludes Dieska.
As St. Thomas had found in Assyrian Press, Italian Press, JaAristotle a philosophical basis for panese Pr,ess, Slovak Press, Ukrainreconciling man's reason and ian Press, etc. , to some not poChristian faith, so Maritain, in half pular enough presses such as the
a lifetime of philosophical study, Cossack, Cax,patho-Ruthenian, Flembrought a rejuvenated Thomism ish, Swiss, and Welsh.
In cases such as Croatian, Sloveinto a modern age of scepticism
and science. After the Second nian, and Serbian, there is a generWorld War, Maritain's vision and al heading as Yugoslav, which in
philosophy helped lend strength effect increases the number of
also to the whole Christian demo- presses substantially beyond the
cratic movement which stood as a figure of 53. Data cited for pub1.Julwark against Communism and lications are: title translations,
year founded, complete address
to the Catholic Church.
The author and the editor of (including ZIP), name of editor,
Most deserve recognition for pub- language(s) , sponsor, circulation,
Jishing both versions and for pay- frequency of publication, and sub-

�SLOVAKIA
scription rate. In additions commentaries aid in explaining the
scope of publications., e.g., the following for "The Handbook Ilbo''
(The Korea Times): "This publication, the only Korean daily in the
United States, carries international, national, and local news of interest of the Korean community.
Jllustrated. "
Professor Wynar of Kent State
University, both a librarian and an
ethnic specialist, includes a very
interesting Appendix of Statistical
Analysis for each ethnic group,
summarizing the number of publications, weekly circulation totals,
monthly circulation totals, totals
for native language publications,
bi-lingual totals, and English language totals. An index to the publications completes the book. An
interesting addendum to the book
would have been an analysis of
ethnic publications in each of the
fifty states.
This directory truly is the first
comprehensive annotated guide to
the current ethnic press in the
United States and with its clear
type and excellent alphabetical
format clearly rates an A.
Paul F e n c h a k
Panorama: A H i storical Review of
the Czechs and Slovaks i n the
United States of America. Pub-

lished by the Czechoslovak National Council of America, Cicero, Ill., U.S.A. Cicero-Berwyn
Press, 1970, pp. 328, index.
It is quite evident that there
exists today in America a need for
authorative works on the histories
of the various ethnic groups which
have contributed to the development of America. Objective, factual and concise histories of the various groups is essential. This volume
of the dual histories of the Czech

227

and Slovak immigrations to America, unfortunately from a viewpoint
of abjective Slovak history, seems
to lack sufficient factual data to
be accepted as a history of the
Slovak immigration to America.
From the standpoint of the history
of the Czech immigration it is
factu al, unbiased history but even
then much is amiss particularly in
the area of the religious development of the Czech community in
the United States.
Two basic criticisms can be found
in the basic format of the work.
The single most important error
in the work is the fact that the
various writers of Slovak topics
are weak in objective reporting, so
necessary in a historical work of
this kind . Unfortunately the writers, who are of the " Czechoslovak"
philosophical persuasion, would
wa nt the reader to actually believe
that only those Slovak organizations
which support that philosophy
have contributed to the development of the Slovak American community. In fact it must be remembered that over eighty per cent of
the organized Slovak American
community does not support the
'· Czechoslovak" philosophy but
ra ther a distinct Slovak philosophy
within the family of nations.
The authors seem to infer that
the staunch Catholic mass of Slovak immigrants contributed little
if anything at all to the development of the Slovak community in
Am erica. It appears that such
notables as Father Stephen Furdek,
founder of the First Catholic Slovak
Union, the co-founder of the First
Catholic Slovak Ladies. Association
and the founder of the Slovak
League of America played a very
minor role in the development of
the Slovak community. Other prominent leaders such as Father
Matthew Jankola, Joseph Rusek,

�228

SLOVAKIA

Anna Hurban and Philip Hrobak
are not even mentioned.
The second most important ingredient which is lacking in this
work is organization. Various bits
and pieces are scattered throughout the work on both the Czech
and Slovak development in America and from an academic journalistic point of view it is quite primitive
in its presentation. Too many writers cover certain geographical areas of the Slovak immigration but
much is ignored and almost always
repetitious. Too often the writers
are offering opinionated biased reporting which is not acc-eptable by
the vast majority of the Slovak
community today. There exists a
certain disorganization present in
the work and most often it effects
an objective Slovak history.
In one area in particular the work
is both factually deficient and
openly opinionated, that is the area
of the Slovak organization" in the
United States. Such organizations
as "Catholic Slovak Unity, Catholic
Slovak Women's Unity. Unity of
Catholic Sokols" are not acceptable
as Slovak organizations, as such do
not exist. Again faulty research is
evidenced in the presentation of
Slovak organizations. One area lists
"all" the Czech and Slovak organizations in America and the largest
and most important Slovak societies
are not listed.
Subjective reporting would lead
one to believe that indeed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol is the
most importa nt and influential organization of Americans of Slovak
descent. However factual research
will reveal to the alert writer that
in fact the above named organization has a membership of less than
24,000 while the First Catholic
Slovak Union, the First Catholic
Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsyl-

vania Slovak Catholic Union, the
Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and the First Slovak
Wreath of the Free Eagle have a
combined membership of over
300,000. The informed reader will
at once note that Sokol U.S.A., as
it is commonly associated and pubblicised in the America press is of
the "Czechoslovak" philosophical
persuasion while the other Catholic
Slovak organizations representing
the overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent are not of the appendage
philosophy but rather support a
distinct Slovak path completely free
of Czech domination. Another noteworthy fact is that the Sokol U.S.A.
is the only Slovak organization of
any magnitude which is a member
of the Czechoslovak National Council of America.
Included in the work is a Who's
Who among Americans of Czech
and Slovak ancestry. Again only
those Slovaks who support the idea
of a "Czechoslovak" culture, language and heritage are included.
Not only are the above mentioned
Slovaks notably absent but such
luminary as Bishop Andrew G.
Grutka, D.D., the Roman Catholic
Bishop of Gary, Indiana and countless others who have contributed
to the growth and development of
the Slovak American Community.
In the final analysis the work
offers little insight into the history
and development of the Slovaks in
America. The history of the Czechs
in America is acceptable but no t
commendable since again the underlining theme is to discredit any
theistic organizational development.
The work in general is primitive
in the Slovak sense and therefore
can not be accepted as a factual
history of the Slovaks in America.
This work is a prime example of
Czech and "Czechoslovak" chauvin-

�SLOVAKIA

229

ism in the interpretation of Slovak suring Czech hegemony in CzechoSlovakia, regardless of the fact
history.
Daniel F. Tanzone
that the Communist movement is
discredited by their policy. In some
Eugen Steiner: The Slovak Dilem- ways Czech Communists resemble
ma, Cambridge, at the University to Czech non-Communists or antiPress, 1973, 229 pages. Series Communists who used and still are
International Studies, Published using democracy, socialism, liberalfor the Centre for International ism or Catholicism for imposing or
Studies, London School of Eco- maintaining Czech hegemony over
nomics and Political Sciences.
others, especially Slovaks. The situation in Czecho-Slovakia between
inthe
in
writes
author
the
As
troduction his aim was "to trace 1918-1938 attests to it sufficiently.
the Communist attitude to national- The policy of Prague Governments
ism, and to define the effects of from 1918 to this day proved that
this attitude as far as the Slovaks Czechs are not capable to fulfill the
arc concerned." Or in other words mission which the victorious Powhe "deals in microcosm with a ers entrusted to them in 1918 or
major problem which lies at the again in 1945. Czecho-Slovalda did
heart of the Soviet Union's policies, not become a barrier against German expansion or a bridge between
internal and external." (p. 3)
and West. Czech governments
East
Dr. Steiner uses the case of Slovakia to show how Communism forced into opposition against the
fa iled to solve nationality problems. European block which created
Not only in the Soviet Union was Czecho-Slovakia, not only the mithis problem hidden behind slogans norities but also Slovaks. Czech
on the equality of nations, while politicians did not honor any agreethe Russians are the rulers, but ment, promise or pledge given to
also in restored and by Communists Slovaks.
They practiced such a policy regoverned Czecho-Slovakia. Steiner's
book leaves no doubt that the Marx- gardless of the danger for the
Leninist thesis on the problems of existence of the state or the misnationalities did not bring a satis- sion Czecho-Slovakia was to fulfill
factory solution to the relations according to its friends and creabetween the Czechs and Slovaks; tors. After occupying Slovakia with
on the contrary, since 1945 when the help of French and Italian
Czecho-Slovakia was restored (a- military units in 1918, and with the
gainst the will of majority of Slo- help of the Soviet armies in 1945,
vaks) the Czech rule was imposed they disregarded their promises
on Slovaks step by step, brutally and the rights of Slovaks to selfand without regard to promises and government. About the period of
agreements. Up to 1948, the Czech 1918-1938 there is in Western lanCommunists found accomplices in guages comparatively large literanon-Communists. After 1948, they ture dealing with this subject. The
imposed their rule on Slovaks with book by Dr. Steiner gives to Westthe help of a handful of collabora- ern readers sufficient information
tors from Slovakia, mostly of non- and documentary evidence for the
Slovak origin (Bacilek, Bil'ak, Mos- period of 1945-1968.
Dr. Steiner writes in the introkovic, Daubner, Siroky and others).
Czech Communists are using Com- duction to his book that he has
munism as an instrument for as- "chosen exile as a Jew, as a Com-

�230

SLOVAK.IA

On the cover of Steiner's book
munist and as a Slovak." He wrote
his book from this point of view, there are reproductions of pictures
which makes his work more inter- from demonstrations of Slovak
esting and more valuable. It is a youth in Bratislava against the
testimony of a "Jew, Communist Soviet occupation in August 1968.
and Slovak" about the political On the posters we can read: "Slodevelopments in Slovakia in this vaks stand firm, they won't pass!
Occupa nts go home!" These slogans
century.
His background and ideological o- express the feelings of Slovaks in
rientation explain to a great degree Slovakia as well as abroad not only
not only his favorable attitude to- against the So·,iet occupants, but
wards regimes in 1918-1938 (though any occupants, including the Czechs.
Czech Statistics can easily prove This conclusion can be found, if
the opposite) but his negative stand carefully read, also in Dr. Steiner's
towards the Slovak republic of book: The Slovak Dilemma.
Dr. A. Gr eb er t,
1939-1945 as well. We understand
Geneva, Switzerland
that the anti-communist and antijewish measures of the Slovak
Government could not meet with Slovak Studies, Historica 7 and 8,
Vol. X and XI, Slovak Institute,
his approval. It is, however, hard
Rome-Cleveland, Editor Prof. M.
to understand his attitude towards
Lacko, S. J .
Dr. Benes and his Government-inBoth volumes of Slovak Studies
exile. Even such adherents of
"Czechoslovakism" as were Dr. M. deal with history of Slovakia and
Hodfu and Dr. S. Osusky disagreed except for the contribution by Dr.
and at the end fought against Be- S. Nahalka, with the events of our
nes and his anti-Slovak policy which century. Since the Marxist historihe later (after 1945) also practiced ans not only avoid certain subjects
in co-operation with Czech Commu- but also write with prejudice and
nists and non-Communists. Unfor- strictly from the Marxist point of
tunately, Dr. Steiner deals with view, these volumes perform specific
this rather superficially and un- role in historiography on Slovakia.
convincingly. The post-war develop- In addition, their value is enhanced
ments in Czecho-Slovakia prove by the fact that they are published
that the Slovak-Czech antagonism in foreign language and two of the
is not a matter of temporary politi - contributors were educated abroad.
Students of modern Slovak hiscal situation but a fundamental and
lasting feature of Slovak-Czech tory will welcome especially the
relations. It is impossible to solve Ph.D. thesis by Sister M. E. Lubek,
this problem within the "Czecho- "An Inquiry into the United States
Slovak" framework. The successive _ Czechoslovak Relations between
a_bolition, ~~er 1969, _of C~nstitu- I 1918-1948." There were many myths
t10nal prov1S1ons dealing with the published on this subjects, but to
federalization of Czecho-Slovakia, my knowledge, no scholarly work.
mentioned in Dr. Steiner's book, Some years ago Prof. M. Mamatey
prove convincingly the validity of shed some light on the period of
the First World War, later years
the above conclusions.
In spite of some shortcomings, Dr. remained, however, unresearched.
Steiner's book is a valuable contri- Yet, this is an interesting topic,
bution to the historiography on since the United States played an
important role in the emergence
Eastern Europe.

