1 50 8 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ca8a360d8ac991db9b6625a020e8a193.pdf 46e305dc05ad4a4f6891a0b844271e2d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the �2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip �SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 �j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:---- � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the �2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip �SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 �j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:---- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVIII 1968 NO. 4 1 A AGREEME T WHICH ,VAS NE"\ ER RE.AT1IZED ]'h e SloYak Lrag;ne of ~\.merica, an 01·gani:wtion Yoi<·ing Slm·ak politiral nncl social aspi1·ations in the frcr ,Yorld, v,as founded in CleYeland, Ohio eleven ~·e,ns beforn the rreation of the Czerho-Slon1 k Republir. ~rhr main objerti-..-e of its founder, Rev. Stephen l,' m·dek ,r~u, to amplif~· to the \Yorld federation of nations the sentiments of the SloYak people v,ho had lwl:'n mwble to express theiT ideas and desires freely cln(' to their continuing- subjugation by ali en regimes. Rev. Furdek's ,rnrk ,ras not in vain, foT with the nration of the Czerho-SloYak Republic by the Allied Po\\·ers at the end of World War I, the Slovaks were offered equal reprrsentation within the Czecho-SloYak federative goveTnment in an agTeernent commonly known among the Czech and SloYak peoples as the Pittsburgh Agreement. Among the reknown figures adding anthentirity to the Pittsburgh Agreement was P1·ofessm· Thoma. G. MasaTyk, forerunner of Dr. Ech,·m·cl Benes, who piloted Czecho-Slovak destiny until his demise at the hands of the Communists in 194:8. In signing the Pittsburgh Agreement in behalf of the Czech people, P1·ofe sor Masaryk made it clear that it " ·as the intent of the Czech leaders to make the Czecho-SloYak Republir a model state in which the 2 SLOVAKIA wo1-ld would see a ·w orking model of a federation with leadership eminating from the finest of two distinct ethnic cultures, the Czech and the Slovak peoples. But it soon became apparent to the SloYak people that the intent of the Pittsburgh Agreement was never to be realized. With the formation of the CzechoSlovak state, Czech educators, civil servants, and poljticians assumed all responsible positions within both the Czech and Slovak territorial limits of the ne\vlr created Republic. All attempts by the Slovaks to put jnto operation the promises of the Pittsburgh Agreement met with abject frustration. Slovak political leaders were imprisoned, and some Slovak citizens exterminated. The Slovak press was censored. The • Slovak people were humiliated, and subjected to a continuous planned strategy of keeping them in subservient positions. Slovakia historically has been rich in natural resources. It is no ·w onder then that the Slovak territories were kept completely j11dustrially unclm~elopecl while Slovak natural resOluces ,,;ere used over the years to keep the Czech industrial empire healthr and profitable. The Slovak League of America, spokesman for SloYak affairs on an international level, repudiates the Pittsburgh Agreement, but not because of the prjnciples fOl' which it ,vas undertaken, nor for its failure of fruition. Rather the Slovak League of America repudiates this agreement because of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of its Czech authors, because of its exposition as a delaying tactic solely for Czech nationalism, but mostly because of fifty years of historical, liYing proof that the Czech leader ·hip SLOVAKIA 3 ne,er intended, and does not intend e,en today to rec·ognize the SloYab; eYer as a distinct, separate ethnic cultm·e. For this reason ,rn call upon the United Nations to look into the SloYak situation, for the Slovak situation ·c·ries for so(·ial jnstiee for the Slovak people. We c-all npon the SoYiet Union to recognize the plight of the 810"\·ak people, and exe1·t their infh1ence in creating a climate health fn] for SlO"\·ak ec-onomic grnwth and nationhood. And finally ·we call npon the president of the United States, ·who as a leade1· of the ,Y esten1 V-l orld has supported the principle of self determination for all peoples in the world. EYery great president since the era of Woodrow v\'ilson, during \\·hose administrabon the Czecbo-Slovak Republic was created, has maintained his belief in the principle of ' elf determination. To the Slovaks in Slovakia we urge them to keep the fn ith of thei1· fathers, which they have already maintained for over fifty years. To the Slovaks in the Lnited States, ,rn ask that they cont:ume their efforts in behalf of their SloYak counterparts :iJ.1 Slovakia. In this atomic age, where new African nations emerge daily, ,,·c hope and pray tbat with God's help the thousand year old SloYak dream will finally be realized and tho e famous SloYak words r;t e na.fo, slov e11sh-ri rd zije, bucle zie 11aveky will forever rema:iJ.1 true. ,'-,'te phrn J. Tkach, P1·esident SloYak League of . . .\rn ericn 1 j t !t ko-$1outn9kll mohob llt ltlllltrtnti 1' i)ittsbur9hu.l)tt.. bnll ~o. tnajn. 1918. ",Prrbsbn•ittlin slootu,kicha cei;kf ,h organisocifuo ~poj. ~tatorh. ~louttt!lktj i!Ifg~~ ~!skrho3Tarobniho ~btruftttill tt ~uil1u irsk~th1Katoli~90. por~k~o,,li ta pntoumosti prc,,~c,\u ecsko-Slown-. :-h~.i 01,f\·. 6R,,~y. pr,,f. qu,..;,w~1 b.,,. 6 ~.::,;l\o-:-lol1.:n:-kc3 ,.,t.i1 lh· 4\ •" \M~i,·b }-""::-,w,{l\n!1~b 1""·"~1~l\.,h''-'~'d, pw_i,w,..~b ~, uini.:~li :,;,, n,,il~,'""l'\l( ~ .._, "SdH1.-duj.:\\'l.: pditid,y' p\·.,~;\·,,1~ 1.1:-i.lu.\tt.:i :-,\ ,, Sp""j,ni~ €.:d-,N1 ., $1,.,v,llt,"l.1 \,I $1\\\l•"$t,,tn""\1l ~t,t.: t ei:iol\\fd, SIN•cn~k,t. "Sl"wi:ni-lt"" bu"'" \lh\t -:-\•(\ju ,,l,utm.f ,,~m,ni~h,·.t{vu,S'-'',j l.:\11(., $\'""\C Hl~\.j. ·,,sl-,l•;n~hhl bu~i: ttM,\nym j,,1yt,,.. m V';k.,t\', 1,.1 ttr,,~, ,, ...,, i•~W~\lNll ?\\.'""ti: t,~l,I!'-•· l,.,-::-l"w\l :-l\\f~½.H ~ ..,~.: r~1m ~ li. ~"u· \Ch"" ~C\i~ti hi-:i,, bu,'.: ,\n,wl\r,,tid\4{. • · " "<9r~1,~i~,,~i,, ~1,,.,lupr,,~1? e~~b"t' ,, Sl.:-l1,,lwv \1" Sp""j. St,,t,-.,·b h1,\1? p,.. ,,~, p,,trcby ,, ml?iii,wci ~,•.$ih,,,~i.:,t,ri $l'""l.,";:ncu1 ' , p,·cb l'·,,~\h\, ,, upr,w,n,,. , • r "'~l·.,,m,1(\l\, "'11'.:-~rch,l \lS t,, n"\1,mi,, ., I,t\·,,.~l.'n{l.i~h,.,-:il"""'4?\'lSh (be ;tai, p,"\')~~h4.\\.14'\_\\l•h1 "":W1o.'h.,~,nym €ttl?.9(\\11 ,, Sl,.. v,Hh"\ll 4\ id, p1·,ft•cpl,,tn:1\,., }"N'-\:iot 1.,vit"l"\11." $\H\ll •• . .,e.: - -~=== ===:----  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Agreement Which Was Never Realized Description An account of the resource Stephen J. Tkach, President, Slovak League of America includes photographic copy of original Pittsburgh Pact Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 1-4 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tkach, Stephen J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c00456f49ea86471f4238ddb5960ed04.pdf dd07e75783228ba1f24d8c537611d79d PDF Text Text 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was �SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for �134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., �SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. �136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and �SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide �SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. �SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence �140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. �142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. �SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the �144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their �SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could �146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before �SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- �148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those �SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- �150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic �SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. �SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be �154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of �SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in �156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the �SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. �158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful �160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, �SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. �162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- �SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and �164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. �SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. �166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a �SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, �168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. �169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance �170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this �SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service �172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), �174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. �SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was �SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for �134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., �SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. �136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and �SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide �SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. �SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence �140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. �SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. �142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. �SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the �144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their �SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could �146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before �SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- �148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those �SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- �150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic �SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly �152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. �SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be �154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of �SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in �156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the �SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. �158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the �SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful �160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, �SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. �162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- �SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and �164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. �SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. �166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a �SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, �168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. �169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance �170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this �SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service �172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. �SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), �174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. �SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 �176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 132 SLOVAK.IA CURRENT ISSUES MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA Americans of Slovak descent have always expressed their loyalty to the United States of America, in harmony with their traditional effort of preserving peace and order and helping to strengthen the principles for which our democracy stands. A very large segment of the Slovak nation is thankful to Almighty God for having found a home in this our free and great republic, not only because we can freely express our private views and wishes, but also because we can speak freely in behalf of a nation which has so many times looked upon the Slovaks in the United States as their only hope for freedom and salvation. A great milestone in the life of Americans of Slovak descel'lt was the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact on May 30, 1918 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where the Slovak League of America, representing the Slovaks in the United States, met with their Czech counterparts under the leadership of Thomas G. Masaryk. The basis of the Pittsburgh Pact lies in this assertion: "Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own- assembly, and her own courts." This was the result of the spirit of self-determination which started at the initiative of the United States. In this spirit not only American Slovaks, but the Slovaks in Slovakia demanded their right to a free nation, and sincerely desired to reach an agreement with the Czech nation, with whom, according to the Pittsburgh Pact, they were to live in a federation. It is a historical fact that it was not the fault of the Slovaks that the spirit and letter of the Pittsburgh Pact was realized only at the end of 1938, when there was no longer any possibility of even a federation for the Slovak and Czech peoples. The European and world political forces dictated a new development, which neither the Slovaks nor Czechs could influence. The only chance presented to the Slovaks was to look for new approaches and opportunities to preserve their own Slovak entity. This salvation was SLOVAKIA 133 found, though the Slovak nation as well as the Slovak people in the United States had hoped that this salvation would have come from the west, and especially from the United States. After the second world war Slovaks found themselves under the domination of communism and Czechs. Again as in the case of the Pittsburgh Pact, Prague leaders did not keep their word and the principle of self-determin ation was not realized in Slovakia. On the contrary, this principle of self-determin ation was oppressed not only by the Czechs, but by the Soviets as well, who mercilessly stopped any attempt and expression for a free and democratic way of life. Remembering with reverence and admiration our predecessors who signed this historical document in Pittsburgh, we must express our position on this occassion, the 50th Anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, negotiated by the Slovak League and those American-Slo vak organizations who joined her in the furtherance of this Slovak objective. To the question asked here in the United States and in Slovakia, "What is the position of Americans of Slovak descent concerning Slovakia today?", the following is our response : -The principles of justice, freedom, and democracy as represented by American thinking and action are sacred and untouchable to the Slovak League of America -The welfare, security, and preservation of the future of the United States is our utmost objective -No sacrifice is too large when the very foundations of American institutional life are involved, as well as the security of private ownership. The spread of the good name of the United States in word, but especially in deed, in the press and by example is primary with the Slovak League -Bearing in mind that the Slovak nation was, is, and always will be an ally of the west, and especially the United States, giving America almost half her sons and daughters and, ..:._Following and closely scrutinizing the developments in Slovakia, and knowing that freedom is a gift from God, The Slovak League of America endorses the highest right of the Slovak nation, and requests for 134 SLOVAKIA Slovakia an independent Slovak Republic, which government and judical system will be chosen by the Slovak people in a free and democratic election. In this behalf, so help us God! February 26, 1968 Stephen J. Tkach, President D r. Joseph Pauco, Secretary Executive Committee: Rt. Rev. Theodore Koji s, O.S.B . John A . Sabol Joseph Prusa Joseph Kristofik SLOVAK POLITICS "Give us this day our daily bread" in the Lord's Prayer was explained by Andrej H 1 ink a as politics! Why? Because in that petition our economic needs are implied and since we cannot presume to impose upon Divine Providence to rain down Manna from the heavens above, we must work for our daily bread. But when this demands superhuman effort because of foreign exploitation of the country one inhabits, then the inhabitants must do something about it . . . and they must become involved in politics. Such were the circumstances in Hlinka's time when Czech c a r p e tbaggers and their allies exploited the Slovaks ( as the Magyars had done before them ) that the Slovak priest in the role of a good shepherd sought to protect his flock from being fleeced by alien interlopers and thieves, and the same need exists today, for the Prague central government controls the national economy in Slovakia. Visitors to Expo 67 were amazed to note the small number of Slovak personnel in Montreal's pavilion that represented Czecho-Slovakia. The ratio was quite accurately estimated at 5 or 6 to 1. This is gross injustice to the Slovak nation when one considers there are approximately 5 million Slovaks and 9 million Czechs. These two nations constitute 90 % of the population of the c-SSR, ie., SLOVAKIA Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic (the 10 % represents Magyar, Polish, German, Gypsy and Jewish people. N.B. More than 3 million Germans were expelled from the Sudeten lands and some 700,000 Ruthenes were annexed in the eastern area of Czecho-S 1 o v a k i a by the U.S.S.R. in the Carpatho-Rusin region). The same discrimination against the Slovaks by the Czech ruling regime is being shown in Slovakia where the great majority of official government personnel and industrial management is preponderantly n o n-Slovak. Moreover, the Czechs hold 90 % of the number of army 135 officers from the top to the bottom! These facts which indicate what a death-grip the Czech regime has on Slovakia economically and militarily fully justify the Slovaks in their determination to free themselves from foreign rule, and if we consider that they are deprived of religious freedom, too, American Slovaks cannot help but extend a helping hand to oppressed brethren beyond the seas. We are in sympathy with their cause, and for that reason individually and collectively we, too, are determined to do something about it, even if it means we must go into politics! A . P. U.S. IMMIGRATION PATTERN TO CHANGE JULY 1 On July 1, 1968, the United States will put into effect a new immigration system. In place of the old national origins quotas, visas will be issued without regard to the immigrant's birthplace or nationality on a world-wide, first-come first-served basis, according to a series of preferences established by the law of October 3, 1965. However, not more than 20,000 immigration visas may be issued in any one year to the natives of any Eastern Hemisphere country (Europe, Asia and Africa ), and not more than 170,000 visas may be issued in any year to immigrants from all Eastern Hemisphere countries. Excluded from these totals will be the immediate relatives of American citizens, that is, their spouses, children or parents. Also, on July 1, a numerical limitation, 120,000 a year, will be placed for the first time on immigration from the W e s t e r n Hemisphere (South and Central America, Mexico and Canada). As in the Eastern Hemisphere, this. 136 SLOVAKIA limitation will not apply to the immediate relatives of American citizens. The 20,000 ceiling applicable to individual countries in the Eastern Hemisphere will not apply to Western Hemisphere countries. Not more than 200 visas may be issued in any year to the natives of a colony or dependent area. How is this new system likely to affect immigration to the United States? Numerically, it is not likely to result in any pronounced change. In the five years preceding enactment of the October 3, 1965 law, immigration averaged 290,062 a year; in the following two, the average was 342,506. Since the demand for visas in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres is expected to exceed the totals permitted (170,000 a nd 120,000 respectively) and :since the number of immigrants exempt from numerical limitation has been running around 40,000 a year (not counting the natives of Western Hemisphere countries), it seems likely that under the new system immigration will be approximately 330,000, or a third of a million, a year. It is certain, however, that the ethnic composition of immigration to the United States will be different. Countries which had small quotas but long waiting lists will be sending far more immigrants than those which formerly had 1 a r g e quotas such as Great Britain, Germany and Ireland. The U.S. Visa Office estimates that in the Eastern Hemisphere the countries sending the largest number of immigrants in the year beginning July 1 will be Italy, Greece, Portugal, China and the Philippines. With immigration on a world-wide basis, what is important for the would-be immigrant is that he get on the waiting list in his country as early as possible. Even if he does, his chances of coming to the United States are slight, unless he qualifies for one of the seven categories entitled to preference. These seven categories or preferences and the number of visas to which each is entitled are as follows: 1. Unmarried s o n s and daughters of U.S . citizens. 34,000 (20 percent of the 170,000 total) 2. Spouses and unmarried sons and daughters of aliens lawfully admitted for permanent residence. 34,000 (20 percent) plus numbers unused by First Preference 3. Members of the professions, and scientists and SLOVAKIA artists of exceptional ability. 17,000 (10 percent) 4. Married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens. 17 ,000 (10 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 5. Brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens. 40,800 (24 percent) plus numbers unused by higher preferences 6. Skilled and unskilled workers in occupations for which labor is in short supply in the U.S. 17,000 (10 percent ) 7. Refugees. 10,200 (6 percent) ( These preferences apply to all E a s t e r n Hemisphere countries. They do not apply to the Western Hemisphere, where for the present at least there are no preferences.) The foregoing system of selection puts principal emphasis on family relationships. The Visa Office estimates that the 85,000 visas available for first, second, and fourth preference immigrants in the year beginning July 1, 1968, will be more than enough to meet the demand in those categories. In contrast, it expects the third, fifth and sixth preferences to be greatly oversubscribed, so that there will be a substantial waiting list for brothers 137 and sisters of United States citizens (fifth preference), members of the professions (third preference), and skilled and unskilled aliens (sixth preference). The fifth preference is entitled to any unused numbers from the four earlier preferences. Unlike the relative preferences, the third and sixth preference are limited to the numbers assigned them. The Visa Office anticipates that on June 30, 1968, there will be a backlog or waiting list for the third preference of some 48,000 . Since only 17,000 numbers a year are available for this category, the backlog and waiting period will increase. This is also true for the sixth preference, skilled and unskilled aliens in short supply. For the fifth preference the Visa Office estimates a backlog on June 30, 1968, of 194,000. This is expected to decrease to 179,200, but that will still mean a substantial waiting time. At present some aliens in countries with large or not fully used quotas have been getting visas as nonpreference immigrants, even though they could qualify for the ,third or sixth preference. But this will not be true after June 30, 1968, when visa issuance goes on a world-wide SLOVAKIA basis. Such persons, natives, for example, of such countries as Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Norway, if they are not sure of getting their v i s a s before July 1, should apply at once for preference, in order to avoid being at the end of the waiting list. In some countries, I t a 1 y for example, where the demand for the first five preferences will bring visa issuance to 20,000, there will be no sixth preference visas. As a r e s u 1 t of the new world-wide system, few, if any, visas will be available for nonpreference immigrants from Eastern Hemisphere countries after the national origins quotas are abolished on June 30, 1968. The demand for fifth and sixth preferences is so large that no numbers are expected to be left for nonpreference immigrants, except for any unused seventh preference numbers, and then only in countries in which preference demand does not exceed 20,000. Further, all nonpreference immigrants, as well as those within preference categories 3 and 6 and all W e s t e r n Hemisphere immigrants except immediate relatives, must obtain a "labor clearance" before receiving a visa. This is a certification from the Department of Labor that they will not displace American workers and that their admission will not have an adverse effect on the wages and working conditions of workers here. This provision, whatever its merit in protecting American labor, operates to prevent, or at least make more difficult, the admission of the nonpreference or "new seed" immigrant - that is, the kind of immigrant who in earlier years constituted the bulk of our immigration and contributed so much to the building of the United States. A VISIT TO SLOVAKIA An American Slovak of the younger generation recently returned from a brief visit to Slovakia. What he experienced and observed during his sojourn in the land of his forefathers I hereby report at his personal request. He did not wish to reveal his name because of fear that the ruling regime might take reprisals against relatives and friends. "I was in Slovakia. Like many others from America I went only for a short stay. SLOVAKIA 139 I saw the natural wonders of the land of my late parents. The three weeks that I spent there will never fade from my memory. Morever, r put down my impressions in my diary. their serious discussions about world affairs. Their minds, I could readily see, were involved in problems of the universe even at their tender age ranging from thirteen to seventeen. That the Slovak nation is deeply religious, open-hearted, hospitable, industrious, healthy and vigorous, honest and dignified, r learned at first hand. Slovak youth particularly, despite some weaknesses excesses and handicaps, i~ on the whole simply beautiful alert and alive wholeso~e and fully con~ scious of its national heritage I noted that both the boy~ and girls are obsessed by desire to learn. They are respectful to their elders, which is an ancient national trait and tradition. Their behavior was correspondingly very good. Their curiosity about what's happening in the rest of the world was simply astounding. I had the opportunity to observe this on my journey eastward via train. During the entire journey, I noticed groups of teen-agers huddled together over newspapers and periodicals. Their comments were both intelligent and stimulating. I have a good knowledge of the Slovak language and hence I could not help but appreciate their conversation, as well as Naturally, neither economically nor socially could they be compared with conditions in America. Their living standards. are far below th~s~ of our high standard, of hvmg. B':1t the people don t seem to mmd very much. The new ge~eratioi:1', alth~ugh inte:ested m the fmer thmgs of life, on the mater~al side, app~ar to be well adJusted to their present status while planning a ~etter future through educatlon and hard work. We who live in America know what the Slovaks desire more than anything in this world, namely, their freedom from foreign rule. There is no question that they do not enjoy either political or religious liberty. Anyone who has eyes to see and ears to hear cannot miss this obvious lack of local and national freedom or personal 1 i be rt y as we know it in America. The Slovaks bear a double yoke: a) Czech overrule b) Communist oppression. The regime is 'Czechoslovak' in theory and practice, and therefore, anti-Slovak, and communistic, hence 140 SLOVAKIA atheistic-in both cases expressly and extremely so. Slovak people, however, in spite of the above noted burdens they are forced to bear, have such native strength and stamina that they are making progress in industry, literature and culture, if not in politics. They are holding fast to the faith of their fathers. I was moved to tears when attending Mass in a number of churches. The voices of both young and old blended in a sacred symphony that was an outer manifestation of their deep and abiding faith. In the last twenty years the Slovaks have suffered much for their faith. Many died unsung martyrs because they refused to abandon their religious beliefs. This, I am firmly convinced assures the future national destiny of the Slovak people, for the blood of their martyrs and the constancy of countless confessors of the faith constitute an inexhaustible stream of living waters for generations to come. Eventually, the godless, not the Godly, will be overcome. In closing my remarks, I wish to leave this message: Do not fear the outcome. The Slovaks at home are not afraid. They are steadfast immovable in their faith. But pray, as our persecuted brethren in Slovakia pray constantly, that the day of their deliverance may come soon. That the day of liberation will come, there is no doubt in their minds. They look forward with anticipation to the day when once again, after a quarter of a century, they will guide the destiny of their country as free men under God." This is the way our young American fellow Slovak described his visit to Slovakia. We, who cherish our noble heritage of Christian faith and f r e e d o m in this great land of 1 i be rt y, welcome these realistic observations and reactions as unmistakable signs of the future, for a nation with such spirit and a wholesome outlook on life must certainly emerge triumphant after suffering an ordeal by fire in our tragic age of man's inhumanity to man. Slovakia with a glorious past now awaits the dawn of an even more glorious era. May God in His goodness and mercy grant the beginning of a new age of freedom and peace for the Slovak nation in our time. A. P. Annual SL O VA KI A is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Pauco. SLOVAKIA 141 JUST THE TRUTH ... PLEASE In the February 18, 1968, tions of the country which edition of The New York had traditionally figured as Times Magazine, Mr. Ed- the bulwark of democracy, mund Stillman presented les- the total vote for the Comsons on "The Fall of Czecho- munist-left Socialist coalition slovakia." Because I witnes- was a solid 55.76 per cent. sed the Communist take-over Only in agrarian and conof the country 20 years ago, servative S 1 ova k i a were I would like to make a few these proportions reversed." r e m a r k s on the article I would like to express my (pages 34-46) to correct some thanks for this truthful comfacts . ment. On May 26, 1946, I was elecIf not for the Czech majorted as a member of Parlia- ity, Czecho-Slovakia would be ment in Prague by a 92.3 % with the· west today. We Slomajority for the Slovak De- vaks are proud of our "primocratic Party. The night mitivism" against Communbefore the election the Com- ism, which was defeated in munists organized my kid- the 1946 election in Slovakia. napping to the USSR which Mr. Stillman mentioned a bordered my native district so-called "Czechoslovak naof Sobrance. My electoral tion" which doesn't e x i s t. district was along the "first" The Czech nation in in CzeIron Curtain. cho and the Slovak nation is Mr. Stillman called this in Slovakia with their own district " ... the more back- languages. I agree with the ward region of Slovakia to statement that on Wednesthe east . . .", and " .. . the day, February 25, "The ArchCzechs despised the Slovaks bishop of Prague called on as primitives or traitors." I the nation to support the was proud to be an educator Constitution." Ar ch bishop and a Superintendent of Beran called only on the Schools in Slovakia. Czechs. The Slovak Catholics The writer has given full never belonged with Prague credit to the Czechs for the but were d i r e c t 1 y under fall of Czecho-Slovakia into Rome. For their resistance to the Soviet block. He was the Communist doctrine, right when he stated that "In SIX of the NINE Slovak Bohemia and Moravia, the Catholic bishops DIED in industrialized western por- prisons. 142 SLOVAKIA Also, it was mentioned that Czecho-Slovakia at that time " ... was a practicing democracy." I would not agree because I was the ONLY MEMBER of Parliament in Prague in 1947 who denounced the brutality of the Communistheaded secret police who were torturing innocent Slovaks in Bratislava prisons. For that speech during the Communist coup d'etat in February of 1948, I was charged with treason and managed to survive o:r:tly by escap- ing to the West. Enclosed is a translation of that parliamentary speech. We Slovaks, as the Czechs say, are traitors, but the Czechs had "human rights and honor" when they sold Czecho-Slovakia and with it us Slovaks behind the Iron Curtain. There can be no doubt why in the USA I am carrying on the mission for a free Slovakia which cannot be dominated and sold-out by the Czechs in the future. Stefan Blasko IDEALS OF 'DHE SLOVAK NATION I think the story, the traditions and the honoc of the Slovak people is one of the most glorious stories in history. It is hard to find a story of any people who for more than one thousand years were deprived of liberty, nationality, and subjected to national and religious persecution. The Slovaks have given all the world a lesson in what i,t means to be devoted to ideals. During the crucial period of their history, these brothers, sisters, and children of thait noble race came to our United States which has ever been a sanctuary and a home O'f persecuted people. With this thought I have many recollections of the past and of that beautiful country of Slovakia from which you or your ancestors have come. It was my privilege in the happy days of peace to know your country and the character of your people, for I went to school for five yeairs with many of the boys from that country, some of whom have come to be priests here in our United States. I know the thoughts that fill your minds today of the disaster, injustice, the tyranny, the oppression, the cruelty that has come over an injured Europe that we once knew, for Europe was a great mother of America ... and I know how you feel because I feel the same. You and I must show our sympathy and give our help in every way possible to those naitions thart g,ave us birth and our birth rights. Our happiness is saddened by the thought of our persecuted brethren in Europe. We associate ourselves with them in prayer, also in determination to do everyithing in our power to alleviate their suffering. We express sympathy to those who suffered persecution foc justice's sake asking Almighty God to give them grace to carry on - Francis Cardinal Spellman in the practice of their faith. SLOVAKIA 143 BOOK REVIEWS MORE A BOU T D R. Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic. In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of his death at the hands of the enemies of Slovak Independence. By Fr. Vnuk. Publishers: Association of Australian Slov aks. P . Gerdelan, Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., PTy ., Ltd., Sydney, 1967. An unprepossessing volume of a meager fifty pages, this important work by a prolific Slovak writer, however, is a clear, concise, factual account of the life of a Slovak leader who died on the gallows: for his faith, for his Slovak nation, for the Christian country of Slovakia in the heart of Europe. Msgr. Tiso, a Catholic priest, represented his people's ancient faith of more than a thousand years' tradition . .AJ; a spiritual leader he was, therefore a symbol of the religious background and heritage that began with SS. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century A.D. As a political figure he was more than a politician-he was a shepherd of his flock, i.e. , the Slovak people, a revered chieftain of his clan, and a statesman whose vision, courage and leadership guided the newly independent Slovak Republic safely through the dark days of World War II. By the very nature of its brevity, the modest volume leaves much to be desired in the way of a more detailed, and consequently a more thorough review and analysis of events that are merely touched upon. Nevertheless, for one who is acquainted with the history of Slovakia, the book can well serve as a good manual for a series of talks JOZE F T IS0 and even as a logical and chronological framework for a later edition of greater proportions. Moreover, the historical background to the modern emergence of the Slovak nation and its independent state is quite adequate for those to whom the material is entirely new. What puzzles people in the western world is the presence of members of the clergy in politics. Although there is no valid reason why they, as citizens, should be excluded from the political stage, their clerical status automatically does exclude them in the minds of most people. This in spite of the fact that the American Congress from the very beginning has traditionally attracted numerous Protestant clergymen and their membership was never seriously questioned. Be that as it may, the author explains that the need for leaders in Slovakia necessiated the 'participation and involvement,' to borrow a really modern phrase, of dynamic priests who answered the call to duty for the public welfare but considered it not only a privilege but an obligation to serve the interests of religion whenever the Church was under attack, as certainly was the case after World War I when atheistic, communistic and anti-clerical elements joined forces against the Church in Slovakia. In this matter, as in others, Vnuk's work is well documented. Tiso's early political ventures were not always successful. Thus, his policy of coalition with the Czechs ended in fiasco. In 1927 he persuaded Hlinka to abandon his basic policy of opposition to the 144 SLOVAKIA Prague central regime and join the government in an attempt to secure more recognition for the Slovaks. In about two years Hlinka's Slovak People's Party resumed its uncompromising stand because the Slovaks became convinced that the Czechs were determined to maintain their position of domination over Slovakia. Dr. V. Tuka paid for the 'noble experiment' by being framed and sentenced to a 15-yr. prison sentence on charges of treason. This was a foreshadowing of the reprisals that were to cost him his life, as well as the lives of President Tiso and many stalwart Slovaks after World War II. Again in the presidential election of 1935 when President Masaryk resigned at the age of 85, Dr. Tiso negotiated with Dr. Benes whose candidacy was closely challenged in the race for the presidency, and gave him full support upon Dr. Benes' promise that if he were elected Slovakia would get autonomy in a year. The Slovaks were deceived by the new president, who, like his illustrious predecessor, failed to keep his word of honor. So once again the Slovaks were duped. In .!