�231

SLOVAKIA
of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and in
her re-emergence in 1945. Needless
to say that the treatise by M. E.
Lubek does not cover all the aspects
of the inter-state relations, remaining mostly in the field of politics
and diplomacy. The study is nevertheless of the importance and will
be useful for further research.
For foreign historians dealing
with Slovakia of special interest
will also be the contributions by
Prof. M. S. :l'.&gt;urica, who researched
Italian Military Documents in order
to shed a new light on the tragic
death of M. R. Stefanik, one of the
founders of Czecho-Slovakia, and
German biography of President Dr.
J. Tiso by F. H. Schneider. We
commented on the value of Prof.
Durica's study when it was first
published in Italian language (Slovalcia, Vol. XXIII, 1973) , and cannot but welcome the English version. Schneider's essay on the life
and historical role of Dr. J . Tiso
in Slovak politics is of importance
for more than one reason. The adversaries of Slovak aspirations for
independence - Communists and
non-Communists - succeeded in
presenting Dr. Tiso and his policies
in Western countries in a distorted
light. Even though, Dr. Tiso mostly
suffered for his forced cooperation
with Germany, there was a long
silence about him and Slovakia among German historians. Schneider's contribution does not exhaust
the subject and shows gaps, but it
was high time to draw a little differe nt picture of President Tiso in

♦

♦

German language than it was done
by Prague and Slovak Communists.
Unfortunately, Schneider overlooked some books and articles which
contain substantial information on
Dr. Tiso's life and politics, such as
Prof. Murin's articles, one of Dr.
Polakovic's books, many articles in
Sl.ovakia and other sources.
Dr. S. Nahalka's istructive article
on "Holy Scripture among Slovaks"
is a valuable contribution to the
religious and cultural history of
Slovaks. Religious history of Slovakia is one of the completely neglected fields in today's historiography in Slovakia, even though
Slova ks survived as a nation mostly
due to the fact that clergy (Catholic and Protestant) took over the
cultural leadership and national
struggle.
Professor Lacko in his contributions presents the synthesis of the
studies on Great-Moravian and Cyrillo-Methodian period and a survey of events which led to the reestablishment of the Greek-Catholic
Church in Slovakia. The latter
study would deserve to be completed by documents and names of
people who in Slovakia and abroad
helped the re-establishment. Both
contributions are timely and instructive.
Prof. Lacko deserves recognition
also for his efforts to continue publishing the Slovak Studies. Slovak
cultural activities abroad would be
much poorer without this series.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m

♦

Life Membership in the Slovak League of America
is $100.00 - join us! Write to: Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pa. 17057.

�SLOVAKlA

232

Our

Contributor s

theologian, author, Cambridge, Ontario

Stephen Sencik, S.J. -

Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D ., Columbus, Ohio
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -

author, Director, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0 .

Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Joseph C. Krajsa -

teacher, author, Danville, Pa.

Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.
industrialist, Toronto, Ontario

Stephen B. Roman -

attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.

Edward J. Behuncik -

Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D . Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. -

historian, author, Toronto, Ont.

author, historian, Middletown, Pa.

Michael O'Pake, Esq. -

State Senator, Reading, Pa.

Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A. -

teacher, Yonkers, N. Y.

Susan Pojer, B.A., Yonkers, N. Y.

professor, author, consultant for Rockefeller
Foundation, New York, N. Y.

Michael Novak, Ph.D. Paul Fenchak -

teacher, Baltimore, Md.

Steven I. Miller, Ph.D. -

assistant professor, Loyola University, Chicago,

Illinois
Junior history major, Susquehanna University,
Selinsgrove, Pa.

William Wagner Francis Vnuk -

historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,

Australia
Dr. Arved Grebert -

former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland

Jane Noonan, Marlene Bartos, Stephen J. Knoblock -

America Scholarship Winners

Slovak League of

�OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
Honorary President :
EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK
President
2385 Main Street
Stratford, Conn. 06497

Stephen J. Tkach
,
DR. JOSEPH PAUCO
Secretary
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pa. 17057

Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Piroch
'

Executive Committee : Edward J. Behuncik, John A. Holy, Paul C.
Kazimer, Tibor Kovalovsky, Joseph R. Kristotik, Dr. Joseph Pauco,
John A. Sabol

SLOVAK FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS
(Affiliated with the Slovak League of America)
THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION
Cleveland, Ohio - Membership: 104,500

·-:i

THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK LADIES ASSOCIATION
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SLOVAK NEWSPAPER'S JOURNALISTS' ASSOCI.A.TION
(Affiliated with the Slovak League of America)

SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS
(Affiliated with the Slovak League of Americ,a)
BRATSTVO
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SLOVAK V AMERIKE
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              <text>210&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
CURRENT ISSUES&#13;
&#13;
RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT CONFERENCE&#13;
OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA&#13;
IN NEW YORK CITY, MAY 19, 1973&#13;
Your Holiness:&#13;
In the name of more than 350,000 American-Slovaks, the greater&#13;
majority Catholic, and supporting the Slovak League of America and&#13;
its cultural and civic programs, we extend cordial greetings.&#13;
We appreciate your efforts and dedication to obtain equal rights&#13;
for all Catholics and to continue the ecumenical co-operation with all&#13;
Christians and believers throughout the whole world.&#13;
We also present to you a petition asking that you give particular&#13;
attention to the land of our forefathers-Slovakia -cradle in 833 of&#13;
Christianity in Central Europe and ever devotedly loyal to the Holy See.&#13;
Notwithstanding this historic fact, Slovakia, oppressed by the&#13;
atheistic Soviet regime in civil affairs, lacks, in the spiritual domain, its&#13;
own province, does not have a single archbishop and for so long a time,&#13;
no Slovak has achieved cardinalhood. Of course, Slovak Catholics share&#13;
their sufferings with their Lutheran and Greek Catholic brethren.&#13;
We respectfully suggest that Slovakia be accorded similar recognition as Bohemia, Moravia, Slovenia, Croatia and many other countries&#13;
in Africa and Asia. We are confident that among dedicated and&#13;
oppressed Slovak clergy can be found an archbishop to lead a Slovak&#13;
;irovince as in days gone by.&#13;
Such a magnanimous gesture would invigorate all Slovaks at home&#13;
as well as here in America.&#13;
We believe that your Holiness by such a decision will strengthen&#13;
us and thus fortify our fidelity to the Vatican and reverence to the&#13;
throne of St. Peter.&#13;
Very respectfully and sincerely,&#13;
Edward J. Behuncik, President&#13;
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary&#13;
Dear Mr. President:&#13;
The Slovak League of America on the occasion of its 1973 Conference here in New York extends cordial greetings.&#13;
We hope you will continue to enjoy good health and achieve&#13;
even greater success in your efforts on behalf of all citizens of whatever&#13;
origin.&#13;
We unequivocally endorse your stand in Vietnam and welcome&#13;
your policy in Europe and Asia.&#13;
As you are well aware, our origins are in Central Europe, in&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
211&#13;
&#13;
Slovakia, which has a more than 1100 year Christian history and which&#13;
for many centuries, excepting a brief period, has lived in subjugation.&#13;
Now, Slovakia is in its fifth year of Soviet occupation and deprivation by the communists of all human, spiritual and political rights.&#13;
So, today, we again respectfully request that you, individually as&#13;
our leader, as well as your entire administration, continue to remember&#13;
Slovakia and the other oppressed nations behind the Iron Curtain.&#13;
All thes•e subjugated peoples seek and des·erve statehood and&#13;
democratic freedom such as we in the United States are so fortunate&#13;
to enjoy. In your discussions with the leaders of the totalitarian world,&#13;
we ask that you give high priority to this humane cause.&#13;
W!! are confident that if permitted free elections, our brethren in&#13;
Slovakia would officially confirm their dedication and devotion to the&#13;
United States of America as the stalwart guardian of human freedoms .&#13;
Most Sincerely,&#13;
Edward J. Behuncik, President&#13;
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary&#13;
&#13;
DECLARATION ADOPTED AT THE GENERAL&#13;
ASSEMBLY OF THE SLOVAK WORLD CONGRESS&#13;
HELD IN CHICAGO ON JUNE 30TH 1973&#13;
The representatives of Slovaks abroad gathered at the&#13;
General Assembly of the Slovak World Congress, held in&#13;
Chicago on June 28-30th, 1973, adopted the following&#13;
Declaration:&#13;
(1) We consider ourselves an integral part of the Slovak&#13;
people. We are conscious of our co-responsibility for their&#13;
destiny and for their contribution to the overall culture of&#13;
humanity.&#13;
(2) We claim for the Slovak nation, on the basis of its&#13;
national individuality, recognition for an equal status with&#13;
other sovereign nations of the world.&#13;
(3) We deny any Great Power the right to interfere with&#13;
the destiny of the Slovak people and to integrate Slovakia in&#13;
other states or zones of influence which are opposed to the&#13;
will of the Slovak people and their national interests. We&#13;
consider such actions, condemned as they are by all civilized&#13;
people of the world, to be a violation of the Charter of the&#13;
United Nations.&#13;
(4) We demand the departure of all occupation forces&#13;
from Central Europe in order that, after more than a quarter&#13;
&#13;
212&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
of a century since the end of the War, the nations of that area&#13;
can finally govern themselves.&#13;
(5) As representatives of a nation conscious of its&#13;
responsibility towards others, we consider the principles of&#13;
democracy and humanism the basis for peace and co-operation&#13;
among the peoples of the world.&#13;
(6) On these principles alone, life in freedom and a free&#13;
culture can develop in Slovakia according to the traditions of&#13;
the Slovak people and in harmony with the progress of the&#13;
world.&#13;
&#13;
PHILIP A. HROBAK YEAR&#13;
January 10, 1974 marked the tenth anniversary of the death of&#13;
Philip A. Hrobak, and on May 1, 1974 we will mark the seventieth&#13;
anniversary of his birth.&#13;
These special dates impel us to honor his memory in a special&#13;
way. He was one of the most deserving of our cultural and civic&#13;
workers from among the many American-born Slovaks and one who&#13;
dedicated himself to the Slovak cause since early manhoJd.&#13;
Philip A. Hrobak, as a newspaperman, writer, histocian, linguist,&#13;
fraternalist and organizer rose to heights in American Slovak life.&#13;
His contributions to the Slovak cause in both English and Slovak are&#13;
most noteworthy and memorable in Slovak history.&#13;
Therefore, the Slovak League of America deems it a special honor&#13;
to be able to lend itself to the legacy of Philip A. Hrobak. Not only&#13;
did he honorably serve as a long time editor of JEDNOTA, as the&#13;
founder and editor of "Slovak Newsletters," "Jednota Annual Furdek"&#13;
and "Slo·v akia", but also as a distinguished President and member of&#13;
the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America-all this&#13;
is his eternal monument.&#13;
Bowing before his genius, we turn to our Slovak people and&#13;
we seek recognition in 1974 of the unfinished dreams of Philip A.&#13;
Hrobak and so-licit continued help in proving that we i&gt;..re all worthy&#13;
followers of this g,r eat son of our people.&#13;
For the Slovak League of America, the year 1974 will be the&#13;
time of increased activity, as he idealized and set by his example. In&#13;
tribute to his linguistic talents, we can have the opportunity to help&#13;
build a strong scholarship fund for the League, because the main&#13;
purpose of this fund is to preserve and enhance, as he desired, the&#13;
Slovak conscience in America.&#13;
Surely, there cannot be any American Slovak who would not make&#13;
his or her contribution to our scholarship fund in memory of Philip&#13;
.A. Hirobak.&#13;
The Slovak League of America also feels compelled to follow the&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
213&#13;
&#13;
footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak in other fields. In the firat place, we&#13;
must preserve and continue with the annual "Slovakia", we must&#13;
daily and fairly continue to inform the American public of the ideals&#13;
and accomplishments of the American Slovaks, and we must continue&#13;
our cl-forts to renew the rightful place of the Slovak nation as an independent unit in the family of nations.&#13;
These were the goals of Philip A. Hrobak, and our Slovak League&#13;
has so proceeded in the last ten years since we with heavy hearts&#13;
bid a sad farewell to our never-forgotten leader.&#13;
With prayer, with labor, and with sacrifices we thus honor this&#13;
meritocious Slovak son. May the memory of Philip A. Hrobak be&#13;
perpetual.&#13;
Edward J. Behuncik, President&#13;
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary&#13;
&#13;
As the others see it&#13;
represented. What to me is more&#13;
worse, is the attempt to sublimate&#13;
the Slovaks into the Czech people.&#13;
That's why we hear about a 'Czechoslovak nation'. It does not exists!&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia is a political entity&#13;
of two nations - the Czechs and&#13;
the Slovaks. I never think of myself as Czech. I am Slovak and&#13;
nothing else."- Rev. John Zornan,&#13;
President of the Slovak Zion Synod,&#13;
"What kind of man is Alex Del- National News, Pittsburgh, Pa.,&#13;
vecchio? (Playing for Detroit Red August 1, 1973.&#13;
Wings.) He's middle aged, 41. A&#13;
guy who you can't get in an&#13;
"Despite the courage and per•&#13;
argument with. His salt-and-pepper severance the Slovaks and other&#13;
gray hair is impeccably coiffured peoples of Eastern Europe have&#13;
around round Eastern European displayed time and again in their&#13;
face (his late mother was a Slovak; relentless search for internal liberhis father Italian.)" - Bob Naylor, ties and external sovereignty, they&#13;
Detroit Free Press, December 9, cannot achieve their goals without&#13;
1973.&#13;
outside help. It is our duty, and&#13;
only in keeping with our own&#13;
"The idea of 'Slovak Heritage' is&#13;
to extend our support. The&#13;
ideals,&#13;
quite intriguing to me. It implies&#13;
world will not know genuine&#13;
that we have one. Looking at hisevery country enjoys&#13;
tory books, however, you might peace until&#13;
freedom and can exercise the right&#13;
have doubts. Even when discussing&#13;
to self-determination.&#13;
Central Europe, the Slovaks as a&#13;
"The history of Slovakia is one&#13;
nation are often forgotten or mis-&#13;
&#13;
"Call a Slovak Czechoslovak and&#13;
you plant a burr under his skin.&#13;
To a Slovak, named for a geograph•&#13;
ic region divided by the wars and&#13;
politics, that frequent error is more&#13;
than just misnomer; it conveys a&#13;
complete historical misunderstanding of who he is." - Sue Morse,&#13;
The Herald Statesman, Yonkers,&#13;
N. Y., November 30, 1973.&#13;
&#13;
214&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
of turmoil, frustration, and heroic&#13;
struggle. Your continued devotion&#13;
to the cause of a free and independent Slovakia - despite hundreds of years of oppression - is&#13;
an inspiration to those of us who&#13;
cherish freedom as you do. These&#13;
are the characteristics that help us,&#13;
in maintaining a better and stronger America.&#13;
"The existence of the World Congress is an important step in achieving your long delayed place&#13;
among the family of the free naRobert P. Hanrahan,&#13;
tions." Member of Congress.&#13;
&#13;
U.S. Senator Adlai E. Stevenson.&#13;
"I am sure all of the American&#13;
Slovaks sincerely wish to acknowledge the plight of their brethren&#13;
under Communist oppression. The&#13;
Slovak people strongly pursue the&#13;
course that someday freedom will&#13;
reign in all corners of the world.&#13;
People of America need to be remainded of the severe repressing&#13;
of Communist-held nations of the&#13;
world endure." - U.S. Senator&#13;
Hugh Scott.&#13;
"Slovaks of Cleveland brought&#13;
many Christmas customs from the&#13;
old country, notably the custom of&#13;
caroling. Among the most cherished Slovak folk songs are those sung&#13;
at Christmas time. These carols are&#13;
sung not only in churches, but also&#13;
in the homes of the faithful, no&#13;
matter how many generations they&#13;
have lived here." - Sun Herald,&#13;
Cleveland, 0., December 20, 1973.&#13;
&#13;
"We must re-dedicate ourselves&#13;
to cause of all captives of Communism. Recognizing that the world&#13;
cannot enjoy peace until all peoples are free from yoke of Communism. Please continue your dedication to the traditions, cultural&#13;
life, religious beliefs, and desire&#13;
for independence on behalf of Slo"There is a strong feeling of&#13;
vak people everywhere."- Edward&#13;
awareness among some&#13;
ethnic&#13;
J. Derwinski, Member of Congress.&#13;
members of the younger generation.&#13;
"I do want you to know I share There are also strong indications&#13;
your commitment to the Slovak that the melting pot concept can&#13;
people and to strengthening the no longer be maintained and that&#13;
ties with their sons and daughters America is beginning to recognize&#13;
throughout the world. I know we and appreciate the diversity of its&#13;
will not falter in our efforts to ethnic populations in terms of a&#13;
insure that no people need face re- new cultural pluralism."- Dr. Goy,&#13;
pression and indignity as a result a member of City College's library&#13;
of their yearning to be free." - faculty, New York, N. Y.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
215&#13;
&#13;
--------------&#13;
&#13;
WHO'S WHO&#13;
Among American Slovaks&#13;
JOSEPH C. K RAJ SA&#13;
It was a mark of social maturity&#13;
when the Chamber of Commerce&#13;
of the Greater Harrisburg Area&#13;
decided to have "Slovak power"&#13;
for its presidency. Such is progress&#13;
that it is hardly news anymore&#13;
when a second-generation American of ethnic background and&#13;
working-class origins becomes the&#13;
leader of the town's top capitalists.&#13;
Pardon us, Karl Marx.&#13;
Joseph Charles Krajsa is the 60th&#13;
president of the Harrisburg Chamber. He is so ethnic that more than&#13;
half the Chamber's members can't&#13;
pronounce his name correctly: It&#13;
is "Crysa," and Anglicized it would&#13;
mean "nicer."&#13;
Well beyond his own physical&#13;
size - 6-foot-1 and 240 pounds Krajsa is a big man.&#13;
He was manager of the Allentown&#13;
Finance Co. for 14 years, which is&#13;
owned by his older brother, John.&#13;
He has the equivalent of two college degrees and has a speaking&#13;
knowledge of seven languages. He&#13;
was an outstanding football, baseball and basketball coach for 11&#13;
years. And, lastly, he served as&#13;
auditor and vice president of the&#13;
First Catholic Slovak Union, and&#13;
is now the editor of its bilingual&#13;
weekly, Jednota, and manager of&#13;
the Jednota home, farm and printery.&#13;
&#13;
Very much a Slovak as a warm&#13;
convivial person, Krajsa also is a&#13;
Rotarian, Elk, Legionaire and democrat. He once was a topflight golfer who won country-club trophies.&#13;
&#13;
"I find more businessmen in this&#13;
Chamber, for example, wanting to&#13;
be more human, wanting to share&#13;
their good fortune," he said. "The&#13;
single-minded emphasis on economics has diminished. A person must&#13;
be involved politically, socially and&#13;
religiously, as well as economically, to be well-rounded, and more&#13;
and more businessmen understand&#13;
that."&#13;
Krajsa, 56, grew up in Allentown.&#13;
His father was a wire-worker from&#13;
Skalica in Slovakia and emigrated&#13;
to America in 1906. Old Joe Krajsa&#13;
married a girl living here, Agnes&#13;
Baranek, a native of Horna Krupa,&#13;
Slovakia. He built his own home&#13;
and started a corner grocery. Everybody knew and loved the Krajsas.&#13;
"Put it on the book," or "na knizku," they said as Father Krajsa had&#13;
a credit book, so the neighborhood&#13;
could have its groceries.&#13;
One of the articles in Krajsa's&#13;
published Furdek 1974 is entitled&#13;
"Slovaks Are Lovers." The author&#13;
asserts, "Slovak mothers can equally match the 'Good Jewish Mother'&#13;
of book fame." A Slovak mother&#13;
will say to her daughter, "Ja som&#13;
t'a nevychovala, aby si behala za&#13;
muzami," or "I didn'-t raise you to&#13;
go chasing after men."&#13;
Many Slovaks came to America&#13;
between 1880 and 1920, with most&#13;
of them settling here between 1900&#13;
and 1910. Thousands settled in&#13;
Pennsylvania, and the men became&#13;
the muscle of this commonwealth's&#13;
steel, coal and railroading indus-&#13;
&#13;
216&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
tries. Of Slovak descent are Astronaut Eugene A. Cernan, Penn&#13;
State's great lineman, Mark Markovich; Will Hartack, Chuck Bednarik, Johnny Bucha and George&#13;
Blanda. Stan Musial is half-Polish&#13;
and half-Slovak. Blanda's mother is&#13;
president of the Jednota lodge in&#13;
Youngwood.&#13;
There were 277 scattered Slovak&#13;
fraternal organizations and widoworphan funds when in 1890 the Rev.&#13;
Stephen Furdek, of Cleveland, organized the national union called&#13;
Jednota (the word means union,&#13;
or united). Nineteen years later&#13;
the Middletown property of the&#13;
aristocrat Simon Cameron Young&#13;
was purchased for $38,000. What&#13;
originally was 298 acres is now 255&#13;
acres, but worth well over one million dollars. The old orphanage,&#13;
now phased out, cared for 4,000&#13;
children in its history. The newspaper Krajsa edits and writes for&#13;
has a circulation of 40,000. Jednota&#13;
also publishes 15 book titles annually. It is building a million dollar printery.&#13;
Krajsa was elected editor for a&#13;
three-year term in 1964, and he&#13;
keeps being re-elected. He arrived&#13;
in Middletown when Olmsted Air&#13;
Force Base was closing, so immediately he plunged into civic activity.&#13;
It got him involved in Chamber of&#13;
Commerce work, and he did so well&#13;
that the Chamber named him president last October.&#13;
Krajsa had a typical Americanimmigrant family upbringing. He&#13;
&#13;
did well in his studies. He captained Allentown Central Catholic High&#13;
School's basketball team, was center on the football team and pitched&#13;
for the baseball team. He went on&#13;
to East Stroudsburg State College,&#13;
where he was a stellar athlete, and&#13;
then was a Navy chief petty officer&#13;
in World War II.&#13;
After the war, he married Romanza Fairman, from Kansas City,&#13;
and settled in Allentown. He put in&#13;
11 years at Central Catholic High&#13;
lurning in several state championship teams and ending up as athletic director. Meanwhile, he was in&#13;
the finance business, too. The Krajsas have four children: Joe, in insurance, Mike, administrative assistant in the Agriculture Department; Maryagnes, assistant to the&#13;
Dauphin County Democratic chairman, and George, an athlete at&#13;
Middletown High.&#13;
Krajsa's desire for the Chamber&#13;
of Commerce is a Slovak's wish for&#13;
more unity, more strength of purpose and more aggressiveness for&#13;
the community. "We can get unity&#13;
and not take a thing away from&#13;
anybody," he said looking toward&#13;
the West Shore. He believes that&#13;