~merica they had given full support t0 Masaryk during World War I after he had signed the Pittsburgh Pact guaranteeing the Slovaks naticnal selfgovernment or autonomy. . . in Slovakia they were the deciding factors in Benes' succes;,ful bid for the presidency . . . and in both cases they were victimized. In the unrelenting drive for selfgovernment in Slovakia, Martin Razus, a Protestant clergyman :md writer, with his National Party became faithful allies of Andrej Hlinka. Even in the Slovak Agrarian Party the spirit of autonomy became more . and more apparent after the election of Dr. Benes. Upon the death of Hlinka on August 16, 1938, on the eve of the Munich crisis, leadership of the Slovak People's Party passed on to Dr. Tiso. The problem of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia was suddenly resolved by the Czech centralist regime in Prague in the fall of that year. A matter that had dragged on for a score of years was finally settled in less than two months because of the immediacy of the situation brought on the swift rush of events that threatened the disruption of the CzechoSlovak Republic. Even at that later date it was the united demand of all Slovak political parties (with the exception of two small factions, the Communists and the Social Democrats) at 2ilina, Slovakia, that actually prodded the Czech government to take action. Slovak autonomy was a reality at last! Bratislava became the center of the newly-established Slovak autonomous government. Almost immediately a crisis ensued as Germany annexed the Sudeten lands in Bohemia and Hungary made insistent demands on southern Slovak territorial lands. Dr. Tiso staunchly defended the Slovak cause as premier but despite his attempt to modify the excessive claims of the Magyars at Komarno, a German-Italian commission (headed by Von Ribbentrop and Count Ciano) decided arbitrarily to cede 4,000 square miles of southern Slovakia with a population of a million (considerably more than a third of whom were outspoken Slovaks and the rest mostly Magyarized Slovaks) to Hungary by the unjust award of the Vienna Verdict of November 2, 1938. Visibly shaken by the injustice of the Vienna declaration by which the Slovaks lost a full 20 % of their SLOVAKIA historic lands and people on the Slovak-Magyar border, the new autonomous government in Slovakia, however, faced the future with courage and determination and proceeded to consolidate its political forces. Accordingly, all political parties were united into a single party of Slovak national unity. Under its banner the Slovaks elected 63 members to the Slovak parliament in the national elections in December of that fateful year. Undaunted by the seriousness of the events that saw the new autonomous government come into power, the Slovak parliament assembled in Bratislava on January 18, 1939. Dr. Tiso gave the keynote address in which he emphasized that Christian ideology was fundamental to the structure and spirit of the Slovak self-governing state in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Moreover, he steered a middle course in the turbulent stream of events that moved a group of young ardent Slovak nationalists to push the Slovak ship of state directly towards the shores of complete national freedom and independence. In Prague the central government became alarmed at this turn of events and made March 9, 1939 a fatal decision, namely, to occupy Slovakia by force. Prague ordered Czech troops to seize military control of Slovakia and declared martial law. Simultaneously with the dispatching of army units to Slovakia the dismissal of Dr. Tiso as Slovak premier was announced. Karol Sidor was named his successor. When Germany's offer to discuss the situation with Sidor met with a rebuff, Dr. Tiso was urged by party leaders to go to Berlin for a conference. He went to the German 145 capital on March 13, conferred with both Von Ribbentrop and Hitler and was told that if the Slovaks refused to declare their national independence, their country would be divided between Hungary and Poland. The Magyars had already taken 1/5 of Slovak territory at the end of the previous year. Faced with this dilemma, the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, voted unanimously for the declaration of Slovak independence. Although Dr. Tiso was the acknowledged head of the Slovak Peoples' Party after Hlinka's death, and the premier of the Slovak autonomous government inside CzechoSlovakia, it was not until October 26 of that year that the Slovak parliament officially and unanimously elected him president of the newlyestablished Slovak State. What type of a man was Tiso? Everyone is naturally curious to know the answer. Physically, he was a heavy-set man with broad shoulders, a striking face and imposing head, of more than average height. He moved graciously and walked with dignity. In keeping with his physical appearance he was a big man intellectually. Yet, he was not a cold and calculating man but a man with a ready smile, a sparkle in his blue eyes, and a warmth that radiated from his fatherly personality. He especially loved children and was a beloved pastor in his parish at Banovce which he administered to the end of his presidency of the Slovak Republic. Pazmaneum University and Seminary in Vienna graduated Dr. Jozef Tiso with high honors in studies of philosophy and theology. As a preacher and speaker he commanded attention by the sheer power of logic, as well as by his strong, resonant baritone voice that could 146 SLOVAKIA reach Jisterners at the fringes of a large crowd or audience. He differed from the eloquent Hlinka, whose passionate, impetuous oratory and silver-toned tenor voice moved his hearers to cheers of adulation. Tiso, a moderate rather than an impetuous man, sought to carry out policies of his party in a quiet, yet forceful and persevering manner. At heart, however, he remained a profoundly simple, sincere and humble priest who though president of the country took time out quite regularly to attend to parochial duties in his beloved Banovce parish on weekends. President Tiso preached, baptized and offered up Mass the same as any devoted pastor of a typical Slovak parish. Undoubtedly, a further clue to his personality is his own personal adjustment to his position as president. At no time did he approve of any secret servicemen to accompany him for security measures. He walked the streets of Bratislava daily . . . and unattended. He made frequent trips throughout the country unattended, i.e., without police escort. Such was his personal courage and trust in the people whom he loved and served, and who not only respected but loved him in return. German interference in internal Slovak politics was kept at minimum although at the express orders from Berlin, Vnuk declares, Dr. :i')urcansky and others were dismissed from high posts in order to make way for a Germanophile group led by V. Tuka and A. Mach. Jews in Slovakia remained unmolested until March, 1943, when the Ministry of Interior, in compliance with German orders, began their deportation. By August of the same year, however, this ceased entirely because of disturbing re- ports and rumors that the Germans were exterminating all Jews in concentration camps_ From that date until the end of the conflict in 1945, the Jews were protected by law as special wards of the Slovak state and shielded by thousands of Slovaks privately. At least 80% of Slovak Jews were saved in this way. An insidious conspiracy that flared up into a revolt in August of 1944 against the Slovak Republic was instigated by a coalition of communists and Czechoslovak partisan factions, and bolstered by Soviet parachutists, in the northern hills of the country in the Banska Bystrica region. Although summarily put down with the aid of a small German division in less than six weeks, the revolution cost the Slovaks some 30,000 lives (mostly civilians caught in the line of fire) and the destruction of a score of villages and towns, strategic railways, tunnels, <bridges and roads. It was a rebellion staged by totally irresponsible elements in the country and supported by a number of high officers who were guilty of treason ... and all guilty of a crime that resulted in the ruthless and useless destruction of many innocent lives of men, women and children. Invasion of Slovakia by the onrushing Soviet forces came in the East at the beginning of the new year of 1945. By May 1, Slovakia was overrun by three Soviet armies that showed no mercy to the Slovaks whose towns they pillaged from one end of the country to the other. The victorious troops wrote a tragic chapter of rape, murder and ravage in this era of the socalled 'liberation' of World War II. Meanwhile, at the very last minute members of the Tiso government crossed into Austria. Before SLOVAKIA the war ended officially, President Tiso and members of his government were turned over to the Czech forces by U.S. Army to whom Dr. Tiso had voluntary surrendered. He was put into chains (actually), taken to Prague and led through the streets of the Czech capital, then to Bratislava, to await trial 'for treason' and as 'war criminal'. Their doom was a foregone conclusion. Dr. Benes and his colleagues, who thirsted for revenge, would see to it that they would hang. Wherever Communists seize power, it is common knowledge, they seek to intrench themselves firmly by a reign of terror. They pursue a policy of inprisonment, torture and death to instill terror into the hearts of people everywhere in order to paralyze all efforts of opposition. So it happened in Slovakia. Thousands were marched off to prison on the slightest pretext or for no reason at all. Before long, the clergy and Religious were destined to feel the brunt of persecution as the postwar atheistic communist regime consolidated its power to an absolute degree. The Church became a prime target of the new rule that pulled no punches in its relentless drive to absolute political control of the country. The final disposition of President Tiso was an open secret. A coalition of Dr. Benes and his reprisal-minded clique in Prague with the communists sealed the fate of the stellar Slovak statesman. His trial for the sake of appearances dragged on through four months from December 1946 to March 1947 in an all out effort to discredit the Slovak president, the Slovak Republic and aspirations of the Slovak nation to statehood. Highly censored reports were is- 147 sued to the press . . . all radio coverage was strictly 'edited.' It became quite obvious that his enemies and the foes of Slovak freedom were determined to destroy him. None was more intransigent than Dr. Benes. Assurances that Dr. Tiso would be granted political amnesty in the event of a verdict of death proved to be h o 11 o w phrases. In the final showdown following the official pronouncement of death by hanging on charges of 'treason' neither Dr. Benes nor the 17 members of a special government panel of high officials relented in their attitude, they upheld the verdict of the court. President Tiso was executed at dawn on April 18, 1947. Witnesses of the execution of President Tiso testify that he was calm throughout the ordeal. He walked quietly and prayerfully to his death on the gallows. Even the official news dispatches confirmed this report of the last hours of Msgr. Tiso. News of the execution of the Slovak president deeply stirred his fellow countrymen everywhere. His grave in a Bratislava cemetery became a national shrine overnight. Thousands rushed to place flowers on his last resting place ... not for long however, for the body of the Slovak nation's martyr was exhumed, taken away and cremated and his ashes scattered in an unknown place lest Tiso's grave, or even his ashes, become a memorial for a grief-stricken nation. This, the government shamelessly admitted, was what prompted its decision to remove the body forever for fear that a permanent national shrine should be erected to the memory of President Tiso in Slovakia. After a score of years of Czech- 148 SLOVAKIA communist rule over Slovakia resistance to political oppression and religious persecution is as strong as ever. The memory of the vengeful postwar policies emanating from Prague produced a permanent cleavage between the Czechs and Slovaks. The author, as all loyal Slovaks believe, declares the death of Tiso completely and irreparably severed the ties between the Czechs and Slovaks for a permanent sta,t e. Experience of 20 years of Czech rule from the centralist Prague after World War I and another score of years of Czecho-communist oppression and ruthless religious persecution directed from the Czech capital has touched the lives of appiioximately 5 million Slovaks in their historic homeland and another 5 million Slovaks scattered around the world. These have vowed to keep faith with their honored dead not to rest until Slovakia is once more free and independent, and a Slovak state restored to its rightful place in the family of free nations of the world. Final evaluation of the impact of Dr. Tiso's personality and the influence under the most adverse circumstances imaginable must await the verdict of future historians. They will be able to view his time in its proper perspective, weigh all the factors involved and present the facts dispassionately and justly in the light of genuine evidence. The 'rise and fall' (to borrow a popular phrase) of President Tiso and the Slovak Republic will then be viewed in its proper setting and will be adjudged according to just merits. Postwar condemnation of Tiso and his government in the Slovak Republic will be erased as an unjust stigma of disgrace for which Czech foes of Slovak freedom are responsible. Having done nothing themselves to save their country from Nazi occupation, they vented their rage on the great Slovak leader who dared to lead his people towards national freedom and independence when the rest of Europe was on the verge of a war of revenge, fratricidal slaughter and genocide. Destruction of the Slovak Republic and the execution of its president and members of the Slovak government was meant to be the death knell of the Slovak nation's aspirations to freedom and statehood. This was not to be the final verdict nor the final destiny of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks are convinced their fate under God is not oblivion but survival, and a glolious revival of life in their own independent national state. Fr. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. SLOVAKS BYPASSED BY CZECHS IN INFLUENCE ON WILSON By Prof. Aitstin J. App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College The book, I mmigrants' Influen- President Wilson between 1917 and ce on Wilson's Peace Policies, edit- 1920 in shaping the disastrous ed by Prof. Joseph P. O'Grady, LaSalle College, written by various scholars, and published by .the University Press, Lexington, Kentucky (309 pages, $8.50 ) throws much light en the pressures exerted upon peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. Since these led to World War II and subsequent enslavement of all the countries carved out of the Austro-Hungarian empire, history must judge those SLOVAKIA 149 treaties as calamities for Europe University, suggests that there and the world. were about 700,000 Slovak immigThe book shows that the Ger- rants in America during World man-Americans were too cowed to War I. The estimates for the Carinfluence the peace, though their patho-Ruthenians run all the way disillusionment with the Versail- from 6,299 to 500,000. Prof. Mamatey reports: les Treaty influenced the rejection of the Treaty by Congress. The "Whether or not it was due to British were enormously influen- the support of the American Slotial in getting the U.S. into war vaks, American officials never and later in checkmating the Irish questioned Masaryk's and Benes's wish for self-determination for Ire- right to speak for the Slovaks" land. The Zionists were enormously (p. 239). influential in preventing a separate The Slovak League of America , peace treaty with Turkey, securing formed in 1907, drafted a memothe dismemberment of the Turkish randum in July 1914, envisioning empire, and through the Balfour "only Slovak administrative and Declaration achieving the gradual cultural autonomy in Hungary, not take-over of Palestine. The Aust- independence or unity with the rians and the Hungarians, like the Czechs in a Czechoslovak state" German-Americans, had practically (p. 232). And until May, 1918, "no no influence on Wilson. The Yugo- Slovak expression of a desire for slav's had much, but not as much independence and union with Czeas the Italians. The Poles got prac- choslovakia was known abroad" tically everything they wanted, and (p. 238). so did the Czechs. However, in October, 1915, in The Czechs, through Masaryk and Cleveland, "the Bohemian National Benes, who were extremely shrewd Alliance and the Slovak League of and ruthless diplomatic operators, America agreed upon the 'Clevesucceeded in getting their aspira- land Pact,' which envisioned the estions considered as identical to tablishment of 'independence' and those of tlie Slovaks and Ruthen- 'union of the Czech and Slovak peoians. This induced Wilson to favor ples in a federal union of states the formation of Czecho-Slovakia, with full national autonomy for in which the Czechs had the hege- Slovakia" (p. 233 ). mony, and the promised autonomy By May, 1918, President Wilson for the Slovaks and Ruthenians, as endorsed the policy of breaking up well as that for the Sudeten-Ger- Austria-Hungary and encouraging mans, was recognized in word but the independence of all component violated in fact. nationalities. On May 30-31, 1918, Suggesting the importance in the peacemaking of these nationalities is the fact that three chapters are devoted to them: "The Czechs" by Otakar Odlozilik, "The Slovaks and Carpatho-Ruthenians" by Victor S. Mamatey, and "The Mid-European Union" by Arthur J. May, the three comprising pages 204-271. Prof. Mamatey, of Florida State in Pittsburgh the Bohemian National Alliance, the Federation of Czech Catholics, and the Slovak League of America endorsed a program drafted by Masaryk of the organization of Czechoslovakia. In it "Slovakia was to have her own administration and courts, for which Slovak would be the official language" (p. 237). Albert Mama- 150 SLOVAKIA tey had got inser,ted into Masaryk's draft Slovakia's desire for a "Diet." This Pittsburgh Pact was signed by Masaryk in Washington on November 14, 1918. According to these provisions, but as interpreted to the peacemakers by Masaryk and Benes, the Czecho-Slovak Republic was formed. Into it the three odd million Sudeten Germans were forced against their express will, and the assurance of autonomy given to the Slovaks and to the Carpatho-Ruthenians were "not fully implemented by the Czechoslovak government." Prof. Mamatey writes of "the unfulfilled promise of Slovak autonomy" (p. 249) . The book, of course, does not go beyond 1920, and therefore does not touch upon the tragedies that by 1945 had thrown all these unhappy peoples under the communistic tyranny. But the book as a whole and the three chapters dealing with Czecho-Slovakia help one understand the catastrophe of World War II and after-and suggest to the honest and wise what must be done to set things right. This includes granting the principle of self-determination as fully to the Slovaks as to the Czechs! Slovak Studies V. Historica 3. Slovak Institute, Cleve land-Rome, 1965, p. 268. Like its four predecessors, Slovak Studies V , Historica 3, is a boom to scholars and Slavists alike. Valuable in documentation, the contributions definitely enhance the growing English literature on Slovakia. The SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute in Rome can rightfully take pride in this 1967 publication. Among the contents in the current volume are research papers on Slovakia's Church history, cultural achievements, World War II political significance and linguistic eminence. Each learned discussion gives evidence of painstaking care and adherence to a factual, accurate account. Accompanied and supplemented by numerous documents in the original language, selective bibliographies, appendices, maps and footnotes , a total of six outstanding presentations combine to make this fifth volume of Slovak Studies truly remarkable. Taken topically, three essays deal with the development of Christianity among the Slovaks. Father Ernest Bouydosh, O.M.I., of Canada devotes a considerable portion of the volume to an analysis of "The Quadrennial Reports of the Archbishop of Strigonia to Rome." Introducing the "ad limina" reports found in the archives of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, the author examines the state of the Church in Hungary from the Tridentine era. "The historical value of these reports," writes Father Buoydosh, "lies in the fact that they are first hand documents reflecting the spiritual life of the dioceses, an aspect too often neglected in our historiography. Some of these reports also have an exceptional demographic value." The reports, printed in the original language in which they were sent to Rome, span three centuries, beginning chronologically from August 15, 1598 and ending March 5, 1827. Next follows an informative monograph on the Camaldulese Hermitage, known as the Red Monastery, from the gifted pen of a Jesuit scholar, Dr. Michael Lacko of Rome. Making extensive use of the documents preserved in the Hermitage of Frascati near Rome, the Archives of the Greek-Catholic SLOVAKIA Bishopric of Presov, and the Vatican Archives, Dr. Lacko has reconstructed a fascinating portrait of the evolution of religious life in Slovakia. He traces the beginnings of the Camaldulese Hermitage (Red Monastery) in Nitra, Slovakia, to the Monte Corono Hermitage of Central Italy. Of special interest is the work of Father Romuald Hadbavny, a Slovak hermit of such a Red Monastery in Spis County. An acknowledged scholar, he compiled a Latin-Slovak dictionary in 1763 which is still extant in manuscript form. He was also the first translator of Sacred Scripture into the Slovak language. His work is known today as "the Camaldulese Bible." Interestingly enough, Dr. Lacko notes nationalistic tendencies among the hermits, who early in the eighteenth century were already yearning for national hermitages. Vicissitudes of the era proved detrimental to the Red Monastery. For several centuries now it no longer functions according to its original purpose. Recently it has been restored as a museum and tourist attraction. It is in observance of this event that Father Lacko has favored the readers of Slovak Studies V with the present account. An impressive array of Latin documents (pp. 112-203), June 28, 1691 to 1781 amply demonstrate his thorough research in this field . A short discussion on "Slovak Greek-Catholics in America" blends well with the above. Mr. George Polak of West Liberty State College analyzes a chapter of Cyril Korolevskij's biography of the Metropolitan Andrew Szeptyckyj. While generously praising the work in general, Mr. Polak seems to take umbrage at the author's confusion concerning Slovak Greek-Catholics. Perhaps rightly so. A biographer is 151 in a broad sense of the term an historian; as such, it is essential that he presents accurate, precise information. To identify the Slovaks of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite as the "Ruthenians from Sub-Carpathia" or the Slovaks from Eastern Slovakia as "Slavs from SubCarpathia" is both misleading and ethnically untrue. In "a noted authority on the Eastern Church and a Catholic priest of the Byzantine-Slavonic Rite," even though he is a native of France, such discrepancies are deplorable. Mr. Polak's argument would seem to be well taken and his point of view valid. Invaluable to an adequate understanding of the eighteen month interval of Slovak history between March, 1939 and August, 1940, is the "Collapse of the Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documentation." As a responsible historian, Frantisek Vnuk, the author, views these months in the light of the documents, eleven in number, found among the Vatican Published Archives, as crucial for Central Europe. His pithy observations substantiated by eye witness accounts of reliable authors, focus the events in proper perspective. His criticisms are well worth noting. An Appendix contains all eleven documents in the original Italian. Linguistically, William S. Patala's contribution to this volume is illuminating. "A Class in Twelve Slavic Languages," though brief in content, is rich in suggestions and ideas. Father Patala of the Steubenville Diocese describes a three year course which he taught with "appreciable success." How he managed to teach twelve related languages in one class period per week makes delightful reading. The author's imaginative approach to the teaching of languages, warmly 152 SLOVAKIA endorsed by the once prominent Slavist of Columbia, Dr. A. P. Coleman, deserves further experimentation. A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Librarianship of Marywood College, Scranton, Pennsylvania by Sister M . Emma Hvozdovic, SS.C.M., is deservedly included in Slovak Studies V. Sister M. Emma's "History and Accomplishments of the Society of Saint Adalbert, Trnava, Slovakia" is the inspiring record of Catholic Slovakia's effort to preserve and cultivate its Cyril-Methodian heritage in the face of contrary forces. In 1870 Father Andrew Radlinsky founded the St. Adalbert Society (the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius would not have been permitted in its title) to publish Catholic books and periodicals, to encourage the arts, and to promote Catholic Slovak culture in general. Through the years it succeeded in placing in the hands of the people several editions of the Bible and at least 14 editions of the famous family prayerbook Nabozne Vylevy. It made available for church use the official Slovak Catholic hymnal and the official Slovak Catholic Common Book of Prayer. It provided for its membership, which extended beyond Slovakia, a wealth of reading material on every vital subject. It sowed the good seed. Today, if Communism is rampant in Slovakia, what else can one say, but that "an enemy hath done this." Written in a smooth and engaging style, the dissertation is based entirely upon Slovak sources and contains a selective bibliography. Its publication in Slovak Studies V is most timely in view of the approaching centenary of the founding of the society. One cannot help contrasting the former years of plenty with the present "winter over the land," when the Society's hands are tied and the people are crying for the Word of God, for Bibles, prayer-books, catechisms, hymnals. May God hasten the day when we shall witness again the fulfillment of the promise, "Happy those who hunger and thirst for what is right: they shall be satisfied." So much for the plus side of Historica 3. On the minus side one must warn the reader to expect frequent typographical errors which mar one's pleasure in perusing the excellent features. Also, it seems unfortunate, at least to this writer, to find so many precious docu-ments left in their original language, Latin, Italian, French. While scholars the world over are generally proficient with one or more foreign tongues, Latin documents are for the most part a closed book to American students. Strangely enough, only one of the contributors, Frantisek Vnuk of Australia, has seen fit to recognize this problem realistically. He has translated all documents used throughout his essay, leaving them in the original only at the end of his work. This surely makes his contribution of greater value to students than it would have been otherwise. Since the· volume is obviously intended for English-speaking readers, it would have been wise to consider this element. Considered as a whole, however, Slovak Studies V is distinctly notable addition to any library. Sister M. Ev angela Lubek, SS.C.M. Jorg K. Hoensch: Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 1938-1939). Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. SLOVAKIA While there have been several scholarly books in English on recent history of Slovakia (J. A. Mikus, J. M. Kirschbaum, L. G. Oddo, K. Glasser, M. G. Voytko, F. Vnuk), in the German language literature dealing with Slovak problems is surprisingly scarce. The above volume attracted attention of the academic publications in Europe and since it brings some new aspects and new evaluation of the problems of Central Europe we have decided to review it. J. K. Hoensch's book is a well documented treatise of the crucial period of Slovakia's modern history: October 1938-March 1939. The declaration of Slovakia's independence in the intricate international situation of 1939 has been subject to controversial interpretations and although this book is abundant with references to sources in several languages, it will be hardly the last word. There is a clear tendency of the writer to avoid adopting either the Czech interpretation or the Slovak thesis that Slovakia had no other choice and cannot be blamed for applying the right to self-determination just because Germany made it possible. The door to the German Drang nach Osten was open at the Munich Conference and the peoples of the Danubian basin accepted the agreement of the four European Great Powers, who prepared the stage for the ensuing drama. This being clear, the writer examined the policy of the largest Slovak party-the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party-and tried to find out if, when, and to what extent, Slovaks were involved in helping the Germans march towards the East. In comparison with other writers on this subject, Hoensch was in a privileged position of having the 153 access to the diplomatic archives of Germany and also to archives and sources of the Communist Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. On the other hand, his German ancestry, although he was brought up in Slovakia, may have been responsible for a certain bias which is evident particularly in some conclusions in the introduction to his work. Hoensch found a willing tool for German political concepts only in a group of the so-called radicals in the Slovak Populist Party, whose organ, according to him, was the bi-monthly Nastup, which, can hardly be substantiated as historically true. In addition, Hoensch came with a list of names of persons who either had nothing to do with the publication, because they were still in highschool, or belonged to the radical wing of the Party, but at the time of Tuka's imprisonment by Prague (Tuka was condemned, 1929, on "flimsy evidence" according to Macartney and other British historians to 15 years imprisonment for subversive activities), they had no connection whatsoever with Germany and were known as polonophiles. Except for Alexander Mach and Karol Murgas none of the persons mentioned by Hoensch belonged to Tuka's circle and actually could not be active in politics in 1938 because of their age or because of their studies at foreign universities, one even at the St. Cyr military academy in Paris (J. Stasko) . On the other hand, Nastup certainly had nothing to do with Tuka after his release from prison in 1938. This faux pas could seriously damage Hoensch's work, because he repeatedly used the names and therefore it was hardly an oversight. It would not, however, be 154 SLOVAKIA fair to discard the book for this error,, even if it is hard to explain how it occurred. Hoensch accumulated a great deal of information on Slovak politics in a period which decided the fate of Slovakia during and after the Second World War. He also .tried to evaluate the policy of the Slovak Populist Party and of individual politicians with much less bias than it has been done by Czech or Western historians who adopted the Czech point of view. Nevertheless, he apparently let his feelings influence his judgement when he wrote about certain Slovak politicians like Dr. F. f>urcansky, for instance, who was one of the strongest personalities in Slovak politics but for his opposition to German pressure was ousted already in 1940 together with the editor in chief of Nastup and the publication was banned. Hoensch used profusely also materials published by the Communist historians in Slovakia and some of his conclusions are undoubtedly influenced by their works. His general evaluation of Slovak efforts for an independent policy and his sympathetic attitude towards Slovakia's desire to emancipate herself from any foreign rule, infuriated, however, the communist critics. They first hailed the work in Kuiturny zivot, but later in Historicky casopis disagreed with his approach to the Slovak question as well as with his rather objective evaluation of the basic policy and the role of the Hlinka's Party in Slovak political life before the Second World War, as well as in the first years of the Slovak Republic. Slovak scholars and politicians should deal with this book in detail, because it offers a first class opportunity for correcting many misconceptions and biased views which the adversaries of Slovakia's striving for independence smuggled into the Western historiography. J . M . Kirschbaum Slovenska otcina, III. zviizok. Zostavil: Jan Elias. Vydal: 0. Frantisek Fuga, Hamilton, Ont., Canada, 1967. 432 p. This, the third and final volume of SLOVENSKA OTCINA, like its preceding issues, is an anthology of formal and informal articles and poems, interspersed with numerous pictures and some maps, all aimed at recapturing in print the rich heritage of life in Slovakia_ In this third volume, it is the western counties of Slovakia which are featured. The same format and style as that of the preceding volumes dealing with the eastern and central "zupy" is retained. The articles again have been culled from interested contributors-in this case, one hundred Slovak men and women: intellectuals, professionals, politicians, non-professionals, of various educational background, social milieux, political affiliations, and religious convictions. The names of these contributors are co.Rveniently listed in the back of the volume, with a brief comment of a personal nature, but no article or page reference is given. The literary contributions in turn have been capably edited by the following-Prof. Dr. Jozef M. Kirschbaum: Bratislava; Prof. Ing. Frantisek Vnuk: Tekov ; Draga Paucova: Nitra ; Imrich Stolarik: Trencin; Jan Elias: Komarno. The net result is a smooth-reading chronicle of the times and places dearest to the heart of the Slovak people. The book is more than a description and travel account of SLOVAKIA Slovakia on a narrative of its social life and customs. Almost unconsciously it breathes the soul, the spirit, the life of the nation which transcends all boundaries. The first part of this last volume contains valuable assorted articles on life related to times in the Slovak Republic period. Fittingly, the volume is dedicated to Msgr. Jozef Tiso, the first and only President of the Republic, whose picture is imprinted on the cover. The articles bearing on Tiso are mainly of the personal ty.pe, e.g., Tiso--clovek; Tiso-milovnik deti; prezidentova matka; Tisovo mesto. They are valuable vignettes for future biographers of the President-Martyr. Other significant articles found in this first section include facsimiles of the stamps issued during the period of the Slovak Republic and of citizenship papers, passport records, and other legal documents. Accounts of the status of education-both higher and rural, of the thriving tobacco and sugar industries, and of the banks of the Republic keep before the reader's mind the degree of successful cultural and economic pursuits of the Republic period. A very concise resume of Independent Slovakia, its formation and treacherous overthrow, keep the political sentiments of the people in perspective. The high cultural attainments of the Slovak people are reflected in two accounts. One gives the status of Matica Slovenska in exile today; the other tells of the activities of Svoradov, a once active bulwark of Slovak intelligentsia. By way of exception, three articles rooted on American soil are found in this first section. They are concerned with the Benedictine Abbey in Cleveland, 0 ., the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. , and the Daughters of 155 the Most Holy Redeemer in Gary, Ind. It may be concluded that the editors felt each of these institutes reflected the ideals of the Slovak Republic and are, or will be, instrumental in its rebirth. Each of the five following sections begins with a detailed map of the area. Unfortunately, the map reproductions in this third volume are not as clear as those in the preceding volumes. The Confucius proverb stated at the beginning of volume I, "Jeden obrazok ma taku cenu ako 1000 slov" ("A picture is worth 1000 words.") is, however, verified throughout the volumes. Especially enriching are those pictures directly related to the article. On the other hand, the irregular inclusion of authors' photographs, some formal and some informal, distracts somewhat from the material at hand. The articles themselves are unevenly distributed-20 on Bratislava, 5 on Komarno, 24 on Nitra, 11 on Tekov, and 31 on Trencin-a matter of no surprise, however, because of the unequal geographic distribution of city life in the various counties and the centralization of historical and cultural activities in Bratislava, Nitra, and Trencin. In each section, the history of the region comes alive mainly through small everyday accounts of the writers' remembrances of their own or their parents' experriences in the homeland region. As in the other two volumes, an effort again has been made by the editors to maintain a balance of articles representative of historical significance and notable personages in each area. For example, the Bratislava section has articles alluding to the archeological findings in Bratislava dated 2000 B.C.; to the famous Franciscan church in 156 SLOVAKIA Malacky; to the universities of Trnava; and brief essays on Konstantin Culen and Kral' Svatopluk, all of which nicely link the present with the past. The Komarno section has an article describing its museum and the county's historical significance in regard to Magyar influence. The Nitra section fittingly includes accounts of its royal and religious heritage enshrined in its castles and churches. The Tekov section enlightens the reader on its "Cantus Catholici" (1655), its pilgrimage site of Sv. Bei'iadik, its historic site of "Hronsky Svaty Kriz, and its mint at Kremnica. The Trencin section tells of the cave of Sv. Andrej Svorad, the birthplaces of Dr. Jozef Tiso in Vel'ka Bytca and ~udovit ~tur in Uhrovec, and the "Drotar" choir composed of natives from two hamlets in Trencin. The numberless essays not mentioned here are not less interesting or significant. Many of them give not only deep insight into the character, talents, and virtues of the Slovak people, but also provide explanation from concrete examples for the strained, and at times, hostile relationships between the Slovaks and the Czechs, between the Slovaks and the Magyars, and even among the Slovak people themselves. They each ring with a sincere tone which escapes chauvinism and marks this work as one stamped with loyalty, devotion, and real, hardly romantic, remembrances of a ruptured "free" homeland. The trilogy ends with a brief tracing of the history of SLOVENSKA OTCINA on a map, a call to its readers in the free world to champion the cause of freedom for the Slovak nation, and a wish that the articles within the three volumes, covering twenty Slovak counties or "zupy," contributed by 200 Slovak men and women, will help keep alive in the readers' minds and hearts the "fatherland " until that day when the Slovak Republic will rise again. Typical of the Slovak people, it concludes with a prayer to the Almighty Father and to the Mother of Seven SorrowsPatroness of Slovakia, for aid in the self-sacrificing work entailed in securing this just cause. The completed volumes are indeed a tribute to the faith, devotion, and self-sacrifice of its general publisher, 0. Frantisek Fuga, S.T.L., of Canada; general editor, Jan Elias; and contributors drawn from every rank of Slovak emigrants. The v,o lumes proclaim their single desire to keep before the world first-hand knowledge and a true image of the civilized, cultured Slovak people whose fatherland's name SLOVAKIA is already relegated to second place on maps, and whose official language is ever gradually being replaced by the use of Czech words, e.g., as illustrated on a 1962 Bratislava calendar in volume three, p. 218. The three volumes of the excellent series, SLOVENSKA OTCINA, are a "must" for every institution or private home with any Slovak connection, including public libraries and higher institutes of learning. In the older generation of Slovak birth, they will surely stir up fond related memories; in the younger, a rightful pride in their ancestry. Even non-Slovak people studying the language or second and third generation Slovaks who have lost speaking fluency but who still umlerstand the language can be motiviated to read the conversational type articles. A teacher of social studies, in particular, should find the material reliable source background. The books, in effect, evince the SLOVAKIA Slovak people's " passion for freedom"-freedom of country and freedom of religion. The character, the talents, the virtues, the sufferings under exploitation, and the dreams of the Slovak people should arouse in the reader a response to hope, work, and pray that the contents of these volumes will serve as 157 a means of restoring to the Slovaks their rightful cherished dreams of freedom-soon, before the forces in Communist-controlled, Czech dominated Slovakia wipe out its smoldering embers. Then the efforts of the publisher and staff will not have been in vain. Sr. M. Raymund Horvath, SS.C.M. TWO PUBLICATIONS ON THE PRESIDENT DR. J. TISO Vnuk, F., Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic, (The Association of Australian Slovaks, Sydney) , 1967, 50 p. ill. Durica, M. S., Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938/ 39 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), (Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn) , 1967, 49 p. summarizJ.ng Dr. Tiso's achievements, his role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the Second World War, to his mar tyr's death. In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that it was published "In commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's) death at the hands of his enemies of Slovak independence", but it is not a current commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in a nutshell, a serious anci well-documented analysis not only of Dr. Tiso's political life-struggle, but also an excellent survey of Slovak politics and of the treacheries and perfidy of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slova- The twentieth anniversary of President Tiso's execution by the communists with Dr. Benes as an eager accomplice, prompted the Slovak political refugees in the Free World to write many articles on Dr. Tiso and his courageous struggle. In book form, the above studies by prominent young Slovak scholars were published and both deserve to be carefully read. Prof. Vnuk's booklet is a wellbalanced and well-written presentation of Dr. Tiso and of his political career to the democratic world. After writing hundreds of articles and two books on political and cul- * Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie (An Incredible Conspiracy), (Literartural topics from modern Slovak ny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, history,* Vnuk was one of the best Middletown, Pa.), 1964. qualified persons to seriously tackle with the subject. He displayed a Sedemruist' neurodnych rokov, <:onsiderable knowledge of foreign (Nacrt slovenskej literatury v and domestic sources on the crucrokooh 1945-62) (An outline of ial years of Slovakia's modern hisSlovak literature in 1945-62) , tory in all his writings and used it ( Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, with skill and good judgment in Pa.), 1965. 