the county line should be easier&#13;
to cross than the ethnic line over&#13;
which his presidency already has&#13;
triumphed.&#13;
Paul B. Beers,&#13;
&#13;
Associated Editor&#13;
The Evening News&#13;
Harrisburg, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs&#13;
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly&#13;
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of&#13;
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA -&#13;
&#13;
217&#13;
&#13;
Book Reviews&#13;
Books on Slovakia and Slovaks&#13;
Reviewed by&#13;
Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum&#13;
writes about the Czech l.'esistance&#13;
during the last years of the War.&#13;
Three contributions deal with the&#13;
Slovak problem. Hans Kaiser writes&#13;
about integration of Slovakia into&#13;
national socialist war economy;&#13;
In this carefully edited volume, Ladislav Lipscher examines the in12 German scholars and specialists fluence of the Third Reich on the&#13;
in Czecho-Slovak affairs analyze the policy of the Slovak government&#13;
eventful year of 1945 in Czecho- with regard to the Jewish problem,&#13;
Slovakia. Some of the contributors and Jorg K. Hoensch gives a generare known as experts in the prob- al survey of the situation in Slovalems of Eastern Europe. Others kia in 1945.&#13;
specialized in the German-Czech&#13;
The remaining contributions deal&#13;
relations or in the Slovak problem. with the transfer of the Sudeten&#13;
Since until recently the German Germans and its consequences (Pescholars avoided publishing the re- ter Burian); with rebuilding of the&#13;
sults of their research on Czecho- Communist Party of Czecho-SlovaSlovakia, their views will be of lda in 1945 (Heinrich Kuhn); with&#13;
interest for schoiars in the West.&#13;
the constitutional problems in&#13;
The volume gives a survey of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 (Helmut&#13;
international, national and socio- Slapnicka); and with the integraeconomic problems in Czecho-Slova- tion of the Sudeten German expelkia in 1945, but two contributions, lees in Germany.&#13;
The book provides abundant inone by Ferdinand Seibt, and the&#13;
other by Karl Bosl, outline the formation on each topic and referhistorical background of boundary ences to sources used indicate that&#13;
problems and basic information on German scholars weve dealing with&#13;
the division of Germany by the their subjects with great effort to&#13;
present an objective picture of&#13;
Allies.&#13;
Further contributions deal with Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. Their&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia itself during the views and conclusions will, thereWar and her l'estoration in 1945. fore, be at variance with some&#13;
Peter Kruger gives a survey of the Western specialists in East Central&#13;
views of the Allies on Czecho-Slo- ; Europe, including the emigre Czech&#13;
vakia from the Atlantic Charter to j historians. Czecho-Slovakia has&#13;
the Potsdam Conference; Martin K. been presented in the West during&#13;
Bachstein outlines the policy of I the past decades with evident relithe social democratic exiles from ance on Czech sources and favoring&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia and Detlef Brandes I the Czechs. Especially Slovakia was&#13;
Karl Bosl: Das Jahr 1945 in der&#13;
Tschechoslowakei, Vortrag,e der&#13;
wissenschaftlichen Tagung des&#13;
Collegium Carolinum, R. Oldenbourg, Mlinchen-Wien, 1971, 316 p.&#13;
&#13;
218&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
treated with bias, mostly as a "postscriptum" to Czech history, and the&#13;
cruel and often inhuman treatment&#13;
of minorities or political adversaries was overlooked. German scholars endeavored to be factual and&#13;
objective and since some of them&#13;
were born or raised in Czecho-Slovakia, their knowledge of the prob!ems discussed in their contribution&#13;
cannot be doubted. Nevertheless,&#13;
they present a German view, because nobody can separate himself&#13;
fr.om his own background and personal or national experience. · And&#13;
the manner in which Prague solved&#13;
the Sudeten German problem in&#13;
1945 was bound to create deep resentiment and animosity, which is&#13;
not easy to overcome.&#13;
Slovakia is treated in the book&#13;
with more understanding and impa.rtiality than is the usual case in&#13;
Western historiography; there is&#13;
nevertheless certain bias in all&#13;
three contributors "with regard to&#13;
the Slovak republic, including the&#13;
article ·by Jorg Hoensch. Hoensch&#13;
published two well researched&#13;
books on Slovakia in the past but,&#13;
in many instances, adopted the&#13;
Czech or the Slovak Marxist view&#13;
of the wartime Slovakia. This also&#13;
occurred in his present contribution&#13;
which is well researched and refers&#13;
also to Slovak emigre political literature. Nevertheless, some conclusions were made by Hoensch on&#13;
assumptions and not on facts. For&#13;
instance, his view that "the majority of the Slovak leading strata and,&#13;
even more, the large masses of the&#13;
population believed during the war&#13;
that their social ,i nterest and political rights would be better preserved in the restored Czechoslovakia"&#13;
and that the Slovak Republic "could&#13;
not give proof -of its viability&#13;
(Lebensfiihigkeit)" is a part of&#13;
Czech and Communist propaganda&#13;
which was recen_tly contradicted&#13;
&#13;
and abandoned even by Slovak&#13;
Marxist historians (see books by L.&#13;
Liptak and S. Falt'an).&#13;
Likewise is disputable his statement that the "Slovak population&#13;
accepted with equal passivity the&#13;
introduction of the peoples democracy and the declaration of the&#13;
Slovak Republic." The enthusiastic&#13;
manifestations in Slovakia in 1939&#13;
can hardly be compared with the&#13;
fear from rape, confiscation, deportation and hiding in cellars&#13;
which ·could be witness in Slovakia&#13;
' during the first months of the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia.&#13;
Also treated in the volume are&#13;
two important problems for Slovakia during the war years: the integration of Slovakia into the German war economy and the policy&#13;
of the Slovak government with regard to the Jewish problem. Hans&#13;
Kaiser deals with the first topic&#13;
and gives a well researched survey&#13;
of the impact of Germany on Slovak economy, and of the pressures&#13;
used by Berlin on the Slovak government. Kaiser's contribution is&#13;
the first one in the West to deal&#13;
expertly · with the subject. So far,&#13;
only the Marxist historians or economists published studies on the&#13;
economic situation in Slovakia during th e War and their approach&#13;
was a priori hostile. The views of&#13;
the members of the Slovak government and Slovak economists who&#13;
did not side with the regime imposed upon Slovakia in 1945, are&#13;
buried in the archives of the "people's courts" and only in part were&#13;
published by Slovak emigre politicians and writers. The picture of&#13;
Slovak :war economy presented by&#13;
Kaiser cannot, therefore, be without flaws. It is, in any case, a useful&#13;
basis for further research and full&#13;
presentation of the economic development of Slovakia during the&#13;
Second , World War.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA ·&#13;
&#13;
219&#13;
&#13;
The third contributio n dealing I Horst Glass!: Die slowakische Geschichtswis senschaft nach 1945&#13;
with Slovakia touches on the prob(Slovak Historiogra phy After&#13;
!em which harmed Slovaks and&#13;
1945), Otto Harrassowi tz, Wies their reputation in the world, but&#13;
baden, 1971, 166 pages, Register.&#13;
the11e were only a few attempts to&#13;
put the policy of the Slovak governThe author and the publisher of&#13;
ment towa!'ds Jews into a proper this book deserve recognition for&#13;
perspective.&#13;
making available to Western scholars and students of history an&#13;
Lipscher's contributio n analyzes objective survey of Slovak historithe influence of the Third Reich on ography after 1945. Except for&#13;
that policy on the basis of G€rman short summaries in one or two&#13;
archives and partly also on the foreign languages, writings of Slohave been published&#13;
Slovak sources. In comparison vak historians&#13;
1945 exclusively in Slovak&#13;
since&#13;
with many articles published on and, as such, they have remained&#13;
this subject in the West, Lipscher's inaccessible to most of foreign hiscontributio n is marked by an effort torians. Glassl's book provides at&#13;
to present the policy of the Slovak least those Western historians who&#13;
impartial&#13;
governmen t more objectively and read German with an&#13;
phy and&#13;
historiogra&#13;
Slovak&#13;
at&#13;
look&#13;
with considerab le restraint from&#13;
during&#13;
blaming only the Slovak govern- its remarkable developme nt&#13;
decades.&#13;
two&#13;
past&#13;
the&#13;
ment in harsh terms, as has been&#13;
the case until now. Lipscher does&#13;
The book is the result of a thornot make any reference to sources ough research in Slovakia itself.&#13;
of Slovak emigre historians and&#13;
The author compiled considerab le&#13;
political writers who dealt with the knowledge of writings on Slovak&#13;
subject and he recognized that the&#13;
history by both the old traditionalproblem would require further&#13;
ist and the recent Marxist historistudy. This indicates that he enIn his attempt to give an obans.&#13;
deJvored to approach the problem&#13;
pictul'e he points to the&#13;
jective&#13;
wi th impartiality and, as a result,&#13;
and ideological interrestrictions&#13;
his contributio n may be a beginwhich Slovak histounder&#13;
ference&#13;
ning of dealing with the tragedy&#13;
or remain silent&#13;
write&#13;
to&#13;
had&#13;
rians&#13;
of Jews in Slovakia with more&#13;
"It lasted&#13;
1956.&#13;
until&#13;
1948&#13;
after&#13;
understand ing of the circumstan ces&#13;
"before&#13;
Glassl,&#13;
says&#13;
years,"&#13;
several&#13;
and pressures under which the&#13;
developthe&#13;
that&#13;
possible&#13;
was&#13;
it&#13;
Slovaks could not save more Jewment of Slovak historiogra phy and&#13;
ish citizens than they did.&#13;
research could come up with noA complete review of this volume ticeable results. Under the pressure&#13;
would, of course, require to deal of the circumstan ces in those years&#13;
with all the other contributio ns (Slovak) histo1ians had to take into&#13;
which give a survey of many prob- considerati on the political goals&#13;
lems in the Czech part of Czecho- and requiremen ts. The Communist&#13;
Slovakia, and analyze the relations Party which took over power in&#13;
between Czechs and G€rmans in- Czecho-Slovakia required complete&#13;
cluding the expulsion, often under re-writing of the whole historiinhuman circumstan ces, of the Su- ography acco11ding to Marxist crideten Germans.&#13;
teria ... many historians were fired&#13;
&#13;
220&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
from their positions, and some of works on Slovakia. The author&#13;
made undoubtedly a very thorough&#13;
th,em were even sent to jails."&#13;
On the other hand, the author research into the writings and publications of Slovak historians and&#13;
underlines that there was a remarkable development of Slovak produced a standard work on a&#13;
historiography since the War either high academic level.&#13;
in the number of books published&#13;
or in the number of institutes and&#13;
people involved in research. Unlike&#13;
Marxist or some Western historians, Glass! also states that "during&#13;
the period of the Slovak Republic&#13;
(]939-1945) , there was a fruitful&#13;
development in the field of historical research even though the war&#13;
was not the right time for a successful build-up of this discipline."&#13;
He considers it as wrong and unjust&#13;
of the Marxist historians to belittle&#13;
the results of this period in research into the history of Slovakia.&#13;
Glass! also refers to the writings&#13;
of Slovak scholars in Western&#13;
countries but for some reason he&#13;
became acquainted only with the&#13;
works published by Prof. M. Lacko&#13;
and with one book and one essay&#13;
by this reviewer. Writings of other&#13;
Slovak historians, especially those&#13;
pertaining to the period of the 18th&#13;
and 19th centuries, escaped the&#13;
author, which is regrettable, because they shed a different light&#13;
on Slovak national awakening from&#13;
that of Marxist historiography.&#13;
The book stops at the year 1918&#13;
and leaves out the past 60 years&#13;
during which Slovakia, as well as&#13;
Slovak historiography, experienced&#13;
an unexpected development. The&#13;
explanation for this is given by the&#13;
author in the Preface by one sentence: "For understandable political&#13;
reasons, the inclusion in this survey&#13;
of the writings dealing exclusive,l y&#13;
with the period 1918-1960 was abandoned."&#13;
Even in the present form the&#13;
book is a very valuable scholarly&#13;
addition to the foreign language&#13;
&#13;
MORE ABOUT BOOKS&#13;
Slov akia in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Edited by Prof. Joseph M.&#13;
&#13;
Kirschbaum ; Preface by S. B.&#13;
Roman, published by the Slovak&#13;
World Congress, Toronto, Ont. ,&#13;
1973, 368 p., bibl., $12.50.&#13;
The Slovak World Congress published for the General Meeting held&#13;
in Chicago on June 28th-July 1st,&#13;
1973, another English book on Slovakia which deserves special attention. While the first publication by&#13;
the Congress outlined the historical and cultural background of Slovakia, this new voluminous work&#13;
will give the readers an insight&#13;
into the political and literary developments in Slovakia in the 19th&#13;
and 20th centuries.&#13;
In his Preface to the book, the&#13;
President of the Slovak World Congress, Stephen B. Roman, explains&#13;
that the Slovak World Congress&#13;
"undertook to publish this book&#13;
with the desire to contribute to the&#13;
search for historical truth about&#13;
Slovaks and thereby to help better&#13;
understanding and co-operation among the nations of Central Europe. It is our firm belief that&#13;
peoples of that vital area can regain their political freedom and&#13;
build their future only in close&#13;
co-oper ation and only if each recognizes the equal rights to independence that each has." One cannot but agree with such aim and&#13;
the contents of the book confirm&#13;
that it was also the intention of&#13;
the editor and contributors.&#13;
The book is composed of contributions by 20 authors, four of&#13;
&#13;
221&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
whom are of non-Slovak origin, and&#13;
it is divided into four parts. The&#13;
first part deals with Slovak national philosophy and the subject is&#13;
treated by two known Slovak professors, Charles Murin from the&#13;
University of Montreal, and Stefan&#13;
Polakovic, former professor at the&#13;
University of Bratislava. The second part deals with Slovak politics&#13;
and culture in the 19th and 20th&#13;
centuries and contains contributions by Prof. J. A. Mikus, Msgr. J.&#13;
Rekem, Dr. Stefan Osusky, Prof. F .&#13;
Vnuk, Dr. F. f&gt;urcansky, Prof. E.&#13;
Loebl, Prof. Stefan Glejdura, Dr.&#13;
lmrich Kruzliak and Rev. Mikulas&#13;
Sprinc.&#13;
Part three deals with the relations&#13;
of Slovakia with her neighbors&#13;
and among the contributors are&#13;
mostly authors of non-Slovak origin. On Slovakia under the Habsburg rule, an interesting survey&#13;
was written by a members of the&#13;
Jlabsburg dynasty, Archduke Robert of Austria while Slovak-Hungarian relations are treated by Prof.&#13;
George Perenyi-Lukacs with comments by Dr. Arved Grebert and&#13;
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum. Prof. Thaddeus Gromada contributed an excellent essay on Slovak-Polish relations and Slovak-Russian relations&#13;
are analyzed and evaluated by&#13;
Prof. Stefan Glejdura and Miroslav&#13;
Licko. Prof. Kurt Glaser, author of&#13;
the book, Czecho-Slovakia - A Critical History, closed this chapter&#13;
with a scholarly treatise on "National States Versus Federalism in&#13;
Central European Future," commented upon by Prof J. A. Mikus&#13;
and Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum. In the&#13;
last part, the book deals with Slovaks abroad and their attitude towards Slovakia. It contains two&#13;
essays, one by Dr. Joseph Pauro&#13;
and another by Dr. F . Braxator. An&#13;
extensive Select Bibliography on&#13;
&#13;
Slovakia completes the contents of&#13;
this standard work.&#13;
We cannot but welcome this new&#13;
English book on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad. It fills an important&#13;
gap which existed for a long time&#13;
in presenting Slovakia's political&#13;
and cultural development in the&#13;
19th and 20th centuries to the&#13;
Western world in an objective&#13;
manner. For the first time 20 experts are expressing their opinions&#13;
on various subjects pertaining to&#13;
Slovakia. They belong not only to&#13;
two generations, as the editor of&#13;
the book observed, but "also represent two schools of thought and,&#13;
therefore, the book presents a confrontation of views on the Slovak&#13;
p:i.st and present."&#13;
In form and contents, the book&#13;
is a scholarly work. The editor,&#13;
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum, took his&#13;
task seriously and enhanced the&#13;
volume by an extensive bibliography in several languages. He also&#13;
paid tribute to American Slovaks&#13;
by stating that "at the end of the&#13;
First World War, Slovakia was&#13;
freed from Hungarian rule above&#13;
all by the efforts of Slovaks who&#13;
settled in the United States and by&#13;
Slovak legionaries fighting on the&#13;
side of the victorious powers. This&#13;
gave American Slovaks and all&#13;
Slovaks abroad not only recognition&#13;
and a new sense of patriotism but&#13;
also a consciousness of their mission to speak on behalf of the&#13;
Slovak people when they are silenced."&#13;
It would be desirable that this&#13;
volume be followed by a book on&#13;
Slovak culture, especially arts and&#13;
literature of the past two hundred&#13;
years. A conference on these topics,&#13;
at the next general meeting of the&#13;
Congress could help to achieve this&#13;
goal.&#13;
Joseph P a u&#13;
&#13;
co&#13;
&#13;
222&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
TWO PUBLICATIONS&#13;
BY l\'lATICA SLOVENSKA&#13;
Matica slovenska was degraded&#13;
by the Communist regime and&#13;
went through several periods of&#13;
regimentation and persecution of&#13;
her leading representatives and&#13;
cultural workers. Independent of&#13;
political pressure and refusing to&#13;
serve political parties or ideologies,&#13;
Matica slovenska was, before 1945,&#13;
a cultural institution which belonged to the nation and represented&#13;
the highest aspirations of all Slovaks. The Communist Party made&#13;
Matica slovenska a subservient tool&#13;
of the regimes imposed upon S'lovakia since 1945. In spite of this&#13;
nefarious situation, Matica slovenska succeeded in developing Slovak&#13;
culture at least in some sectors.&#13;