158 SLOVAKIA kia. There could hardly be a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso", as it has been done by Vnuk. In equally sober and scholarly manner is written also Prof. M. S. !>urica's analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political thought and teaching". Both !>urica and Vnu.k belong to the younger generation of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they were too young to be involved personally in politics, which is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse them of speaking "pro domo sua", as the adversaries of Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard to other Slovak writers on political subjects. !>urica also has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped with probably the best knowledge of German and other European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.** The present publication is actually his lecture at the FriedrichWilhems-Universitat in Bonn to the students of all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, !>urica also gives first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more intelligible to his listeners. Then he speaks about the political thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso and about the crisis of 1938/ 39. The·r e are all the elements of a serious scholarly paper in !>urica's publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which was spread by the communists and non-communists who adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern Slovak history. It would be only recommendable to make the lecture available in the English language, in which some scholars still rely on tendencious literature and rarely make their own research of original sources. The publication is enhanced by a bibliography of select works on Slovakia. J . M . Kirschbaum ** See my review of his book La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945, in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, 1-2, p.69-70. Studia H istorica Slovaka IV - Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vi ed, Bratislava, 1966. Multi-li ngual, 290 p . The thaw behind the Iron Curtain reached Czecho-Slovakia later than the other satelite countries, but the results of the little freedom which the intellectuals have been allowed, becomes slowly apparent in several fields of cultural endeavor. Historiography is one of these fields and the volume under the review indicates that the intellectual climate is changing. For a long time not only poets and writers, but also historians, linguists and scholars in general were forced by the regime to accept Marxist theories and criteria and to be a political tool of the communist party. In historiography this was evident in all works dealing not only with the recent history of Slovakia, but the Marxist interpretation with strong political overtones was applied even to the early centuries and Middle Ages of the Slovak historical development. In the most distorted way was treated especially the period of the SLOVAKIA Slovak Republic, the events of the Second World War, and the role of the Communist party in Slovakia since 1918 and particularly since 1944. A few books and symposia published since 1965 would indicate that this Marxist period of historiography is over. Historians, panelists and researchers are coming with views and interpretations which are much closer to the historical truths and objectivity. In the volume under the review this new trend is apparent mainly in K. Rebro's "Attempts at a rightful solution of the Slovak national question in the revolutionary years 1848-49" and Zd. Holotikova's "The Slovak Question and Czechoslovak Communist Party in pre-Munich Czechoslovakia." While the first contribution is free of the tendency to present the Slovak past as a part of "Czechoslovak" political development and views the events as an expression of the Slovak people to achieve Slovak national goals and equality of treatment with other component parts of the Habsburg Empire, the second contribution is free to a great degree of various myths which penetrated Slovak historiography with regard to the role of the Communist Party in pre-War Czecho-Slovakia. The Communist Party in Slovakia was a conglomerate of national minorities with strong preponderance of Hungarians, Czechs ( even Gottwald lived in Slovakia) and 159 others. Slovaks were not only in minority, but until 1930 did not have Slovak leadership. Only the return of Slovak students from Prague (among them Clementis, Novomesky, Ponican, Va.mos, Okaly, etc.) gave the communist movement in Slovakia some Slovak flavour. As for program, the party had none which can be interpreted as considering particular Slovak problems and national aspirations, except for linguistic rights. Communists of Slovak origin were led by Czechs and nolens-volens subscribed to the "Czechoslovak" conception and while they fought in Spain or wanted to solve problems of the world, they had little time for specific Slovak questions, and not much understanding for the struggle in which the majority of the Slovak people were involved. Holotikova still tries to explain, embellish and interpret the historical facts in favour of the Communists, but it is necessary to admit that she comes close to the historical truth and her courage and intellectual honesty are evident in many parts of her treatise. The contributions are published in German, English and French, and there is an apparent improvement in the translations in comparison with the previous volumes. The volume has for Western historians certain value, but cannot still be accepted without necessary cautiousness. J . M. Kirschbaum TAK SME SA POZNALI Tak sme sa poznali. Dr. Jozef Pauco. gaging title TAK SME SA POZNAPublished by Slovak v Amerike, LI (So Have We Known One Middletown, Pa., 1967, 281 p. Illus- Another) can be expected to entrations. compass mulUple and varied per- Dr. Joseph Pauco's MEMOIRS, sonal contacts as well as deep inwhich he has issued under the en- sight, broad vision and a skillful 160 SLOVAKIA pen. The author is a scholar, a man of the people, an editor, a journalist, a lecturer, a politician. The era he portrays was at once shatteringly disruptive and marvelously formative in its application to Central Europe and specifically to Slovakia. The men who played the leading roles in the drama of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) were true to human nature: some giants, some midgets, some heroes, some traitors. The MEMOIRS acquire merit and authenticity from the position and the qualifications of the author. Dr. Pauco is a man whose roots rest deep in the common people. He was born in Slovakia in 1914. His father had died in the war, and so the first influences that left their mark on him came from his mother. This typical Slovak woman loved truth, right, freedom; she admired and vigorously supported the leaders who represented these qualities in government and society. The author's family, his village, his neighbors were poor in material possessions, but they were thoroughbreds in honor, dignity, integrity, courage. Dr. Pauco is a scholar, with a doctorate from Bratislava University, possessing specialized knowledge of Slovak history in its various ramifications and competent to interpret current events and human motives and aspirations. From his student days he manifested a predilection for journalism and contributed regularly to student publications and eventually also to the public press. In 1938 he served as editor of the young people's energetic Nastup. The following year he became editor of the People's Party daily, Slovenska Pravda, and in 1940 he was promoted to the staff of the Party's daily, Slovak, and became its editor in 1942. By his own account, Dr. Pauco was from childhood interested also in public speaking. He studied and admired Hlinka and Tiso, Hrusovsky and Mederly as much for their "platforms" as for their superlative ability to hold an audience spellbound. As a young student he participated in debates and panels and soon became known as a capable orator. Throughout his life he has delivered hundreds of lectures both in Europe and in America on subjects ranging from Slovak nationalism to party politics, from Slovak religious history to language. Dr. Pauco was a politician in the sense that he participated in civic movements and campaigns for human rights, and as a journalist, lecturer and editor he took a stand on political and party issues consonant with his convictions. In Tak sme sa poznali, Dr. Pauco describes his encounters with persons at the helm of the Slovak Republic, whose names are known to every Slovak. Who has not heard of Dr. Jozef Tiso, Andrej Hlinka, Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand !>urcansky, Vojtech Tuka, Sano Mach, Konstantin Culen, Andrej .Zarnov? The list is long. Some of the author's encounters with these men were casual, others in the line of duty. Some were friendly, some disappointing, others bristled with conflict. They began in the author's impressionable childhood, gained momentum in his student days at Svoradov and reached their climax when he was editor of Slovak and a leader of the People's Party. The impact of these encounters perhaps loses some of its potency for American Slovaks, to whom the system of Slovak government, the g e o g r a p h i c a 1 setting, details, SLOVAKIA 161 of Slovak history and intricacies of however, hoping to curry German the Slovak position are not tho- favor, were bent on deporting and roughly familiar. One would like to exterminating the Jews. They sucknow more; one would like to ask ceeded in passing the infamous questions. But the personalities Jewish Codex, which however Tiso that emerge are superb. managed somewhat to mitigate by Some interesting sidelights on the inclusion of the clause permitcontroversial problems can be ting the President and other oftrailed throughout the book. Take ficers to intervene and prevent the the Jewish question, for example. deportation of any Jew allegedly There were always some Jews on essential to the nation•s welfare. It the staff of the Slovak. They con- is estimated that in this way Presitinued at their posts even after the dent Tiso saved the lives of some laws against them became extreme, 9000 Jews. being saved from deportation by At Tiso's trial Archbishop Kmet' the "urgency" clause with which ko testified that the President did President Tiso had managed to off- not sign the Jewish Codex, that he set the inhumanity of a cruel law. in fact repudiated it. And the ConThere was in Slovakia a certain ference of Slovak Bishops declared "garnitura," a set headed by Prime that Tiso was so incensed at the Minister Vojtech Tuka, which passing of the Jewish Codex that favored collaboration with the he was prepared to resign from ofNazis in the full sense of the term fice. Only the thought that he and which pressed for the exter- might yet save the situation from mination of the Jews. Strongly op- becoming worse, and because the posing him were Tiso and his fol- Jews themselves pleaded with him lowers in the People's Party, the did he decide to remain at his broad masses, who upheld God's post. law and the human rights of ever y From this book the impression individual, not excepting the Jews. grows that " true" Slovaks were In his propaganda tactics Tuka is- not so much anti-German, antisued a newspaper in which he Czech, anti-Communist, anti-Socialscornfully labeled Tiso and his fol- ist, as they were altogether wholelowers "white Jews" and "half heartedly, singlemindedly, unreJews" because of their protective servedly Slovak. Their pro-Slovak stand in favor of the Jews. On the aspirations cast out and left no room other hand, Minister Sano Mach, for any negative elements. Such who was Tuka's faithful henchman, genuine patriotism and true nais nevertheless known to have re- tionalism is God-given in the natusisted Nazi pressure for sterner ral law, as expressed by President laws against the Jews in Slovakia Tiso in his last statement to the and to have personally intervened nation : " 'For God and nation' is a in saving many Jewish lives. positive command of God, Who inIndeed Dr. Pauco presents the stituted it as the natural law and "case of the Jews in Slovakia" with planted it in the heart of the nagreat fidelity and impartial objec- tion and in the heart of its every tivity. The Slovak President did all member." in his power to protect the Jews. The Slovak Republic was born The Slovak State opposed the per- and its direction chartered under secution of the Jews. Certain ele- the most searing circumstances. ments in the Slovak government, Within it men's souls were tested. 162 SLOVAKIA Some good men, who had served the State, while it lasted, with admirable loyalty and devotedness, failed Slovakia in her greatest hour of crisis in 1945 and thereafter. Dr. Pauco speaks sadly of these, for their greatest injury was their own personal ,p erfidy. Not all men can be heroes, but all men can be true. In the drama of the Slovak Republic, heroes predominated. The reader can only marvel at the integrity, the competence, the singleminded purpose, the energetic pursuit of an ideal, the perserverance of these men. The author does not hesitate to declare that had they been in the service of a world power, they would have become internationally renowned figures . Slovakia is rightly proud of them. What was the situation in Slovakia? Her most valiant warrior, Andrej Hlinka, who had weathered years of stormy resistance to Magyar oppression and had actively challenged a Czech so-called democratic regime for 20 years, had died on the eve of the proclamation of the Slovak Republic. In the realization of its bid for independence Slovakia now found itself on the international stage, thrust there by Hitler, and the unrehearsed performance of the drama which ensued taxed the leaders to the utmost. Yet in every forward step they invoked the law and adhered steadfastly to Christian principles despite pressures that nearly crushed them. Who were the leaders? Older men. Seasoned politicians like President Jozef Tiso, Jozef Buday, Ferdis Juriga, Jozef Srobar; younger men, who had acquired some experience in government and public affairs, like Karol Sidor, Frantisek Hrusovsky, Karol Mederly, Pavol Oplustil, Konsto Culen, Tido Gaspar, Andrej ~arnov; and the very young, fresh from the universities, like Jozef Kirschbaum, Ferdinand 1'.lurcansky, and Dr. Jozef Pauco himself. Dr. Jozef Pauco is proud of his generation and the achievements they accumulated to their credit in that stirring time. Their enthusiasm and tireless energy were phenomenal. The older men relied on them, encouraged them, supported them , and excused their inevitable mistakes in favor of the obvious and sincere love of their nation which motiviated them. Dr. Pauco's book is his answer to the oft-repeated question: "How well did you know N.N?" Each encounter, each portrayal is penetrating, engrossing, and vividly alive. As a sampling of the author's method, let me sketch - all too briefly, however, -Dr. Pauco's encounters with the key figure, President Jozef Tiso. How did he come to know Dr. Tiso? First of all. by hearsay. From his mother, who referred to this remarkable priest as a gift from heaven to the Slovak people. From a casual reference of Tiso's bishop who described the pastor of Banovce as an exceptional priest. Pauco's first view of Tiso was at a political rally in Nitra when he was still too young to understand the speaker's words; but was deeply impressed by his manner of speaking, his gestures, his voice, and the reaction of the crowds. Tiso was indeed a remarkable man: what his mother used to tell him was true. His whole being responded to the magnetism and charm of Tiso. His second encounter with Tiso also occurred in historic Nitra in the year of its Christian Jubilee 1933. Slovak youth was there, bursting with enthusiasm, alert for action. Somehow Paufo found him- SLOVAKIA self in the youthful vanguard around the speaker's tribune. The first to address the vast crowds was Dr. Tiso, who directed his stirring words on the significance of the occasion mainly to the young. His words came out in a series of questions which the audience punctuated with loud bursts of cheering: "Can a nation which embraced Christianity 1100 years ago be an unknown quantity? Does not such a nation possess the attributes of culture? Can such a nation repudiate its past history? Shall such a nation grovel before slave drivers? Has not such a nation the right vigorously and categorically to demand the same natural rights to self-identity as any of its neighbors?" There was no end to the questions. 163 party leaders. Pauco concludes that Tiso's articles were every bit as "subversive" as Hlinka's and Sidor's, but they lacked certain explosive words which the censors, using their dictionaries perhaps, obviously watched for. Pauco further opines that Tiso's erudition and style were beyond the grasp of the censors and their command of the language. But they made their mark in the hearts of the people. Pauco's first actual, person-toperson meeting with Tiso came as the result of a lecture engagemet at a school headed by Tiso. In a friendly chat that passed from personal to political and national topics, Pauco was happy to note the absence of any patronizing or censorious postures. On the contrary, Tiso conveyed complete confidence in his guest as a speaker and evinced an honest respect for his personal views. Dr. Pauco mentions that he had here an opportunity for the first time to observe Andrej Hlinka as a spectator in the audience. Hlinka applauded more vigorously than A meeting that stands out as the young people themselves and unique for Dr. Pauco was his preover and over called out "Na sla- sentation of greetings in the name vu," in praise of Tiso. of the Slovak Catholic Students Federation to Dr. Jozef Tiso on the Nevertheless, as Dr. Pauco notes, occasion of the declaration of SloHlinka and Tiso were two divervakia's independence on March 14, gent personalities. In his discourses 1939. It was brief and straight from Hlinka aroused the people as with the heart: "God help you, Sir Prime fire. Tiso's words were more pro- Minister." found , each one carrying its weight. There were other meetings with Tiso, literally hun<lreds of them , Dr. Pauco quotes a friend's reafter Pauco became editor of the mark that paragraphs from HlinSlovak. The Slovak was Tiso's newska's and Sidor's articles in the parpaper, yet he never dictated to its ty press were much oftener deeditor. He was satisfied that it was leted by the Czech censors and faithful to the People's Party, to their columns showed many more its ideals, to Christian statesmanwhite spaces than did those of ship and Christian principles in Tiso. Pauco looked into this ingeneral. His one word of advice teresting observation. He pulled out was, "Hold fast to the Slovak line." the old issues of various newspapers, including uncensored copies, President Tiso visited the editor's and compared the texts of these office regularly once a week and 164 SLOVAKIA The name of Dr. Tiso appears throughout Tak sme sa poznali. The men portrayed in its pages were either for or against the Slovak State, which is another way of saying they were either with Tiso Dr. Pauco presents the substance or against him. of many of these meetings. They President Tiso had his enemies, constitute a remarkable and authentic dossier of Tiso's policies, his ob- and they were not only the Gerjectives, and his views on perplex- mans. They included men in the ing situations, on government of- government, headed by Prime Minficials , on history and world affairs, ister Vojtech Tuka. Dr. Pauco carefully differentiates between Presiincluding America. dent, the government and the SloPages are written about Tiso's vak State. How the Slovak State identification and contact with the managed to come into existence, common people, both as President assume responsibility for its welland as a pastor of Banovce. People being and development and actualhad free access to him always. In ly achieve a high standard of operatheir visits throughout the country, tion despite pressures from within towns and villages, Tiso and his out and opposition and challenges representatives were a cc o rd e d from within, this is the account one honors from the people utterly de- reads with admiration in Dr. voted to them. And Tiso took every Pauco's book. occasion to instruct the people on But Dr. Tiso was not merely optitheir duties to the state, and they responded with the utmost generos- mistic for the fate of the Slovak ity. Well-known is the people's sup- Republic; he had the highest trust port of the national economy and in God's Providence for it. We retheir generous offering of all their echo that trust and believe firmly gold jewelry to supply the neces- that Dr. Pauco's book will be one sary gold backing for the banks in of the means God will use to acquaint the world with the truth the first months of the Republic. about Slovakia and to lead it to Tough realist that he was known acknowledge Slovakia's right to to be, Tiso rarely exhibited the self-government and to guarantee deep and abiding affection he felt it to her. for the Slovak masses. Yet on ocTAK SME SA POZN ALI is a casion he allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings. Dr. tremendously vital book. In rePauco recalls the graceful gesture counting his experiences in the Sloof hands extended to a crowd of vak Republic - "All of which he one hundred thousand Slovak citi- saw, part of which he was" - Dr. zens assembled before the National Pauco has written authentic hisTheatre and Tiso's moving words tory. As such it will live and addressed to them: "Nation of flourish . Sister M. Tarcisia, SS.C.M mine, I love you." oftener. Similarly Tiso's office was open at all times to Pauco. All he had to do was make an appointment with Tiso 's secretary ; rarely did he have to wait. SLOVAKliA 165 OON'TIRIBU'DIONS ON SLOVAKIA IN THE S'YM:POSID1M BOHEMIA Gogolak, L. von, "T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische Politik" (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963. Vol. IV, p. 174-227. Hoensch, J. K. , "Die Grundlagen des Programms der Slowakischen Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak Populist Party before 1938), Munich, 1960, Vol. VII, p. 320-356. ceptable. As far as Masaryk's influence on Slovak politics before 1918 is concerned, Professor Gogolak's conclusions seem to be, however, less acceptable. It seems that he adopted the Czech view which always exaggerated Masaryk's influence on Slovakia before 1918, and even more exaggerated the role of the "Hlasists," who before 1918 were either students or their influence was very limited. On the other hand, Prof. Gogolak appears to be emotionally biased towards the Slovak nationalist group and especially toward Andrej Hlinka and his Party, which this reviewer mentioned also previously.* The group around "Hlas" became a political force only after 1918 when Masaryk divided among them political and economic power, regardless of their capabilities, age and influence in Slovakia. On the other hand , Vajansky, Skultety and the nationalist group of Turciansky (not Turcansky) Sv. Martin represented thinking of a large segment of Slovak population whatever we can say of their ideas. But Professor Gogolak, consciously or not, forgot to mention another group which was in-between, or close to the group in Turciansky Sv. Martin, and the only one represented in Budapest as a result of the elections: the Catholics Skycak, Juriga, Hlinka and the intellectuals around "Tovarysstvo," led by Oswald, to whom originally belonged also Gregor Tajovsky, erroneously called medical doctor by Gogolak. While reviewing another very well-written treatise on Slo- Bohemia is actually an annual (Jahrlmch) of the Colegium Carolinum in Munich for the problems of the Czech lands (Bohemia in Latin), but in recent years we could find in this well-edited symposium several contributions dealing with Slovak political topics. The above contributions are among those which should not escape analysis and some critical comments on the Slovak side, because they are basically valuable and of high academic standards. Professor Gogolak, whose previous studies made him one of the best experts on Slovakia in German language, deals with a controversial subject of Masaryk's origin and his influence on Slovak politics before 1918. Masaryk is, according to Gogolak, of Slovak background or in other words a Slovak from the ethnic point of view, but assimilated with the Czechs as Kosuth and Petofi did with Hungarians. He had first a German education and became Czech in his adult age, but his Slovak origin haunted him and therefore he wanted Slovaks to follow his footsteps: to assimilate with Czechs. This is, in a nutshell, Gogolak's thesis, supported by a thorough re- * See Slavic and East-European search and references to works in Studies (Universite de Montreal) , several languages, and it seems ac- Vol. XII, 1, p. 63. 166 SLOVAKIA vak politics by Professor Gogolak, I mentioned that he can be surprisingly objective when he speaks about the Magyarization, but he seems to have an emotional prejudice against those who later were organized in the Hlinka's party and his writings indicate a "favourable bias," when he speaks about Slovak "Czechoslovaks," especially about Hodza , Derer, Ivanka , Stefanek and others, and about their role in Slovakia before 1918. This is to be regretted because rarely anyone displayed such a thorough knowledge of literature on Slovakia in several languages and could penetrate even into the political climate in Slovakia and mentality of the Slovak people as Professor Gogolak did. to be regretted that he repeats some self-evident errors (for instance persons in Tuka's group who never belonged there). The programme and policy of the Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party is presented by Hoensch in Bohemia even less objectively than in his book, since many explanations of the background of Slovak politics, which we find in the book, are missing in the contribution to Bohemia. The adversaries of the Slovak aspirations for freedom and self-rule can, therefore , misuse again his study as they did with his book, which was recently thoroughly analyzed on the Slovak side by Professor Frantisek Vnuk. ** Because there is nothing new in H-0ensch's contribution which we could not find in his book, we refer the reader to the above mentioned reviews and express regrets that Dr. Hoensch's well-documented studies on Slovakia are not free of bias and that he did not avoid being influenced by the Czech and communist sources in his conclusions about the policy of Hlinka's Slovak Populist Party. J . M. Kirschbaum The contribution by Jorg K. Hoensch seems to be a re-written chapter of his b<Wk Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik (Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939) which was reviewed by this reviewer in the quarterly Slowakei (Vol. IV, No. 2, p. 58-64) and commented on it in Slavic and East European Studies (Vol. XII, 1, p. 61) . Since Dr. Hoensch's book was ** See L iterarny Almanach Slovaka published in 1965 and his contribu- v Amerike for 1968, (Middletown, tion under review in 1967, it is Pa.) p. 21-45. SLOVAKS IN CANADA Kirschbaum, J.M., Slovaks in Canada, (Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario), Toronto, 1967, XVI- 480 pp. Bibliography, Index, Illustrations. The present book by Prof. Joseph Kirschbaum is more than a true and conscienious report about the happenings to the Slovaks in Canada. It is a bi-continental report on the destiny of one of the oldest nations in Central Europe, a report on the struggle for a survival both in the old homeland and in Canada. The book itself shared the adventures of overcoming the obstacles to its survival i. e. to its publication; the same ones and coming from the very same groups which were and are at the origin of the fact that the Slovaks are denied to live a SLOVAiaA free way of life in their own homeland. It is amazing to see to what degree the moral awareness for the human dignity can be blinded and muzzled even in the free Western world by a flood of propaganda, accepted without any criticism and without any desire to find out what the facts really are; in the present case, what the real facts are with regard to the Slovaks. From this point of view this book is much more than a book of History. It is a true History indeed, yet at the same time, and by the fact of being a true History, it is an appeal to the moral conscience of the Western world to recognize the due right of the Slovaks for a free life, even if there are no more of them than 4.5 million in Slovakia. There are about 65,000 Canadians of Slovak origin and well over one million of them in the U.S.A. The social, economic, religious and cultural history of the Slovak immigrant is basically nothing less than a profound human plea for a free life, it is a cry for freedom. Are many people ready to listen to it? Those who do not want to be disturbed in their more or less comfortable ideological pew-should put this book aside. However, if someone is inclined to risk his "mauvaise conscience" with regard to this particular case, he will get his reward both for Canada and for a people that do not ask to be judged on the merits of the facts. In this case you are going to be witness of the story that can accomplish the human craving for freedom and you will feel proud to be a member of a nation where only the freedom is the limit to the human energy. Dr. Kirschbaum gives us a thor- 167 ough and stimulating history and analysis of the life of Slovak Canadians, beginning with the first settlers in the West during the 1880's to the political refugees who fled their native land at the end of the Second World War, unwilling to accept foreign domination and Communist regime in Slovakia. The author has left few stones unturned in his research; he visited the places where Slovak Canadians live and where many died; talked to the organizers of Slovak religious and social organizations, and read their press, which in a period of 57 years has numbered 17 newspapers and 13 cultural and religious periodicals. The author also explains at some length the reasons which led Slovaks to organize themselves in associations, thus giving us an insight into the ways an immigrant group was able to adapt in a country where language and custom barriers were not the only obstacles to overcome. In time, most of these obstacles were not only overcome, but Slovak Canadians were able to make very worthy contributions to the arts and sciences as well as to the economic development of Canada. These contributions are discussed in the second of a new two-part definition of the concept of intergration which is analyzed at some length. Dr. Kirschbaum is particularly qualified to convey the story of the Slovak group in Canada to other Canadians and to link it to its origin in the old country. A Slovak European, he arrived with his family to Canada 19 years ago via several years of traveling and studying in Italy, France, Switzerland and other European countries. He participated in many fields of the Canadian life; from economy, 168 SWVAK1A social, religious, ethnic, to cultural and in particular in the University life, as former Professor at the Universite de Montreal, and lecturer at the University of Ottawa and the University of Toronto. One has to fully agree with the author's remark in his Preface that, "The story which the book tells about Slovaks in Canada is the saga of a small group of people in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success against many odds. Many aspects of their history can apply to several other ethnic groups, particularly to those who came to Canada from the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire: Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Czechs (Bohemians), and also some Ukrainians (Galicians). Basically it is a simple story without heroic deeds, but not without the courage and perseverance which brought final success. A great deal of that success is due to the democratic institutions of Canada to the tolerance of its people and the abundant resources of the land; but the main factor was the human element: a healthy and hard working people and their will to struggle and succeed, to prosper and create a better future culturally, religiously and econo- mically. The reader may conclude for himself how well they achieved these aims." Furthermore, many will also agree "Whatever happens, the purpose of this book will have been served if the second and third generations of Slovak Canaclians remember their origin and become aware of the reasons which brought Slovaks to Canada, their difficult beginnings, their successful struggles, and their contributions to Canadian life. It is also hoped that this book will serve historians in their accounts of the different aspects of Canadian history." The book makes a considerable contribution to the knowledge of Canada for all Canadians who are desirous to know their country better. It is primarily directed to the second generation Slovak Canadians and to the English speaking Canadians, but the French speaking Canadians also can get a glimpse into the contents of the book through the extensive French resume. At the same time the book is a sincere undertaking in the service of freedom and human dignity of man applied to the dramatic case of the Slovak people. Charles Murin THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its Ladies Auxiliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak cultural displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festjvals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of our "Vcielky" in every large Slovak community. 169 SLOVAKIA AS OTHERS SEE IT "The Free world knows the methods used by the Soviets when they aggressed and through milittary might, enslaved Poland, Slo• vakia, Lithuania, Romania, Hungary, and all the peoples in the Bal• kan nations' area. The Soviets, under Stalin and Khruschev, not only enslaved the people remaining in their homeland but deported millions into the wilds of Siberia to work and die in slave labor camps." (Congressman Ray J. Madden). "Freedom and job opportunity, and the promise of an honest day's wages for an honest day's work, brought our forefathers from Rumania and Slovakia, and from the other European countries, to the shores of America. Many of you came to this country, and through honest labor and toil, you achieved personal s u c c e s s, and if not wealth, certainly well being. The churches, the schools, the many other institutions, and the neat and well kept neighborhoods in the Slovak communities, are the fruits of the labors of many Slovaks who toiled long and hard in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the steel mills of Ohio and Indiana, and on the railroads which connected in• dustry to the markets. Indeed, as an industrious people, the Slovaks have achieved a respected and honorable place among the nationality and ethnic peoples of this country." - Ralph S. Locher, former mayor of the City of Cleve• land, Ohio "True, ever since the founding of the state in 1918 there have been conflicts between Czechs and Slovaks. The Slovaks resented Czech supremacy ... "The Czech-Slovak dispute centered around the interpretation of the Czechoslovak nation-whether Czechs and Slovaks are one or two nations. The dispute has long been decided in favor of the second interpretation. Czechs and Slovaks Stephen are two nations. " Borsody, The New York Times "Traditional rivalry between the Czech and Slovak nationalities forms the backdrop for charges that Slovakia was being neglected in economic development projects. "And most of the writers who have criticized the government were Slovaks, including Ladislav Mnacko who defected to Israel last August in protest against the regime's strict pro-Arab stand in the Middle East war. - ( Associated Press) Evening News, Harrisburg, Pa. "The Czech Communist Party has been plagued by several fundamental problems-one of them a Slovak demand for more autonomy and broader economic opportunity." ( CA AP-Reuter ) The N ewcastie Sun "Some students of this country (Czecho-Slovakia ) believe the Slovakian drive for national autonomy is the key liberalizing factor. An embryonic parliamentarism is de• veloping as committees of the Na• tional Assembly, no longer a Sovietstyle rubber stamp, mend Govern• ment bills." (Philadelphia Inquir• er.) "A key factor in the downfall of Czecho-Slovakia's Antonin Novotny, a Stalinist Czech, was the opposition of the Slovaks ... it seems obvious that Czech preponderance 170 SLOVAK'.llA would never allow a Slovak to exercise more than limited control." (Richard Eder, The New York Times) the citizens of our country by contributing to a better understanding and appreciation of Slovak tradition, has made a significant mark on our culture. I wish you "In November, Mr. Dubcek led many more years of success in an attack on the Novotny leader- these endeavors." - Senator Robert ship, charging that the Prague F. Kennedy (N.Y.) regime had slighted Slovakia not only in term of economic develop"It is a pleasure to send greetment, but also in political terms." ings to the Slovak League of Amer(David Binder, The New York ica. One of the great strengths of Times) the United States is the cultural and historical diversity of its peo"And of course, the Slovaks are ple. The preservation of the unique still not happy with the orders they heritage of the Slovak people enget from Prague: Communist or riches the whole community." not, they would like to have a state Senator Clifford P. Case (N.J.) of their own ... "The Czechs, however, did not "Americans of Slovak descent even budge. Their Russian rulers have contributed to every sector easily forestalled any Czech action of our national life. Their dedica- by releasing Czech food reserves tion to democracy has been proven to Czech consumers. The East Euro- over and over again. They have had pean saying is: 'The Czechs opened a mighty impact on our cultural their mouths not to protest but to and political life, and I salute The eat.' The Czechs themselves add: Slovak League of America on this 'The Russians kept us quiet by occasion." - Senator Harrison A. stuffing our mouths with our own Williams, Jr. (N.J.) Czech sausage'." (Dr. Albert Parry, The [San Diego, Calif.] Union) "The Slovak League of America has rendered an important service "To the Slovaks, headed by Pre- in keeping alive the culture and mier Jozef Lenart, Novotny repre- traditions of the Slovak people in sents the old tradition of Czech America. It has alway emphasized domination and denial of full equal- the blessings of freedom and deity." - The New York Times mocracy." - Charles S. Joelson, "You (The Chicago Tribune) (N.J.) Member of Congress printed that I was a Czech. My "Congratulations to the Slovak mother was furious. She got out League of America and their enthe maps and wants to prove that deavors to preserve the historical we're Slovaks, not Czechs." (Jim background of their homeland. Valek, head foot-ball coach at Uni"One project I would like to unversity of Illinois.) dertake is to make a Bibliography "I am very pleased to salute the of all worthwhile publications Slovak League of America on its covering history, literature, music 60th Anniversary. Americans of and art because it is over twentySlovak origin have contributed as five years since anything was pubmuch as any group to the greatness lished in Slovakia by a free society. of our nation, and your organiza- The Congressional Library can tion, promating the welfare of all probably be very helpful in this SLOVAKIA 171 project and might be able to do it through Slovakia, which for cenfor you." - Edward E. Patten turies belonged to Hungary. The Slovak language had a renaissance, (N.J.), Member of Congress thousands of folksongs and tales "The Slovak people over the cen- were gathered and given literary turies have given numerous evid- form . ences of their unquestionable de"This work was done by the sire for freedom . Catholic clergy and the village "The many thousands of Amerteachers. The priests also stood icans of Slovak descent have made with the people in their struggles great c o n tr i bu ti o n s in many with the Hungarians, Czechs, nazis spheres to the development and and communists. growth of our country. And the "The natural center of all Slofierce love of freedom which they vak life was the local church, its brought with them from their clergy, the sacraments; in short, motherland has strengthened Amerthe Christian faith in its Catholic ica's own fabric of freedom. form." - Rune P . Thuringer, NC "I wish the Slovak League of News Service America many more decades of patriotic, civic, and cultural activ"Several heads of Church deanity." - Senator Thomas J. Dodd eries in Czecho-Slovakia have been (Conn.) summoned or visited by security police to answer questions about "It is a pleasure to send warm greetings and heartiest congratula- priests who are not active in the tions to the Officers and Members peace priest movement, which supof The Slovak League of America ports that nation's communist as you celebrate your 60th Anniver- regime. The interrogations, according to KNA, German Catholic news sary. agency, also centered on those "Your organization is to be commended for its notable contribu- priests who have been relieved of tions to the economic and social their priestly duties by the govern1ife of our state and perpetuating ment and who are working in agrithe great tradition and heritage of cultural and industrial jobs. Some the Slovak culture which has great- of them are allegedly performing ly enriched