Among these sectors, literary history and philology deserve our&#13;
consideration.&#13;
&#13;
vakia from literary to musical. This&#13;
was a neglected sector in the past&#13;
mainly due to the lack of experts&#13;
and, therefore, we have to welcome&#13;
this publication.&#13;
Of special interest for elucidating some periods of Slovak history&#13;
is, however, the essay by Jozef Kuzmik : Book Culture Among the Slova/c Slavs in the Years 863-1000.&#13;
&#13;
The period of Great Moravia became a favored subject for Slovak&#13;
intellectuals during the past two&#13;
decades. In Kuzmik's contribution&#13;
we find some interesting information about the territorial extent of&#13;
the ancestors of today's Slovaks, as&#13;
well as about their book culture&#13;
which were in the past hardly&#13;
known or were insufficiently explored.&#13;
Unfortunately, the publication&#13;
has only a Russian and German&#13;
summary and, therefore, it is accessible to a very limited number&#13;
For several years, Matica has of scholars in the Anglo-Saxon&#13;
published a series of publications world where there are still many&#13;
dealing with Slovak literary life misconceptions about the Slovak&#13;
entitled:Letopis pamiitnika sloven- past. A new confusion was created&#13;
s/cej literatury and Literarny ar- even recently by scholars of Magchiv. We have revi,ewed some issues yar background who tried to deny&#13;
in the past in Slovakia, underlying the cultural heritage of the Great&#13;
their significance for Slovak litera- Moravian period to Slovaks.&#13;
Li t erarny archiv 8/ 71 is a valuture. We have now received Litercirny archiv 8/ 71, edited by Michal able source for literary history on&#13;
Elias, and Letopis 19 72 , edited by several Slovak poets and writers&#13;
Juraj Chovan-Rehak, and some not only of the 19th century but&#13;
comments would perhaps be ap- also of the 20th century. The publication deals mostly with archive&#13;
propriate.&#13;
Letopis 1972 contains a number of materials, unknown manuscripts, or&#13;
contributions dealing with various correspondence among leading Slosubjects from book culture (kniz- vak literary figures and cultural&#13;
na kultura) among Slovak Slavs in workers. Even though the Commuthe years 863-1000 to several in- nist regime tried to regiment Sloteresting contributions on the de- vak literary history and endeavorvelopment of museums in Slovakia ed to impose Marxist criteria, Sloand the idiomatic vocabulary in vak intellectuals display more or&#13;
the writing of Martin Kukucin. The less equal interest in the literary&#13;
main part of the book is dedicated life of poets and writers who were&#13;
to the history and development of I neglected in the past because of&#13;
various types of museums in Slo- their religion or ideological orien-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
223&#13;
&#13;
Literature, government, law, education, etc. Even though hardly complete, the Bibliography shows that&#13;
Canadian Slavists were not idle&#13;
during the twenty post-war years.&#13;
In spite of the fact that Slavic&#13;
studies had to start in Canada&#13;
from scratch, the Bibliography contains many titles of books, essays,&#13;
studies and articles, which have&#13;
given Canadian students a new&#13;
picture of the history, culture and&#13;
civilization of the Slavic peoples.&#13;
From the Slovak point of view,&#13;
we have many reasons to welcome&#13;
this Bibliography. Similar American or European bibliographies&#13;
either overlooked books, publicaJ.M. Kirschbaum&#13;
tions and essays on Slovak history,&#13;
Daniel Dorotich (ed.) : A Bibliogra- Language and literature by Slovak&#13;
phy of Canadian Slavists 1951- authors, or made selection of writ1971 , University of Saskatchewan ings which presented Slovakia and&#13;
Publications, Saskatoon, Sask., Slovak culture in the light of ad1972.&#13;
verse propaganda and Czech linAfter the Second World War, a guistic and literary theses. The misnumber of Canadian universities conceptions about the Slovak people&#13;
added to their usual curricular and their culture were cultivated&#13;
courses on Slavic languages, litera- especially by the older generations&#13;
ture and civilization. At some uni- of Slavists who studied at the Universities special Centres or Depart- versity of Prague and use as their&#13;
ments of Slavic Studies were organ- source of information books pubized, while at other universities lished by Czech scholars before&#13;
Slavic languages, literature and and during the Second World War.&#13;
The new generation of Slavists&#13;
history were taught within Departm ents of Modern Languages and at American and Canadian univerLiteratures and in History Depart- sities gradually detached itself&#13;
from the old school. Using source&#13;
ments.&#13;
In Canada, professors of Slavic materials published in today's Slostudies were soon organized in the vakia and other socialist countries&#13;
Ca nadian Association of Slavists ' as well as in Western countries'&#13;
which held every year an annual they have no more any doubt that&#13;
meeting within the framework of Slovaks are a distinct nation and&#13;
Canadian Learned Societies. The their language and literature have&#13;
present Bibliography gives an in- developed independently of the&#13;
sight into the writings and pub- Czechs or other Slavs.&#13;
The Bibliography compiled and&#13;
lications of the members of the&#13;
edited by Prof. Dorotich reflects&#13;
Association.&#13;
Prof. Dorotich, in compiling and this new trend in Slavic studies&#13;
editing the Bibliography, followed with regard to Slovakia. By inlhe •usual division of subject mat- eluding over 50 titles (books, monoters _into general history, languages, graphs, essays, articles) published&#13;
talion and those who were closer&#13;
to the socialist outlook.&#13;
As a result, Literarny archiv contains interesting information on&#13;
Bernolak, Stur, Vajansky and Radlinsky, as well as on Janko Kral',&#13;
Roy, Hamuljak and others.&#13;
It is regrettable that also in this&#13;
publication the summary is only in&#13;
Russian and German. For Slovak&#13;
literary history, both publications&#13;
are nevertheless of importance and&#13;
unveil to a great degree some&#13;
periods of Slovak cultural development which were intentionally&#13;
neglected before 1938 as well as&#13;
during the Stalinist period.&#13;
&#13;
224&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
by Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum in five&#13;
languages, the Bibliography presents a new picture of Slovak history, culture, language and literature.&#13;
Not only the main works on Slovakia in English are recorded, but&#13;
also one book published in Slovak,&#13;
monographs and essays in French,&#13;
English, German and Spanish. In&#13;
fact, the Bibliography is more complete in this respect that the Slovak&#13;
Bibliography Abroad compiled by&#13;
Prof. M. Lacko and published by&#13;
the Slovak Institute (Rome, 1967).&#13;
Since the Bibliography will go&#13;
into the hands of many Slavists&#13;
and into university libraries, we&#13;
welcome this publication as a very&#13;
useful guide for students and professors of Slavic studies.&#13;
Joseph Pauco&#13;
&#13;
Joseph Pauco: Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers&#13;
in America), The First Catholic&#13;
Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio,&#13;
1972, English Introduction by J.&#13;
C. Krajsa, Ill., 360 pages.&#13;
Slovaks in the United States played an important role in the history&#13;
of the Slovak people, but a complete story of their endeavors on&#13;
behalf of Slovakia, their struggle&#13;
for preserving national consciousness and cultural heritage has not&#13;
yet been published. Due to political&#13;
circumstances in Slovakia, historians either were not allowed or had&#13;
no possibility to carry out research&#13;
in order to compile a standard&#13;
work which would present Slovaks&#13;
in the United States in an objective&#13;
light. It was only during the Second World War that two volumes:&#13;
Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of Slovaks in America) by Konstantin Culen were published in&#13;
Slovakia. Since that time, only Slovak exiled intellectuals, including&#13;
Culen, carried out a research and&#13;
published monographs on the life&#13;
&#13;
and achievements of the large Slovak ethnic group in the United&#13;
States.&#13;
Historians in Slovakia were&#13;
either not allowed by ,t he Communist regime or for ideological reasons avoided recording their struggle for survival and the many contributions of American Slovaks not&#13;
only to their own national life but&#13;
also to the fight for freedom and&#13;
independence of the Slovak people.&#13;
After Prof. F . Hrusovsky and K.&#13;
Culen, Dr. Joseph Pauco deserves&#13;
main credit for systematic research&#13;
into the past and present of American Slovaks. For the past 20 years&#13;
he published monographs on individual Slovak leaders and organizations of which the voluminous&#13;
history of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
union deserves particular mention.&#13;
In the present book he deals with&#13;
55 outstanding Slovak leaders who&#13;
did the pioneering organizational,&#13;
cultural and religious work among&#13;
American Slovaks. The importance&#13;
of this book should be, however,&#13;
measured not only according to&#13;
its literary value, but also against&#13;
the fact that there are no organized&#13;
archives and many printed documents are perishing. In spite of this,&#13;
Dr. Pauco gathered many valuable&#13;
facts about the individual leaders&#13;
among whom there are clergymen&#13;
of both denominations - Catholic&#13;
and Lutheran - outstanding organizers of Slovak fraternal and&#13;
cultural life, men and women of&#13;
great dedication to the cause of&#13;
preservation of Slovak cultural&#13;
heritage.&#13;
The author approached his subjects with great abjectivity and&#13;
painted their profiles in a fluent,&#13;
uncomplicated style to make the&#13;
book readab1e to the general public&#13;
and, at the same time, by many&#13;
references to printed sources, useful to historians and researchers.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
Some of the chapters are shorter&#13;
and contain only the most important data. Others present a full life&#13;
story and evaluation of the activities and of the role the individual&#13;
leaders played in the Slovak organizational, religious and cultural life&#13;
in America. The reason for the&#13;
uneven treatment of some pioneers&#13;
was given by the author in the&#13;
introduction to the book. As he&#13;
says he was sometimes unable to&#13;
gather, even the most neces~ary&#13;
information, because there was no&#13;
organization and no individuals in&#13;
the past who would have preserved&#13;
old newpapers, almanacs, minutes&#13;
of meetings, or other archive materials. Since the Second World War&#13;
the Slovak Institute in Cleveland&#13;
and the recently organized Jankola&#13;
Library have made an effort to&#13;
gather and preserve archive materials pertaining to the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.&#13;
In these circumstances, Pauco's&#13;
present work, as well as his book&#13;
on the First Catholic Slovak Union&#13;
and numerous monographs, deserve&#13;
special recognition. The book has,&#13;
however, also its own value due to&#13;
its composition, contents and style.&#13;
Dr. Pauco produced a standard work&#13;
comparable with writings of this&#13;
kind on any other ethnic groups&#13;
in America. The book also has a&#13;
useful introduction by Joseph C.&#13;
Krajsa, but it lack an English summary which would have given to&#13;
the younger generations of American Slovaks and researchers at&#13;
least the basic information on Slovak pioneers in America. Unless&#13;
the author and the publisher intend to publish this work in English, it would be a useful thing to&#13;
attach to the second edition an&#13;
extensive English summary.&#13;
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m&#13;
&#13;
225&#13;
&#13;
Joseph L. Dieska: "Faith and Reason" in the Life and Philosophy&#13;
of Jacques Maritain, An Offprint&#13;
from Most, Vol. XIX, No. 3-4,&#13;
&#13;
Cleveland, Ohio, 1973.&#13;
Shortly before the death of the&#13;
famous French philosopher, Jacques Maritain, Slovaks paid his tribute on the occasion of his 90th&#13;
birthday in a commemorative study&#13;
by Prof. Joseph L. Dieska under&#13;
the title The Religious and Philo sophical Profile of Jacques Maritain. The scholarly essay was pub-&#13;
&#13;
lished in Slovak but the author&#13;
prepared also an English version&#13;
under the above title.&#13;
Prof. Dieska was one of the known&#13;
adherents of Maritain's philosophy&#13;
already in Slovakia, and pursued&#13;
his interests in the great Catholic&#13;
philosopher's concepts also as Professor of Philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio, where he has&#13;
taught for the past several years.&#13;
The present essay is one of his&#13;
numerous articles on the subjects.&#13;
The Slovak and English texts&#13;
contain a well written and well&#13;
documented insight and analysis of&#13;
Maritain's religious and philosophical profile. Dieska approached Maritain's philosophy from the position of "Faith and Reason" and&#13;
explains the role of reason as well&#13;
as the mystery of faith in Maritain's&#13;
philosophy which became a part of&#13;
the Catholic doctrine and influenced the thinking of several generations in Europe and elsewhere.&#13;
His theories of creative evolution&#13;
and his ability to find basic reality&#13;
through intuition ,e xalted the spirit&#13;
of man in many parts of the world.&#13;
Known as neo-Thomism Maritain's&#13;
philosophy anchors in the works and&#13;
philosophical concepts of St. Thomas&#13;
Aquinas. As Dieska explains, Maritain became adherent to the philosophy of St. Thomas as a result of&#13;
his own independent reflections and&#13;
&#13;
226&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
studies of various philosophers and ing tribute to Maritain also on&#13;
because of the comparison he made behalf of Slovak intellectuals who&#13;
between them. He found the truth are silenced in their native counhe was searching for in the an- try where Maritain's philosophy&#13;
had a strong influence before Marxswers of St. Thomas.&#13;
However, if it is true that Mari- ism was imposed as the only philotain followed the logic and argu- sophical concept tolerated by the&#13;
mentation of St. Thomas, he put regime.&#13;
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m&#13;
both, in the view of Prof. Dieska,&#13;
in a " new, modern, and contemporary setting. His language was ad- Encydopedic Directory of Ethnic&#13;
Newspapers and P eriodicals in&#13;
justed to the philosophical expresthe United States. By Lubomyr&#13;
sions used today. His arguments&#13;
R. Wynar. 260 pp. Libraries Unare aimed at and against modern&#13;
limited, Inc., Littleton, Colorado,&#13;
and recent objectors and critics.&#13;
1972. $12.50.&#13;
And above all, when he speaks of&#13;
For those interested in ethnic&#13;
the necessity of taking faith and&#13;
supernatural, revealed truths into studies a valuable tool has recentconsiderations while solving the ly been published to aid in learning&#13;
political, social, ethical and estheti- 1 about the complex mosaic that is&#13;
cal difficulties and 'crises' of our ' the United States of America.&#13;
time, Maritain must transcend Tho- Whereas in the past the student&#13;
mas and go much farther not, of of ethnic Americana had to wade&#13;
course, in essential immutable, and through Ulrich's directories, or&#13;
universally valid principles but in through state manuals, or specialtheir applications to the new, dif- ized histories, facility in locating&#13;
Icrent and more complex situations data about 903 ethnic publications&#13;
and issues. In these new approach- can now be had by utilizing Luboes lie the tremendous responsibility myr R. Wynar's Encyclopedic Diand significance of Maritain's Tho- rectory of Ethnic Newspapers and&#13;
mistic solutions, proposals and Periodicals in the United States.&#13;
often even sharp and merciless Included in this directory are escriticisms of the 'evils of time'"- scntials about 53 ethnic presses,&#13;
ranging from the Albanian Press,&#13;
concludes Dieska.&#13;
As St. Thomas had found in Assyrian Press, Italian Press, JaAristotle a philosophical basis for panese Pr,ess, Slovak Press, Ukrainreconciling man's reason and ian Press, etc. , to some not poChristian faith, so Maritain, in half pular enough presses such as the&#13;
a lifetime of philosophical study, Cossack, Cax,patho-Ruthenian, Flembrought a rejuvenated Thomism ish, Swiss, and Welsh.&#13;
In cases such as Croatian, Sloveinto a modern age of scepticism&#13;
and science. After the Second nian, and Serbian, there is a generWorld War, Maritain's vision and al heading as Yugoslav, which in&#13;
philosophy helped lend strength effect increases the number of&#13;
also to the whole Christian demo- presses substantially beyond the&#13;
cratic movement which stood as a figure of 53. Data cited for pub1.Julwark against Communism and lications are: title translations,&#13;
year founded, complete address&#13;
to the Catholic Church.&#13;
The author and the editor of (including ZIP), name of editor,&#13;
Most deserve recognition for pub- language(s) , sponsor, circulation,&#13;
Jishing both versions and for pay- frequency of publication, and sub-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
scription rate. In additions commentaries aid in explaining the&#13;
scope of publications., e.g., the following for "The Handbook Ilbo''&#13;
(The Korea Times): "This publication, the only Korean daily in the&#13;
United States, carries international, national, and local news of interest of the Korean community.&#13;
Jllustrated. "&#13;
Professor Wynar of Kent State&#13;
University, both a librarian and an&#13;
ethnic specialist, includes a very&#13;
interesting Appendix of Statistical&#13;
Analysis for each ethnic group,&#13;
summarizing the number of publications, weekly circulation totals,&#13;
monthly circulation totals, totals&#13;
for native language publications,&#13;
bi-lingual totals, and English language totals. An index to the publications completes the book. An&#13;
interesting addendum to the book&#13;
would have been an analysis of&#13;
ethnic publications in each of the&#13;
fifty states.&#13;
This directory truly is the first&#13;
comprehensive annotated guide to&#13;
the current ethnic press in the&#13;
United States and with its clear&#13;
type and excellent alphabetical&#13;
format clearly rates an A.&#13;
Paul F e n c h a k&#13;
Panorama: A H i storical Review of&#13;
the Czechs and Slovaks i n the&#13;
United States of America. Pub-&#13;
&#13;
lished by the Czechoslovak National Council of America, Cicero, Ill., U.S.A. Cicero-Berwyn&#13;
Press, 1970, pp. 328, index.&#13;
It is quite evident that there&#13;
exists today in America a need for&#13;
authorative works on the histories&#13;
of the various ethnic groups which&#13;