the American society. pastoral functions in secret." "I send my best wishes to all NCWC News Service, Washington, present for a most enjoyable D.C. evening and continuing years of "Copies of Pope Paul Vi's encycsuccess in all of your fine en- lical On the Development of PeoSenator Jacob K . ples, as well as copies of his appeal deavors." Javits (N.Y.) for a world Day of Peace, have "Slovak League of America is in- been returned to Vienna by officterested in promoting better under- ials of the Czecho-Slovak post ofstanding and appreciation of the fice system. "Stamped 'Not permitted in the Slovak nation, its history, cultural Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic' traditions and struggle for freedom." (The Evening News, Harris- by Czech officials, the materials had been mailed to Catholic pubburg, Pa.) lications and individuals in Czecho"During the last century, a Slovakia," according to KNA, the strong nationalist movement went German Catholic news service 172 SLOVA.KilA in that communist-ruled country (Czecho-Slovakia) many Catholic priests and a number of bishops are still in jail or confinement." - (Sunday News, New York, N.Y.) "At present, the Czech law permits workers, students and church groups to hold meetings in the open without notifying the police in advance. Now the authorities propose a regulation that will require religious processions, including funeral corteges from the church to the cemetery, to be announced three days in advance." NC News Service "At present, priests in CzechoSlovakia are all but suffocated under a mountain of petty government restrictions. These include such detailed regulations that a pastor has to get specific government approval for a nearby priest to come and say Mass or hear Confessions." - (NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C.) "With regard to institutional problems, the talks between the Vatican and the Czecho-Slovakian government will have to consider the following points in order of importance: -"Bishops: Of the dioceses (six Slovakian, two Moravian, four Bohemian), only four (three Slovakian and one Bohemian) have a bishop. The ether seven are governed by vicars capitular. That is the most important problem. -"The seminaries. We have only two major seminaries: at Litomerice for Bohemia and Moravia and at Bratislava for Slovakia. This year 80 students were ad• mitted at Litomerice and 95 at Bratislava. There were more candidates than that. Continuing at that rate, we will in 10 years have half as many priests as we have today. -"The religious education of children. The situation is particularly bad in the cities. In Prague, for example, onl)' 700 children are enrolled in catechism classes. Religion is taught in state schools only to children between the ages of seven and 13. In the villages, the situation is much better. At present, I estimate that in Slovakia, a tradition,ally Catholic country like Poland, 80 per cent of the children of Catholic parents are enrolled in catechism classes, in Moravia 50 per cent and in Bohemia 20 per cent. This situation is not very different from that of pre-war days. "In all, of the 14 million inhabitants of Czecho-Slovakia, 60 per cent are Catholics, 10 per cent are Protestants, and 30 per cent are atheists. Among the Catholics, 34 per cent in Slovakia and 15 per cent in Bohemia are practicing. -"Another problem is working priests. At present we estimate that there are 1,500 ecclesiasticsof whom 80 per cent are Religious -who have non-religious jobs. In 1966, a total of 300 received the government's authorization to take up their ministry again. "Religious orders and congregations do not always have the right to accept novices." - Czech Bishop Frantisek Tomasek * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA stands for honesty, intergrity, industry and justice in government. SLOVAKIA 173 CONTRIBUTOR S Hletko, Peter Paul M.D., physician-surgeon; (semi-retired); med. examiner of many insurance Co's ; born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Ill.; son of Martin and Catherine (Hargas) Hletko; educated, St. Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago, St. Procopius Academy and College, Lisle, Ill. (1915-1919) and (191921); De Paul Univ., Chicago (192123, B.Sc. in Chem. 1923) ; Loyola University, Chicago, (M.D. 1927); Resident Staff (interne) Cook County Hosp., Chicago (1927-1928); instructor in clinical neurology Loyola U. Medical School (193135); wed Anna E . Remijas in 1938; led Slovak League of America delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 in behalf of Pittsburgh Pact recognition; pres. Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and (1963-64); Hon. President and member of Exec. Committee of Slovak League (1938-1965); vice-pres. Slovak Cath. Federation of America (1934); Supr. Med. Examiner, Slovak Cath. Sokol (1927-1964) ; Hon. Med. Examiner (emeritus), and Member of Exec. Comm. Slovak Cath. Sokol; Supr. Med. Examiner Nat. Slovak Society (1934-39); secretary, Supreme Court of Nat. Slovak Society ( 1926-1934); organizer and 1st pres. 'Club Furdek' (Cath. Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago) 1929; member Amer. Med. Assoc., Ill. Med. Assoc. and Chicago Medical Assoc. since 1929; med. examiner of Municipal Court and Law Dept. Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 1936-61); President, Gage Park Savings & Loan Assn., Chicago, since 1935. Author: "The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (published by Slovak Catholic Federation - 1934); wrote "lskry" - reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osad- ne Hlasy (Slovak Parish News), 1931 ; edited the "Catholic Slovak Sokol Cook-Book," 1964; contrib. editor, Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-63); editor "Jaro," English supplement to "Jednota", 1927-36. Editor, 'Chicagsky Dennik' (Chicago Slovak Daily News) , 192627. Democrat. Hobbies: Books, philately, pinochle. Home: Warrenville, Ill. Office : 2740 W. 55th St. Chicago, Illinois 60632 Emerentia Petr<isek, Mother M., B.A., M.A., of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Pennsy1vania. Danville, Born in Sugar Notch, Pennsylvania. Member of Holy Rosary Slovak Parish, Ashley. Elementary grades in local public school and St. Leo Parochial School, Ashley. B.A. and M.A., Marywood College, Scranton, Pa. Among the first aspirants to the newly founded Congregation of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. One of the founding teachers of the First Catholic Slovak Gi,rls' High School, now St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Founder of the St. Cyril Academy annual Fialky, and for long years its moderator, Mother M. Emerentia guided young writers and trained them in skills which have since borne fruit in college research papers and creative writing on the part of SCA alumnae. Professor of Slovak at St. Cyril Academy and Marywood College, Mother M. Emerentia compiled Ucebnica slovenskej reci (1929) and Steps in Elementary Slovak (1949), 174 SLOVAK1A a text which is being continuously revised and supplemented. For several years she has been conducting a Correspondence Course for the Sisters teaching in parish schools. She has issued several editions of Slovak songs and hymnbooks for use in Slovak parish schools. Most recently under her direction have been issued Slovak hymns in translation : Bethlehem Carols and Alleluia. (1967) Mother M. Emerentia has written the history of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, portions of which have appeared from time to time in various Slovak publications, including the Fialky . In 1959 an abridged edition, entitled, Brief History of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Told in Fiv e Decades, appeared serially in the Jednota and also in the Danville News. A limited num- ber of copies were printed. Frank Bandar was born on November 13, 1917 in Cejkov, Slovakia. He attended the elementary school there ; went to high school in Michalovce and graduated in 1940 in Ko~ice; and then went on to major in Economics at the University of Budapest. His studies were interrupted for political reasons and the war. During that time, he was a member of the Slovak University Students of the Hungary Club and a member of the United Slovak Party of Hungary. After some temporary employment, in 1948 he attempted to finish his studies in Prague, but did not pass the communist screening. He was imprisoned for a few months for political reasons. In 1949 he escaped to West Germany and in the same year emigrated to Canada. In 1956 he received his B.A. Degree in Economics from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. In 1965 he emigrated to the United States and became a Research Economist at Columbia University. In September, 1967 he was awarded his M.A. Degree in Economics at the University of New York. As fourth Superior General of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Mother M. Emerentia supervised the errection of the beautiful chapel of SS. Cyril and Methodius at Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Known far and wide as an architectural About Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum gem , it is a Slovak treasure house and Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS. in its stained glass windows and its C.M., see Slovakia 1966; about Sisr eligious symbolism. ter M. Evangela Lubek, SS. C.M., At present, as a retired teacher, Mother M . Emerentia is occupied in various Community duties and continuing a life-long interest in Slovak- language, education, history, and literature. She operates a Slovak Book Department, disseminating Slovak publications nationwide, and keeping in touch with all cultural movements affecting Slovak interests. see Slovakia 1965, and about Fr. Andrew Pir, 0 .S.B., see Slovakia 1967. Sister M . Raymund Horvath, SS. C.M. and Sister M. Tarcisia, SS. C.M., are teaching at the St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa. Dr. Charles Murin is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Montreal. SLOVAKliA 175 SLOVAKIA is published annual]~· by the Rlovak League of Ameriea, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. One of the purposes of SLOYAKJA is to promote a better understanding and. appreeiatio11 of the Slovak nation and. its long struggle for freedom and. independence. As Americans, membel'S of the Rlonlk League of Ameriea fi1·mly believe that the SloYak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the .American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peaee and are determined to oppose the plague of Conmmnism and all other totalitarian politic-al s:;·stems. Subscription to SloYakia $2.00 per year in the "C".S.A. - $3.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA 313 Ridge Avenue Middletown, Pa. 17057 176 SLOVAKIA Contents An Agreement Which Was Never Realized - Tkach - Stephen J . 1 The Slovaks and The Pittsburgh Pact - Peter P. Hletko M.D. -5 Jednota and The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius - M. Emerentia Petra§ek, SS.C.M. The Slovak Press in Canada - 55 J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. - Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia - - Mother 78 Frank Bandor 109 First Slovak Newspapermen in America - Tybor, SS.C.M. Current Issues - 132 Book Reviews - 143 As Others See It Contributors - Sister M. Martina 121 169 173 Photographic Copy of Original Pittsburgh Pact - 4 PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; Book Reviews; As Others See It; Contributors Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/16faceb2c693c090d284a24613828946.pdf 4aff0bc875a90f9d7e3d03d99ed64eaf PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- �110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 �SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- �SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from �SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest �114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km �SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 �SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. �SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs �118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 �SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. �120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- �110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 �SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- �SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from �SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest �114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km �SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 �SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. �SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs �118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 �SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. �120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 109 ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATIO N AGAINST SLOVAKIA by Frank Bandar This is a story of how economic inequality - or according to a strong expression, economic discrimination can bring social unrest and, ultimately, antagonism against a ruling ethnic majority. (There are many who claim that it was the antagonism of Slovaks against Czechs that brought the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia. The author of this essay, however, believes that the first Republic could not have survived in the international situation even without internal ethnic divisions.) To familiarize the reader with the available evidence in this field : the official Czecho-Slovak interwar statistics distinguished the regions of Czecho-Slovakia according to the ethnic and historical origin, except for production data for Slovakia. Thus we find data explicitly for Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia (sometimes Moravia includes Silesia), Slovakia, and Ruthenia. The first three regions were also officially termed the "historical regions" though the Slovaks also have a history, despite 1,000 years of Magyar occupation. Since World War II, when Ruthenia was annexed by the U.S.S.R., the official statistics refer to the Czech regions and Slovakia. Recent economic data give equal coverage to the Czech regions and Slovakia, in contrast to those published between the two wars, when young Slovak economists had to search for production data on Slovak territory.1 The Background of Slovakia's Industrialization Slovakia was part of "Greater Hungary" from 906 to October 30, 1918, and, indeed, during the 150 years after the battle of Mohacs, in 1526, that Hungary proper was under Turkish domination, Slovakia was the area where independent political and economic life was carried on. When the Turks were driven out at the end of the 17th century, a base for manufacturing in terms of handicraft and artisanship had been firmly laid down in Slovakia. After the AustroHungarian settlement in 1867, when the Monarchy was divided into two administrative and economic units, the Magyar politicians were eager to catch up to the more developed Austria. They started to build industry where con- 110 SLOVAKIA ditions were the most favorable. A cheaper labor market and the availability of raw material - coal, iron, etc., favored the Slovak territory. And, because industries built in Slovakia were of later date, than those in the "historical" regions, they were equipped with more advanced technology. So, immediately after World War I, Slovakia contained 17 .3 % of all former Hungarian industries ( which employed 20 or more workers) employing 20.7 % of all the workers in such industries in former Greater Hungary were employed.2 According to other sources, about 20 % of industry, of 20 or more employees, were in the Slovak territories. The actual total number of industrial workers was much higher, because there were many small workshops of under 20 employees, for which there are no data in the pre-World War I Magyar statistics. In per capita terms, Slovakia seems to have been the most industrialized region in Greater Hungary, for, of the 20.9 million population in Greater Hungary in 1910, 2.9 million lived in the Slovak territory. 3 The Decline of Slovak Industry and Industrial Employment After 1918 The contention of this paper is that, after the First Republic came into existence, the industrial strength of Slovakia declined, for a number of reasons. One of these was the changing structure of industry in Slovakia; the other reason was the policies followed by the economically stronger Czech regions. One writer puts it this way: "The situation in Czecho-Slovakia became critical when all capitalist countries experienced a post-war depression in the winter months of 1922 and 1923. The Czech capitalists tried to overcome the crisis by concentrating industry into the Czech regions ... Industrial production in Slovakia was not so profitable for them, therefore, they stopped production in Slovakia, and industrial equipment was transported to the Czech regions or sold abroad. " 4 Industrial employment indeed declined in the first half of the 1920's and later recovered only very slowly. 1910 85,000 1913 1926 93,000 86,454 SLOVAKIA (Dec. 31) 1930 1937 111 103,222 104,915 Source: P. Turcan, Socialistickti industrializacia Slovenska, Bratislava: Osveta, 1960, p. 73. Simply the number of workers, however, is misleading. It understates the decline of Slovak industrial strength, for the workers of 1913 were mostly employed in capitalintensive industries, whereas by 1926 and later, they were mostly in labor-intensive industries. Slovak industry underwent a structural change. Capital-intensive heavy industries were moved to the Czech regions and were replaced, partly, with labor-intensive light industries. At the time of the 1930 census, most of Slovak industry consisted of establishments with less than 20 workers, for instance, in stone-clay, graphical, wood and food industries. 5 Of the 3,327 industrial establishments in Slovakia in 1930, 1,624, or about 50%, were in the food industries where many women were employed at lower wages. "The demolition of industry between the years 1921 and 1929 affected about 300 industrial enterprises in Slovakia, mostly iron, textile and wood industries. By this policy, the unequal economic development in the Czech regions and Slovakia deepened. 6 "Demolition and stoppage of metallurgy and iron industries continued. For example, a great part of the production of Podbrezovd (the largest iron industry in Slovakia) was transferred to Vitkovice (Silesia). Plants in Stratend, Pohoreld (towns in Slovakia) and some plants in Gemer (county in Slovakia) were stopped. The blast furnaces in Tisovec (town in Slovakia) stopped production in 1931."7 The question is whether this structural change in industry between the Czech and Slovak regions was in the interest of comparative advantage, i.e., was it in the interest of all Czecho-Slovakia to concentrate heavy industry exclusively in the western regions? This was not so, in my opinion. Before 1918, the Slovak regions had relatively modern and efficient heavy industries and there was a healthy competition with those in the other regions within the confines of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Furthermore, Slovakia is endowed with both iron and coal, albeit the coal fields in Silesia ( Czech region) are larger and richer. There was also much surplus agricultural labor- SLOVAKIA 112 a common problem of East European countries, but in Czecho-Slovakia this surplus was particularly concentrated in Slovakia and Ruthenia. 8 A well-known English economist, P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, makes the latter statement even more strongly. His estimates show a 13 percent surplus of labor in Czecho-Slovak agriculture in 1937 concentrated exclusively in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia. 9 A cross-section comparison gives the picture of industry in 1930 shown in Table 24 . Number of Enterprises and Industrial Employment by Regions in 1930 No. of industrial enterprises Bohemia Moravia & Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia Total No. of workers employed 17,099 6,843 3,327 411 815,016 376,995 103,210 10,699 27,680 1,305,920 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, statisticka rocenka repub• liky ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 53. This table indicates that in 1930 Slovakia had only 7.9 % of the total industrial employment in the country while she had 24 % of the population.10 Unfortunately, no strictly comparable data are available for the earlier years. In 1937, 10.8 workers out of each 100 population were employed in industry in the Czech regions as against only 3 % in Slovakia. 