have contributed to the development of America. Objective, factual and concise histories of the various groups is essential. This volume&#13;
of the dual histories of the Czech&#13;
&#13;
227&#13;
&#13;
and Slovak immigrations to America, unfortunately from a viewpoint&#13;
of abjective Slovak history, seems&#13;
to lack sufficient factual data to&#13;
be accepted as a history of the&#13;
Slovak immigration to America.&#13;
From the standpoint of the history&#13;
of the Czech immigration it is&#13;
factu al, unbiased history but even&#13;
then much is amiss particularly in&#13;
the area of the religious development of the Czech community in&#13;
the United States.&#13;
Two basic criticisms can be found&#13;
in the basic format of the work.&#13;
The single most important error&#13;
in the work is the fact that the&#13;
various writers of Slovak topics&#13;
are weak in objective reporting, so&#13;
necessary in a historical work of&#13;
this kind . Unfortunately the writers, who are of the " Czechoslovak"&#13;
philosophical persuasion, would&#13;
wa nt the reader to actually believe&#13;
that only those Slovak organizations&#13;
which support that philosophy&#13;
have contributed to the development of the Slovak American community. In fact it must be remembered that over eighty per cent of&#13;
the organized Slovak American&#13;
community does not support the&#13;
'· Czechoslovak" philosophy but&#13;
ra ther a distinct Slovak philosophy&#13;
within the family of nations.&#13;
The authors seem to infer that&#13;
the staunch Catholic mass of Slovak immigrants contributed little&#13;
if anything at all to the development of the Slovak community in&#13;
Am erica. It appears that such&#13;
notables as Father Stephen Furdek,&#13;
founder of the First Catholic Slovak&#13;
Union, the co-founder of the First&#13;
Catholic Slovak Ladies. Association&#13;
and the founder of the Slovak&#13;
League of America played a very&#13;
minor role in the development of&#13;
the Slovak community. Other prominent leaders such as Father&#13;
Matthew Jankola, Joseph Rusek,&#13;
&#13;
228&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Anna Hurban and Philip Hrobak&#13;
are not even mentioned.&#13;
The second most important ingredient which is lacking in this&#13;
work is organization. Various bits&#13;
and pieces are scattered throughout the work on both the Czech&#13;
and Slovak development in America and from an academic journalistic point of view it is quite primitive&#13;
in its presentation. Too many writers cover certain geographical areas of the Slovak immigration but&#13;
much is ignored and almost always&#13;
repetitious. Too often the writers&#13;
are offering opinionated biased reporting which is not acc-eptable by&#13;
the vast majority of the Slovak&#13;
community today. There exists a&#13;
certain disorganization present in&#13;
the work and most often it effects&#13;
an objective Slovak history.&#13;
In one area in particular the work&#13;
is both factually deficient and&#13;
openly opinionated, that is the area&#13;
of the Slovak organization" in the&#13;
United States. Such organizations&#13;
as "Catholic Slovak Unity, Catholic&#13;
Slovak Women's Unity. Unity of&#13;
Catholic Sokols" are not acceptable&#13;
as Slovak organizations, as such do&#13;
not exist. Again faulty research is&#13;
evidenced in the presentation of&#13;
Slovak organizations. One area lists&#13;
"all" the Czech and Slovak organizations in America and the largest&#13;
and most important Slovak societies&#13;
are not listed.&#13;
Subjective reporting would lead&#13;
one to believe that indeed the Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol is the&#13;
most importa nt and influential organization of Americans of Slovak&#13;
descent. However factual research&#13;
will reveal to the alert writer that&#13;
in fact the above named organization has a membership of less than&#13;
24,000 while the First Catholic&#13;
Slovak Union, the First Catholic&#13;
Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsyl-&#13;
&#13;
vania Slovak Catholic Union, the&#13;
Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and the First Slovak&#13;
Wreath of the Free Eagle have a&#13;
combined membership of over&#13;
300,000. The informed reader will&#13;
at once note that Sokol U.S.A., as&#13;
it is commonly associated and pubblicised in the America press is of&#13;
the "Czechoslovak" philosophical&#13;
persuasion while the other Catholic&#13;
Slovak organizations representing&#13;
the overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent are not of the appendage&#13;
philosophy but rather support a&#13;
distinct Slovak path completely free&#13;
of Czech domination. Another noteworthy fact is that the Sokol U.S.A.&#13;
is the only Slovak organization of&#13;
any magnitude which is a member&#13;
of the Czechoslovak National Council of America.&#13;
Included in the work is a Who's&#13;
Who among Americans of Czech&#13;
and Slovak ancestry. Again only&#13;
those Slovaks who support the idea&#13;
of a "Czechoslovak" culture, language and heritage are included.&#13;
Not only are the above mentioned&#13;
Slovaks notably absent but such&#13;
luminary as Bishop Andrew G.&#13;
Grutka, D.D., the Roman Catholic&#13;
Bishop of Gary, Indiana and countless others who have contributed&#13;
to the growth and development of&#13;
the Slovak American Community.&#13;
In the final analysis the work&#13;
offers little insight into the history&#13;
and development of the Slovaks in&#13;
America. The history of the Czechs&#13;
in America is acceptable but no t&#13;
commendable since again the underlining theme is to discredit any&#13;
theistic organizational development.&#13;
The work in general is primitive&#13;
in the Slovak sense and therefore&#13;
can not be accepted as a factual&#13;
history of the Slovaks in America.&#13;
This work is a prime example of&#13;
Czech and "Czechoslovak" chauvin-&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
229&#13;
&#13;
ism in the interpretation of Slovak suring Czech hegemony in CzechoSlovakia, regardless of the fact&#13;
history.&#13;
Daniel F. Tanzone&#13;
that the Communist movement is&#13;
discredited by their policy. In some&#13;
Eugen Steiner: The Slovak Dilem- ways Czech Communists resemble&#13;
ma, Cambridge, at the University to Czech non-Communists or antiPress, 1973, 229 pages. Series Communists who used and still are&#13;
International Studies, Published using democracy, socialism, liberalfor the Centre for International ism or Catholicism for imposing or&#13;
Studies, London School of Eco- maintaining Czech hegemony over&#13;
nomics and Political Sciences.&#13;
others, especially Slovaks. The situation in Czecho-Slovakia between&#13;
inthe&#13;
in&#13;
writes&#13;
author&#13;
the&#13;
As&#13;
troduction his aim was "to trace 1918-1938 attests to it sufficiently.&#13;
the Communist attitude to national- The policy of Prague Governments&#13;
ism, and to define the effects of from 1918 to this day proved that&#13;
this attitude as far as the Slovaks Czechs are not capable to fulfill the&#13;
arc concerned." Or in other words mission which the victorious Powhe "deals in microcosm with a ers entrusted to them in 1918 or&#13;
major problem which lies at the again in 1945. Czecho-Slovalda did&#13;
heart of the Soviet Union's policies, not become a barrier against German expansion or a bridge between&#13;
internal and external." (p. 3)&#13;
and West. Czech governments&#13;
East&#13;
Dr. Steiner uses the case of Slovakia to show how Communism forced into opposition against the&#13;
fa iled to solve nationality problems. European block which created&#13;
Not only in the Soviet Union was Czecho-Slovakia, not only the mithis problem hidden behind slogans norities but also Slovaks. Czech&#13;
on the equality of nations, while politicians did not honor any agreethe Russians are the rulers, but ment, promise or pledge given to&#13;
also in restored and by Communists Slovaks.&#13;
They practiced such a policy regoverned Czecho-Slovakia. Steiner's&#13;
book leaves no doubt that the Marx- gardless of the danger for the&#13;
Leninist thesis on the problems of existence of the state or the misnationalities did not bring a satis- sion Czecho-Slovakia was to fulfill&#13;
factory solution to the relations according to its friends and creabetween the Czechs and Slovaks; tors. After occupying Slovakia with&#13;
on the contrary, since 1945 when the help of French and Italian&#13;
Czecho-Slovakia was restored (a- military units in 1918, and with the&#13;
gainst the will of majority of Slo- help of the Soviet armies in 1945,&#13;
vaks) the Czech rule was imposed they disregarded their promises&#13;
on Slovaks step by step, brutally and the rights of Slovaks to selfand without regard to promises and government. About the period of&#13;
agreements. Up to 1948, the Czech 1918-1938 there is in Western lanCommunists found accomplices in guages comparatively large literanon-Communists. After 1948, they ture dealing with this subject. The&#13;
imposed their rule on Slovaks with book by Dr. Steiner gives to Westthe help of a handful of collabora- ern readers sufficient information&#13;
tors from Slovakia, mostly of non- and documentary evidence for the&#13;
Slovak origin (Bacilek, Bil'ak, Mos- period of 1945-1968.&#13;
Dr. Steiner writes in the introkovic, Daubner, Siroky and others).&#13;
Czech Communists are using Com- duction to his book that he has&#13;
munism as an instrument for as- "chosen exile as a Jew, as a Com-&#13;
&#13;
230&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAK.IA&#13;
&#13;
On the cover of Steiner's book&#13;
munist and as a Slovak." He wrote&#13;
his book from this point of view, there are reproductions of pictures&#13;
which makes his work more inter- from demonstrations of Slovak&#13;
esting and more valuable. It is a youth in Bratislava against the&#13;
testimony of a "Jew, Communist Soviet occupation in August 1968.&#13;
and Slovak" about the political On the posters we can read: "Slodevelopments in Slovakia in this vaks stand firm, they won't pass!&#13;
Occupa nts go home!" These slogans&#13;
century.&#13;
His background and ideological o- express the feelings of Slovaks in&#13;
rientation explain to a great degree Slovakia as well as abroad not only&#13;
not only his favorable attitude to- against the So·,iet occupants, but&#13;
wards regimes in 1918-1938 (though any occupants, including the Czechs.&#13;
Czech Statistics can easily prove This conclusion can be found, if&#13;
the opposite) but his negative stand carefully read, also in Dr. Steiner's&#13;
towards the Slovak republic of book: The Slovak Dilemma.&#13;
Dr. A. Gr eb er t,&#13;
1939-1945 as well. We understand&#13;
Geneva, Switzerland&#13;
that the anti-communist and antijewish measures of the Slovak&#13;
Government could not meet with Slovak Studies, Historica 7 and 8,&#13;
Vol. X and XI, Slovak Institute,&#13;
his approval. It is, however, hard&#13;
Rome-Cleveland, Editor Prof. M.&#13;
to understand his attitude towards&#13;
Lacko, S. J .&#13;
Dr. Benes and his Government-inBoth volumes of Slovak Studies&#13;
exile. Even such adherents of&#13;
"Czechoslovakism" as were Dr. M. deal with history of Slovakia and&#13;
Hodfu and Dr. S. Osusky disagreed except for the contribution by Dr.&#13;
and at the end fought against Be- S. Nahalka, with the events of our&#13;
nes and his anti-Slovak policy which century. Since the Marxist historihe later (after 1945) also practiced ans not only avoid certain subjects&#13;
in co-operation with Czech Commu- but also write with prejudice and&#13;
nists and non-Communists. Unfor- strictly from the Marxist point of&#13;
tunately, Dr. Steiner deals with view, these volumes perform specific&#13;
this rather superficially and un- role in historiography on Slovakia.&#13;
convincingly. The post-war develop- In addition, their value is enhanced&#13;
ments in Czecho-Slovakia prove by the fact that they are published&#13;
that the Slovak-Czech antagonism in foreign language and two of the&#13;
is not a matter of temporary politi - contributors were educated abroad.&#13;
Students of modern Slovak hiscal situation but a fundamental and&#13;
lasting feature of Slovak-Czech tory will welcome especially the&#13;
relations. It is impossible to solve Ph.D. thesis by Sister M. E. Lubek,&#13;
this problem within the "Czecho- "An Inquiry into the United States&#13;
Slovak" framework. The successive _ Czechoslovak Relations between&#13;
a_bolition, ~~er 1969, _of C~nstitu- I 1918-1948." There were many myths&#13;
t10nal prov1S1ons dealing with the published on this subjects, but to&#13;
federalization of Czecho-Slovakia, my knowledge, no scholarly work.&#13;
mentioned in Dr. Steiner's book, Some years ago Prof. M. Mamatey&#13;
prove convincingly the validity of shed some light on the period of&#13;
the First World War, later years&#13;
the above conclusions.&#13;
In spite of some shortcomings, Dr. remained, however, unresearched.&#13;
Steiner's book is a valuable contri- Yet, this is an interesting topic,&#13;
bution to the historiography on since the United States played an&#13;
important role in the emergence&#13;
Eastern Europe.&#13;
&#13;
231&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918 and in&#13;
her re-emergence in 1945. Needless&#13;
to say that the treatise by M. E.&#13;
Lubek does not cover all the aspects&#13;
of the inter-state relations, remaining mostly in the field of politics&#13;
and diplomacy. The study is nevertheless of the importance and will&#13;
be useful for further research.&#13;
For foreign historians dealing&#13;
with Slovakia of special interest&#13;
will also be the contributions by&#13;
Prof. M. S. :l'.&gt;urica, who researched&#13;
Italian Military Documents in order&#13;
to shed a new light on the tragic&#13;
death of M. R. Stefanik, one of the&#13;
founders of Czecho-Slovakia, and&#13;
German biography of President Dr.&#13;
J. Tiso by F. H. Schneider. We&#13;
commented on the value of Prof.&#13;
Durica's study when it was first&#13;
published in Italian language (Slovalcia, Vol. XXIII, 1973) , and cannot but welcome the English version. Schneider's essay on the life&#13;
and historical role of Dr. J . Tiso&#13;
in Slovak politics is of importance&#13;
for more than one reason. The adversaries of Slovak aspirations for&#13;
independence - Communists and&#13;
non-Communists - succeeded in&#13;
presenting Dr. Tiso and his policies&#13;
in Western countries in a distorted&#13;
light. Even though, Dr. Tiso mostly&#13;
suffered for his forced cooperation&#13;
with Germany, there was a long&#13;
silence about him and Slovakia among German historians. Schneider's contribution does not exhaust&#13;
the subject and shows gaps, but it&#13;
was high time to draw a little differe nt picture of President Tiso in&#13;
&#13;
♦&#13;
&#13;
♦&#13;
&#13;
German language than it was done&#13;
by Prague and Slovak Communists.&#13;
Unfortunately, Schneider overlooked some books and articles which&#13;
contain substantial information on&#13;
Dr. Tiso's life and politics, such as&#13;
Prof. Murin's articles, one of Dr.&#13;
Polakovic's books, many articles in&#13;
Sl.ovakia and other sources.&#13;
Dr. S. Nahalka's istructive article&#13;
on "Holy Scripture among Slovaks"&#13;
is a valuable contribution to the&#13;
religious and cultural history of&#13;
Slovaks. Religious history of Slovakia is one of the completely neglected fields in today's historiography in Slovakia, even though&#13;
Slova ks survived as a nation mostly&#13;
due to the fact that clergy (Catholic and Protestant) took over the&#13;
cultural leadership and national&#13;
struggle.&#13;
Professor Lacko in his contributions presents the synthesis of the&#13;
studies on Great-Moravian and Cyrillo-Methodian period and a survey of events which led to the reestablishment of the Greek-Catholic&#13;
Church in Slovakia. The latter&#13;
study would deserve to be completed by documents and names of&#13;
people who in Slovakia and abroad&#13;
helped the re-establishment. Both&#13;
contributions are timely and instructive.&#13;
Prof. Lacko deserves recognition&#13;
also for his efforts to continue publishing the Slovak Studies. Slovak&#13;
cultural activities abroad would be&#13;
much poorer without this series.&#13;
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m&#13;
&#13;
♦&#13;
&#13;
Life Membership in the Slovak League of America&#13;
is $100.00 - join us! Write to: Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pa. 17057.&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKlA&#13;
&#13;
232&#13;
&#13;
Our&#13;
&#13;
Contributor s&#13;
&#13;
theologian, author, Cambridge, Ontario&#13;
&#13;
Stephen Sencik, S.J. -&#13;
&#13;
Anthony X. Sutherland, Ph.D ., Columbus, Ohio&#13;
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -&#13;
&#13;
author, Director, Slovak Institute, Cleveland, 0 .&#13;
&#13;
Andrew Pier, O.S.B. Joseph C. Krajsa -&#13;
&#13;
teacher, author, Danville, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.&#13;
industrialist, Toronto, Ontario&#13;
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Stephen B. Roman -&#13;
&#13;
attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.&#13;
&#13;
Edward J. Behuncik -&#13;
&#13;
Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D . Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. -&#13;
&#13;
historian, author, Toronto, Ont.&#13;
&#13;
author, historian, Middletown, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
Michael O'Pake, Esq. -&#13;
&#13;
State Senator, Reading, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A. -&#13;
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teacher, Yonkers, N. Y.&#13;
&#13;
Susan Pojer, B.A., Yonkers, N. Y.&#13;
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professor, author, consultant for Rockefeller&#13;
Foundation, New York, N. Y.&#13;
&#13;
Michael Novak, Ph.D. Paul Fenchak -&#13;
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teacher, Baltimore, Md.&#13;
&#13;
Steven I. Miller, Ph.D. -&#13;
&#13;
assistant professor, Loyola University, Chicago,&#13;
&#13;
Illinois&#13;
Junior history major, Susquehanna University,&#13;
Selinsgrove, Pa.&#13;
&#13;
William Wagner Francis Vnuk -&#13;
&#13;
historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,&#13;
&#13;
Australia&#13;
Dr. Arved Grebert -&#13;
&#13;
former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland&#13;
&#13;
Jane Noonan, Marlene Bartos, Stephen J. Knoblock -&#13;
&#13;
America Scholarship Winners&#13;
&#13;
Slovak League of&#13;
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OFFICERS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA&#13;
Honorary President :&#13;
EDWARD J. BEHUNCIK&#13;
President&#13;
2385 Main Street&#13;
Stratford, Conn. 06497&#13;
&#13;
Stephen J. Tkach&#13;
,&#13;
DR. JOSEPH PAUCO&#13;
Secretary&#13;
313 Ridge Avenue&#13;
Middletown, Pa. 17057&#13;
&#13;
Vice Presidents: Milan V. Blazek, Stephen Suhajcik, Mary Piroch&#13;
'&#13;
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Kazimer, Tibor Kovalovsky, Joseph R. Kristotik, Dr. Joseph Pauco,&#13;
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                    <text>60

SLOVAKIA

Slovak League of America
and Slovak World Congress
Edward J . B e h u n c i k

President of the Slovak League of America
Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress
Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois

Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do
me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak
League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American
organizations and societies.
It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we
find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of
natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has
assembled within the same space anywhere else except
perhaps at another Slovak World Congress.

Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak
origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete
that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place
formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary
oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia.
We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection
that when we made the decision we made no reservation.
We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not,
however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made
no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed
organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good
will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be
Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color
or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or
marriage.
Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a
result of that great decision, we soon became the target of
the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated

�SLOVAKIA

61

states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This
action, however, merely proved that we had become a
recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of
interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow.
Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every
Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for
a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman
was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which
we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we
did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history,
and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children;
pride not merely because we were able, at this time of
crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the
interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck
that blow unselfishly.
Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped
and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with
dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of
a Slovak World Congress.
We are now in a time of progress - that means
advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay;
it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and
forward.
And so we must go or we will merely be making the
Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles.
This we must not do!
For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is
away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions,
slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak
World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation,
that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal
to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty
shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be
following the shadow and not the substance.
That we must not permit it to become.
And I am confident that we will not.
No matter what previous opinions we have entertained,

�62

SLOVAKIA

no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our
own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our
paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said
at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish
contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the
Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is
in us.
This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere,
but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those
who today spend their treasure and give of their blood
and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory
perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of
freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple
lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty
God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the
hearts of men.
Let us then look and move forward and onward as we
fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren
in Slovakia but for future generations as well.
Because if we do, then those who come after us will
enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our
contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion.
Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress.
Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in
peace and harmony.
And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and
sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of
Milton, where he says:
Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible
locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU
and kindling her un&lt;lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . .

�</text>
                  </elementText>
                  <elementText elementTextId="3772">
                    <text>60

SLOVAKIA

Slovak League of America
and Slovak World Congress
Edward J . B e h u n c i k

President of the Slovak League of America
Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress
Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois

Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do
me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak
League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American
organizations and societies.
It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we
find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of
natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has
assembled within the same space anywhere else except
perhaps at another Slovak World Congress.

Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak
origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete
that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place
formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary
oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia.
We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection
that when we made the decision we made no reservation.
We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not,
however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made
no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed
organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good
will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be
Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color
or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or
marriage.
Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a
result of that great decision, we soon became the target of
the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated

�SLOVAKIA

61

states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This
action, however, merely proved that we had become a
recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of
interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow.
Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every
Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for
a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman
was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which
we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we
did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history,
and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children;
pride not merely because we were able, at this time of
crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the
interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck
that blow unselfishly.
Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped
and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with
dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of
a Slovak World Congress.
We are now in a time of progress - that means
advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay;
it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and
forward.
And so we must go or we will merely be making the
Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles.
This we must not do!
For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is
away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions,
slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak
World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation,
that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal
to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty
shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be
following the shadow and not the substance.
That we must not permit it to become.
And I am confident that we will not.
No matter what previous opinions we have entertained,

�62

SLOVAKIA

no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our
own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our
paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said
at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish
contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the
Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is
in us.
This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere,
but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those
who today spend their treasure and give of their blood
and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory
perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of
freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple
lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty
God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the
hearts of men.
Let us then look and move forward and onward as we
fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren
in Slovakia but for future generations as well.
Because if we do, then those who come after us will
enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our
contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion.
Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress.
Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in
peace and harmony.
And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and
sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of
Milton, where he says:
Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible
locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU
and kindling her un&lt;lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . .

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              <text>60&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Slovak League of America&#13;
and Slovak World Congress&#13;
Edward J . B e h u n c i k&#13;
&#13;
President of the Slovak League of America&#13;
Remarks at the closing banque t - Slovak World Congress&#13;
Saturday, June 30, 1973, Pick-Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois&#13;
&#13;
Tonight, as you did two years ago at Toronto, you do&#13;
me the honor of having me as President of the Slovak&#13;
League of America speak on behalf of the Slovak American&#13;
organizations and societies.&#13;
It is a great pleasure to join this assemblage where we&#13;
find a greater amount of Slovak cultivation of mind, of&#13;
natural genius, of everything which constitutes the development of Slovak intelligence than undoubtedly ever has&#13;
assembled within the same space anywhere else except&#13;
perhaps at another Slovak World Congress.&#13;
&#13;
Three years ago, week before last, we free men of Slovak&#13;
origin made a great decision. With an unanimity so complete&#13;
that it absolutely silenced opposition, we took our place&#13;
formally against the schemes and purposes of the temporary&#13;
oppressors of our brethren in subjugated Slovakia.&#13;
We have a peculiar satisfaction today in the reflection&#13;
that when we made the decision we made no reservation.&#13;
We cast in all we had; we asked nothing for ourselves for, even if we had, our oppressed brethren could not,&#13;
however they might wish, give us anything. But, we made&#13;
no terms with anyone but ourselves. Our newly formed&#13;
organization was to be, and is, open to all men af good&#13;
will, freedom loving and God fearing, whether they be&#13;
Protestant or Catholic, Gentile or Jew, irrespective of color&#13;
or creed - only so long as they be Slovak, by origin or&#13;
marriage.&#13;
Immediately after that great decision, and largely as a&#13;
result of that great decision, we soon became the target of&#13;
the Communist dominated governments in the subjugated&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
61&#13;
&#13;
states of Eastern Europe, especially that of Prague. This&#13;
action, however, merely proved that we had become a&#13;
recognizable enemy, worthy of the attention of, and of&#13;
interest to, the Prague stooges of Moscow.&#13;
Today, I venture to say, that deep in the heart of every&#13;
Slovak everywhere throughout the globe, - and even for&#13;
a brief time on the moon when Slovak Astronaut Ceman&#13;
was aloft - there is a feeling of pride, pride about which&#13;
we grow more certain everyday; pride over something we&#13;
did that we believe will be endorsed absolutely by history,&#13;
and vrill be the richest heritage we can leave to our children;&#13;
pride not merely because we were able, at this time of&#13;
crisis in Slovak history, to strike a giant blow in the&#13;
interests of humanity but pride primarily because we struck&#13;
that blow unselfishly.&#13;
Your very presence at this Chicago Congress reinvigorates and revives all the impulses which earlier gripped&#13;
and drove us on and made us worthy morally and with&#13;
dedication to undertake to germinate the noble idea of&#13;
a Slovak World Congress.&#13;
We are now in a time of progress - that means&#13;
advancement not retrogression, improvement not decay;&#13;
it means accomplishment not failure, it means onward and&#13;
forward.&#13;
And so we must go or we will merely be making the&#13;
Congress a factor only inside our small parochial circles.&#13;
This we must not do!&#13;
For if we regress instead of progress, if our drift is&#13;
away from and not toward its highest ideals and traditions,&#13;
slowly but surely the vitality which sustains the Slovak&#13;
World Congress will slip away, and I say, without hesitation,&#13;
that our Congress and the Slovak cause will cease to appeal&#13;
to intelligent men. It will become nothing but an empty&#13;
shell, a jargon of titles and platitudes - for we will be&#13;
following the shadow and not the substance.&#13;
That we must not permit it to become.&#13;
And I am confident that we will not.&#13;
No matter what previous opinions we have entertained,&#13;
&#13;
62&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
no matter what we may charge to the past lack of cooperation between our various groups, no matter what our&#13;
own ideas of the future relations of these groups - our&#13;
paramount duty for the present and future is, as I said&#13;
at Toronto, and again here repeat - to rise above all selfish&#13;
contributions , all jealousies, all prejudices and give the&#13;
Slovak people the true Slovak ideals - the best there is&#13;
in us.&#13;
This is the day of test for free Slovaks everywhere,&#13;
but it is also the day of priceless opportunity. And those&#13;
who today spend their treasure and give of their blood&#13;
and energy in this sacred cause will have their memory&#13;
perpetuated for all time. First, as the true defenders of&#13;
freedom, then as the true children of our institutions those who learned from our fathers and retained the simple&#13;
lessons of trust. This trust is the sincere trust in Almighty&#13;
God and in the principles of justice that He has put in the&#13;
hearts of men.&#13;
Let us then look and move forward and onward as we&#13;
fight and struggle not only for ourselves and our brethren&#13;
in Slovakia but for future generations as well.&#13;
Because if we do, then those who come after us will&#13;
enjoy the freedom which will have been bought by our&#13;
contributions of time, energy, money and dedicated devotion.&#13;
Thus, we will be fully carrying out our duties as energetic and inspired members of our Slovak World Congress.&#13;
Thus, I am fully confident, we will move forward in&#13;
peace and harmony.&#13;
And thus, we will help our subjugated brothers and&#13;
sisters in oppressed Slovakia to approach the dream of&#13;
Milton, where he says:&#13;
Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing&#13;
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible&#13;
locks; Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youU&#13;
and kindling her un&lt;lazzled eyes at the full midday beam . . .&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>Editor
JOSEPH

PAU

C 0, Ph.D.

Published by:

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057

Volume XXIV

Number 47

�SLOVAKIA
•

VOLUME XXIV

1974

•

NO. 47

Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.

.

Published by

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA

313 Ridge Avenue

•

Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057

�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U.S. A.

�s

SLOVAKIA

Contents
Ma:i:imilian Hell, S. J. -

Stephen Sencik, S. J. -

5
Anthony X. Suther-

Tiso's Formative Years and Early Political Career -

land, Ph.D. -

24
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -

Philip A . Hrobak -

36
Andrew Pier,

The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day -

O.S.B. -

51

American Sl.ovaks Lost a Great Man -

Stephen B. Roman -

Slovak Destiny -

Joseph C. Krajsa - 54
57

Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress -

Behuncik -

Edward J.

60

Slovaks Abr,oad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle for Freedom -

J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovak Pioneers in America Slovaks in Blandburg -

63

Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -

Andrew Pier, O.S.B. - · 80 . . •

Michael O'Pake, Esq. -

Slovak Heritage -

The Youth Conference -

Tanzone -

67

84

Slovak League of America -

Daniel F.

88

Some Personal Observations • on the 1973 Slovak League of America
Conference - Susan Pojer, B.A. 92
One Species, Many Cultures -

Michael Novak -

96

The Artful Dodgers: Directors of Ethnic Studies Programs

Fenchak -

Paul

112

Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Great Slovak Talent -

Steven I. Miller, Ph.D.

120

130

The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and the Preservation of Slovak
Culture in America - William Wagner 132

156

Famous Slovak Inve'ntors -

Slovak Background of Events Through the Soviet Takeover in 1968

Jane Noonan -

162

The Slovak Arts in Perspective Slovak som ja -

Marlene Bartos -

Stephen John Knoblock -

Noted Slovak Jubilarians -

J. M. Kirschbaum -

210

Current Issues -

As the Others See It -

213

Who's Who Among American Slovaks Book Reviews -

217

Our Contributors -

232

169

177

215

Francis Vnuk -

181

�SLOVAKIA

Annual S L O V A K I A
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue,
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $4.00.

Editor: Joseph Pa u co, Ph .D.

Editorial Board:

Draga Divinska, Louis Kandra , Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,
Susan Mikula, M.A., Joseph A. Mikus, Ph .D., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.,
M.A. , Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.

�</text>
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                    <text>Editor
JOSEPH

PAU

C 0, Ph.D.

Published by:

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057

Volume XXIV

Number 47

�SLOVAKIA
•

VOLUME XXIV

1974

•

NO. 47

Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.

.

Published by

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA

313 Ridge Avenue

•

Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057

�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U.S. A.

�s

SLOVAKIA

Contents
Ma:i:imilian Hell, S. J. -

Stephen Sencik, S. J. -

5
Anthony X. Suther-

Tiso's Formative Years and Early Political Career -

land, Ph.D. -

24
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -

Philip A . Hrobak -

36
Andrew Pier,

The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day -

O.S.B. -

51

American Sl.ovaks Lost a Great Man -

Stephen B. Roman -

Slovak Destiny -

Joseph C. Krajsa - 54
57

Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress -

Behuncik -

Edward J.

60

Slovaks Abr,oad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle for Freedom -

J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovak Pioneers in America Slovaks in Blandburg -

63

Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -

Andrew Pier, O.S.B. - · 80 . . •

Michael O'Pake, Esq. -

Slovak Heritage -

The Youth Conference -

Tanzone -

67

84

Slovak League of America -

Daniel F.

88

Some Personal Observations • on the 1973 Slovak League of America
Conference - Susan Pojer, B.A. 92
One Species, Many Cultures -

Michael Novak -

96

The Artful Dodgers: Directors of Ethnic Studies Programs

Fenchak -

Paul

112

Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Great Slovak Talent -

Steven I. Miller, Ph.D.

120

130

The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and the Preservation of Slovak
Culture in America - William Wagner 132

156

Famous Slovak Inve'ntors -

Slovak Background of Events Through the Soviet Takeover in 1968

Jane Noonan -

162

The Slovak Arts in Perspective Slovak som ja -

Marlene Bartos -

Stephen John Knoblock -

Noted Slovak Jubilarians -

J. M. Kirschbaum -

210

Current Issues -

As the Others See It -

213

Who's Who Among American Slovaks Book Reviews -

217

Our Contributors -

232

169

177

215

Francis Vnuk -

181

�SLOVAKIA

Annual S L O V A K I A
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue,
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $4.00.

Editor: Joseph Pa u co, Ph .D.

Editorial Board:

Draga Divinska, Louis Kandra , Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,
Susan Mikula, M.A., Joseph A. Mikus, Ph .D., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.,
M.A. , Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.

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              <text>Editor&#13;
JOSEPH&#13;
&#13;
PAU&#13;
&#13;
C 0, Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
Published by:&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA&#13;
313 Ridge Avenue&#13;
Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057&#13;
&#13;
Volume XXIV&#13;
&#13;
Number 47&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
VOLUME XXIV&#13;
&#13;
1974&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
NO. 47&#13;
&#13;
Editor&#13;
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
.&#13;
&#13;
Published by&#13;
&#13;
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA&#13;
&#13;
313 Ridge Avenue&#13;
&#13;
•&#13;
&#13;
Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057&#13;
&#13;
Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U.S. A.&#13;
&#13;
s&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Contents&#13;
Ma:i:imilian Hell, S. J. -&#13;
&#13;
Stephen Sencik, S. J. -&#13;
&#13;
5&#13;
Anthony X. Suther-&#13;
&#13;
Tiso's Formative Years and Early Political Career -&#13;
&#13;
land, Ph.D. -&#13;
&#13;
24&#13;
Sr. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. -&#13;
&#13;
Philip A . Hrobak -&#13;
&#13;
36&#13;
Andrew Pier,&#13;
&#13;
The 35th Anniversary of Slovak Independence Day -&#13;
&#13;
O.S.B. -&#13;
&#13;
51&#13;
&#13;
American Sl.ovaks Lost a Great Man -&#13;
&#13;
Stephen B. Roman -&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Destiny -&#13;
&#13;
Joseph C. Krajsa - 54&#13;
57&#13;
&#13;
Slovak League of America and Slovak World Congress -&#13;
&#13;
Behuncik -&#13;
&#13;
Edward J.&#13;
&#13;
60&#13;
&#13;
Slovaks Abr,oad and Their Role in Slovakia's Struggle for Freedom -&#13;
&#13;
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovak Pioneers in America Slovaks in Blandburg -&#13;
&#13;
63&#13;
&#13;
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -&#13;
&#13;
Andrew Pier, O.S.B. - · 80 . . •&#13;
&#13;
Michael O'Pake, Esq. -&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Heritage -&#13;
&#13;
The Youth Conference -&#13;
&#13;
Tanzone -&#13;
&#13;
67&#13;
&#13;
84&#13;
&#13;
Slovak League of America -&#13;
&#13;
Daniel F.&#13;
&#13;
88&#13;
&#13;
Some Personal Observations • on the 1973 Slovak League of America&#13;
Conference - Susan Pojer, B.A. 92&#13;
One Species, Many Cultures -&#13;
&#13;
Michael Novak -&#13;
&#13;
96&#13;
&#13;
The Artful Dodgers: Directors of Ethnic Studies Programs&#13;
&#13;
Fenchak -&#13;
&#13;
Paul&#13;
&#13;
112&#13;
&#13;
Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Great Slovak Talent -&#13;
&#13;
Steven I. Miller, Ph.D.&#13;
&#13;
120&#13;
&#13;
130&#13;
&#13;
The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and the Preservation of Slovak&#13;
Culture in America - William Wagner 132&#13;
&#13;
156&#13;
&#13;
Famous Slovak Inve'ntors -&#13;
&#13;
Slovak Background of Events Through the Soviet Takeover in 1968&#13;
&#13;
Jane Noonan -&#13;
&#13;
162&#13;
&#13;
The Slovak Arts in Perspective Slovak som ja -&#13;
&#13;
Marlene Bartos -&#13;
&#13;
Stephen John Knoblock -&#13;
&#13;
Noted Slovak Jubilarians -&#13;
&#13;
J. M. Kirschbaum -&#13;
&#13;
210&#13;
&#13;
Current Issues -&#13;
&#13;
As the Others See It -&#13;
&#13;
213&#13;
&#13;
Who's Who Among American Slovaks Book Reviews -&#13;
&#13;
217&#13;
&#13;
Our Contributors -&#13;
&#13;
232&#13;
&#13;
169&#13;
&#13;
177&#13;
&#13;
215&#13;
&#13;
Francis Vnuk -&#13;
&#13;
181&#13;
&#13;
SLOVAKIA&#13;
&#13;
Annual S L O V A K I A&#13;
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue,&#13;
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $4.00.&#13;
&#13;
Editor: Joseph Pa u co, Ph .D.&#13;
&#13;
Editorial Board:&#13;
&#13;
Draga Divinska, Louis Kandra , Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,&#13;
Susan Mikula, M.A., Joseph A. Mikus, Ph .D., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B.,&#13;
M.A. , Daniel F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.&#13;
&#13;
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