11 "Slovakian industry undoubtedly did not receive from the Czechoslovak Government the help which it urgently needed to carry it over this difficult period. On the contrary, it was placed in many respects under quite unnecessary disadvantages. Until taxation was unified throughout the Republic (which was not until 1929), it was much more heavily taxed in many respects than the 'Historic lands' ... The rates paid by professional and businessmen were, on the average, three times as high in Slovakia as in Bohemia."12 Hence the economic policy was one reason that led the Slovaks to feel antagonism again.st Czechs. To consider the problems of industry in Slovakia from SLOVAKIA 113 the purely economic point of view, there were a number of disadvantages : (a ) more expensive transport costs by railway because a substantial part (40 % , see below ) of the railways in Slovakia was in private hands ;13 (b ) lack of capital and high interest rates, about 10 % 14 (c) a small ratio of state orders from the industry in Slovakia; (d ) lack of coke and some raw materials ; (e ) discriminatory taxation policy. The result was a lessening and in some cases stoppage of industrial production in Slovakia.15 Recent authors also add to the list of instances of economic discrimination against the Slovaks during the first Republic with the following considerations: 1. By subsidizing the state railway, which provided most railway transport in the "historical" regions, they favored the Czech industry. The subsidies, meanwhile, were paid for also by the Slovak taxpayers. 2. A high interest rate in Slovakia was not justifiable. 3. The state should have ordered from the industries in Slovakia according to a more equitable ratio. 4. Coke and other raw materials could have been supplied also to industries in Slovakia. 5. Even the recent communist writers acknowledge that the Czech industrialists feared the competition of Slovak industry, whose equipment was modern at that time compared to that in the Czech regions. 16 The discriminatory policy against the industry in Slovakia continued even after the post-war depression was over and world prosperity was near its peak. Thus, the production of pig iron fell in Slovakia accounting for 10-12 % of the total production in Czecho-Slovakia in 1921, to only 2.7 % in 1926. 17 As a consequence of that, between 13 and 17 percent of the industrial production in the Czech region was "exported" to Slovakia during the boom years of 19261929.18 The outcome of the discrimination against Slovak industry was that Slovakia and Ruthenia remained agricultural areas whose employment, or, rather, disguised unemployment in agriculture decreased only slightly. Agricultural occupations accounted for the largest 114 SLOVAKIA single share of employment in post-World War I CzechoSlovakia: an average of 39.6%, including forestry and fishery, for the country as a whole. Geographically, however, the situation was different, as may be seen from this table: Proportion of Employment in Agriculture According to Regions in 1921 and 1930 Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia Ruthenia 1921 1930 29.7% 38.6% 21.9% 60.6% 67.7% 24.1 % 28.6 % 28.6 % 56.8 % 66.3% Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Annuaire Statistique de ia Repubiique Tchecoslovaque, Prague, 1938, p. 15. Thus, while in the Czech regions agriculture represented only about 25 % of employment, in Slovakia and Ruthenia it was about 60 %. Thus far, I have been using the data given by recent authors and the official statistics which, however, lack details concerning industry in Slovakia. Even independent economists, such as I. Karvas, while studying the industries in Slovakia,19 had only one source of employment data: the Workers' Compensation Board of Slovakia. His data, as he himself acknowledges, is one of 79 % coverage concerning the extinguished industrial enterprises and 89 % of the newly established ones. According to I. Karvas, Slovak industry was heavily dependent on railway transportation, because highway conditions were poor in Slovakia. And, because about 48 % of the railway belonged to private companies, transport was more expensive in Slovakia. 20 Railway density was thinnest in Slovakia and Ruthenia throughout the life of the first Republic. In 1933 the situation was this: Railway Density per one square km. Bohemia Moravia Silesia Slovakia, Ruthenia 0.130 0.098 0.136 0.062 km km km km SLOVAKIA 115 Source : I. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnich podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, p . 11. The other handicap, was that railways were oriented southward toward Budapest, and this handicap was much worse in Slovakia than in the Czech regions. Many localities in Slovakia had railway connections only via Hungary. The only trans-Slovakia line was in the north (KosiceBohumin). The other line that now exists, through the center regions, was completed only during World War II . According to I. Karvas, the decrease of industry in Slovakia had two types of causes, those common to industry in the Czech regions as well, and special causes affecting Slovakia only. 21 Leaving aside the reasons common to all the country's industry, those particular to Slovakia lay in the structure of industry itself, and in the post-war Czecho-Slovak economic policy. When the heavy-capital-intensive industries were demolished, new labor-intensive industries were built, but with less employees, so that loss of employment by demolishing the heavy industries could not have been outweighed by building new industries. In 1929, such was the situation concerning industrial employment. As we can see from next table, about 50 % of Slovak workers lost their jobs from the forced structural change of industry in Slovakia. On balance, many remained unemployed because new entrants into the labor force took jobs in the expanding industries. Loss and Increase of Employment in Slovak Industri es, 1920-1929 Demolished Decrease of Newly built Increase of enterprises employment enterprises employment 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total 5 3 15 22 19 21 27 25 17 13 181 74 1,130 870 3,673 2,056 1,534 1,270 1,232 1,066 21 29 23 21 21 16 342 586 482 311 1,825 1,186 603 560 721 381 167 13,386 184 7,003 9 18 16 10 SLOVAKIA 116 Source: I. Karvas, Sjednoceni viirobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 54. Expansion of Existing Industry in Slovakia in 1920-1929 Workers after expansion Number of enterprises Workers before expansion 6 8 4 15 12 24 22 23 30 42 583 799 342 2,368 1,730 2,826 1,932 1,747 5,359 5,193 990 1,142 1,296 3,615 2,582 3,459 2,857 2,768 6,947 6,316 168 22,859 31,972 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 Total Source : I. Karvas, Sj ednoceni v yrobnich podminek v zemi ceskiic h a na Slov ensku, Prague, ORBIS, 1933, p. 57. According to the two previous tables 6,383 workers lost their jobs; according to Table 28, 9,113 found work. For lack of data one cannot compare the incomes in both cases. However, since heavy industries requiring skilled male labor were demolished and light industries, such as food, etc., were built, wages were most probably below their former levels . Next table indicates a decline in general Slovak wageearnings compared to those in the Czech regions. Ratio of Wages in Slovakia in Terms of those in the Czech Regions Year Daily wages Yearly wages 1921 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 92.8 87 .7 89.3 87 .4 87 .6 86.1 86.1 80.0 71.4 72.7 74.6 75.6 75.0 74.8 Source: V. Prucha in Vysoka skola ekonomicka, Pfehled hospodafske ho viiv oje ceskoslov enska v l etech 1918-1945, Prague: NLP, 1963, p . 275. Therefore, it seems a reasonable inference that the income that workers earned in Slovak industry did not increase even during the boom years in interwar Czecho-Slovakia. SLOVAKIA 117 Employment in the State Sector in Slovakia The concept of employment in the state sector covers not only civil service, but also state owned enterprises, which included tobacco, railways (except the 48 % privately owned), Post Savings institutions, state mining and smelting enterprises, the Czecho-Slovak Printing Office, an aircraft factory, state forests and land, state spas and recreation centers, etc. 22 The state sector was thus a substantial entity. Receipts and E xpenditures of State-Owned Enterpri ses, 1927-1938 (In Mill. Kcs ) Receipts Outlays 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 9,222 9,592 10,011 10,396 10,614 10,460 7,670 8,064 8,460 8,834 9,064 8,930 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 Receipts Outlays -- -- 9,074 8,013 8,003 7,973 8,330 9,222 7,867 7,164 7,176 7,230 7,452 7,869 Sources: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republiky Ceskoslovenske, 1936, p. 273. Annuaire statistique de la Republique Tchecoslovaque , 1938, p. 299. While there are no estimates of national income in interwar Czecho-Slovakia, it is the writer's guess that about 25 % of national income originated with state-owned enterprises. In any event, it is evident that employment in the state represented income to a substantial group of wage earners, and it was precisely in this field that some of the more striking evidence of discrimination against Slovaks was to be found. At au levels, from school porters to principals, and in all branches of civil service, as well as the majority of state enterprises, employees were primarily from the Czech regions. Thus, on April 23, 1925, member of Parliament, Mr. Hancko, protesting Czech discrimination against Slovak employees, noted that the employment breakdown in the Railway Management in Bratislava (capital of Slovakia) and in Kosice (the second largest city in Slovakia) was as follows in 1925: 23 of 5,134 clerks of higher ranks - 90 % were Czechs 118 SLOVAKIA of 12,355 clerks of lower ranks - 60 % were Czechs of 16,025 clerks of railway workers 30% were Czechs In addition, the railway departments were proposing to lay off 38 % of the Slovak workers. When there were still unemployed workers, excluding the disguised unemployed in Slovakia, 30 % of the workers came from the Czech regions, not to mention clerks of the highest ranks. Another example is perhaps more striking: Of all civil servants in the central government in Prague (10,825) only 123 or 1.3% were Slovaks, whereas the Slovak population represented 22 .6 % of the national total. 24 Generally, there were no Slovak civil servants in the Czech regions, but a large proportion of the civil servants in the Slovak regions were Czech. No detailed statistics are available because, although data was collected in 1933 by Prime Minister Malypetr, he was persuaded that the Slovak antagonism against the Czechs had a political background, not an economic one. He wanted to publish a table showing how many Slovaks were employed as civil servants, and after having seen the results, he refrained from publishing the figures, although he had promised to the Slovak opposition leaders that he would. The figures cited above are from this originally unpublished report which was eventually released after March 14, 1939, when the Slovaks proclaimed their independence and were entitled to copy all government documents concerning Slovakia. Lack of employment opportunity forced the people in Slovakia to look for jobs outside their mother country. According to recent writers, employment in industry in Slovakia rose by 2,500 persons, or 2.9 % from 1930 to 1937, while it rose in the Czech regions by 10.9 %. Thus lack of opportunity to find income at home caused an emigration from Slovakia that was seven times greater than that from the Czech regions .25 (See next table). Emigration with Valid Passports from Czecho-Slovakia in the Years 1924-1936 Total emigration from Czecho-Slovakia 1924 1925 54,373 19,350 Emigration from Slovakia Ruthenia 35,110 8,700 2,491 475 SLOVAKIA 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 Total 119 26,129 23,596 24,540 30,715 25,712 9,567 5,165 4,735 5,065 5,685 7,201 14,388 12,053 13,544 19,401 16,682 4,527 2,222 3,009 3,016 3,707 4,831 1,561 2,411 2,286 3,822 2,706 358 123 241 343 445 471 271 ,533 141,190 17,733 Source: Czechoslovak Statistical Office, Statisticka rocenka republi- ky ceskos lovenske, Prague, 1936, p. 29. Thus according to the official data, over 50 % of the emigrants during 1924-1937 came from Slovakia whose population was only 22.6 % (Ruthenia's 4.9 % ) of all the CzechoSlovak population. At that time 50,111 workers in the state sector-including civil servants-came form the "historical lands" to Slovakia. The situation was no bet ter concerning the career army officers . Of 139 army generals only one was a Slovak (no Slovak colonels ) . Of 5,439 higher ranking officers , 67 were Slovaks ; of 6,871 lower ranking officers, 356 were Slova ks .26 This unhappy s ituat ion burst int o social u n rest. When the internation al situation w as crit ical to Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovaks, who had only wanted autonom y within the frame of Czecho-Slovakia, acting under th e pressure of Nazi Germany, procla imed themselves independent on March 14, 1939.27 FOOTNOTES 1. Conversa tion with Dr. Josef Stasko, New York P ublic Library. 2. I. A. Karvas, Sjednoceni vyrobnic h podminek v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku, Prague: ORBIS, 1933, pp. 77-78. 3. Magyar statisztikai zsebkonyv, p. 32. 4. K. Golan and Assoc. in ceskoslovenske dejiny, Bratislava: Osveta, 1961, p. 255. 5. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 53. 120 SLOVAKIA 6. K. Golan, op. cit., p. 256. 7. Ibid. , pp. 262-263. 8. G. Lazarcik, The Performance of Socialist Agriculture, New York: L.W. International Financial Research, Inc., 1963, p. 4. 9. P. W. Rosenstein-Rodan, Agricultural Surplus Population in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, (mimeo), London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, as cited by Lazarcik, The Performance ... op. cit., p . 4. 10. Computed on the basis of 1930 census data. 11. P . Turcan, op. cit., p. 73. 12. C. A. Macartney, Hungary and her Successors, London: Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 131. 13. In the Czech regions where 96% of railways were publicly owned, the cost per ton-mile was 0.5354 Kcs; in the Slovak regions, with only 52%in public hands, the ton-mile cost 1.1218 Kcs. (I. A. Karvas, op. cit., pp. 83-84), although the publicly owned railways received a subsidy. 14. In the Czech regions the prime rate-charged on preferred industrial loans-fluctuated between five and eight percent. 15. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, pp. 194-195. See also Deset let rozvoje , p. 13. 16. A. Dobry in Prehled hospodarskeho vyvoje, p. 195. 17. Ostredie slovenskeho priemyslu, Slovensky priemysel v.n. 1929, Yearly Report of the Central Slovak Industry, Bratislava-Turciansky Sv. Martin: K.U.S., 1930, pp. 28-29. 18. A. Dobry in Pf-ehled hospodaf-skeho vyvoje, p. 195. 19. I. A. Karvas, op. cit., p. 54. 20. Ibid., pp. 11-12. 21. Ibid. , p. 36. 22. Statisticka rocenka, 1936, p. 275. 23. K. Culen, Slovaci a cesi v statnych sluibach, Bratislava: Vedecky ustav, 1944, p. 70. 24. Ibid., pp. 97-99. 25. Deset let rozvoje, pp. 12-13. 26. K. Culen, Preco Slovaci nechcu ist' s cechmi, pp. 15-16 (mimeo), New York (no publishing date) . 27. J. Kirschbaum, Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovenska, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovensky ustav, 1958, pp. 62-70. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interested primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the United States of America.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Economic Discrimination Against Slovakia Description An account of the resource Frank Bandor Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 109-120 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bandor, Frank Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3913c0c0e176b5794db9f9f04f5a5cc6.pdf ec93320ccc8b7b93c0e0d3293708081e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish �122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business �SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. �124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed �SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske �126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions �SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural �128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that �SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room �130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. �SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir. � SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish �122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business �SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. �124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed �SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske �126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions �SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural �128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that �SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room �130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. �SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 121 FIRST SLOVAK NEWSPAPERMEN IN AMERICA Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS .C.M. In 1879 two interesting romantics set out from their native city of Krompachy in Spis County, Slovakia. They were Janko Slovensky, then twenty-two years old, and his cousin, Julius J. Wolf, only nineteen. They had finished elementary school in Krompachy and college studies in Presov. After that, they attended the renowned Jesuit Teachers' College, Klastor pod Znievom, and earned their diplomas. Slovensky had some experience as tutor with a wealthy family in the county of Gerner but he soon convinced himself that was not the life for him. He preferred big game hunting in Africa and he planned to make this romantic impulse a reality. Julius Wolf, who had also tutored in a private family, was readily won to his cousin's idea and he gladly decided to accompany him. They were kindred spirits. They left home in the summer of 1879 against the advice of their parents. Their fathers reluctantly allowed them to go only becal:lse, parentwise, they hoped that a few practical lessons in the school of life would teach these sons the folly of such a fantastic undertaking. The adventurers left with no equipment, no guns, nothing but the fullness of anticipation and a thirst for excitement. Strangely, they did not go by a direct route to Africa. They may have planned their intinerary in a roundabout way because they considered England the gateway to the wide world and the English language the key to a realm of mystery. They traveled through Germany into England and Scotland where the unforseen happened. Either they boyishly lost courage or they sanely judged their resources to be inadequate in the light of reality or they made a mistake and boarded the wrong boat from Edinburgh. At any rate, their next stop after a long sea voyage was on the shores of the United States. Starting Life in U.S.A. with $35 At Ellis Island they pooled their funds and discovered that they had thirty-five dollars with which to establish 122 SLOVAKIA themselves in America. This realization ended their romantic dreams abruptly. The clamoring of hunger made them realize that they would have to accept the inescapable reality of work. And it would have to be the back breaking work of a common laborer since professional or clerical employment was beyond them until they would attain proficiency in English. They studied the situation soberly and agreed to spend their money for tickets to the industrial area around Pittsburgh. There they hired themselves out as day laborers and agonized at their new experience in the National Tube Works of McKeesport, Pennsylvania. The aching of their limbs only whetted their efforts to improve their position. They did their utmost to progress from primer English and to become Americanized, and they did not grow discouraged. Gradually they became hardened for strenous work in various capacities: as day laborers, carpenters, masons, and miners. Before long they even came to pride themselves on the fact that they were able to earn their livelihood by such taxing work and in such an alien world. Happily, their feeling of strangeness began to wear off soon, and native ability helped them to triumph over the language barrier. Then, to their joy, five other Slovak immigrants unexpectedly came into McKeesport in the spring of 1880. Life was definitely brighter from then on. Gradually, more and more Slovaks joined the little group in this mining and manufacturing region of Pennsylvania. There was a marked influx of immigration from Austria-Hungary and its tide was swelled by large numbers of Slovaks. They came especially from the more oppressed districts of eastern Slovakia where the contemporary political regime had denied them, among other rights, opportunities for schooling and self-improvement . The more enlightened classes from central and western Slovakia had sent out very few emigrants as yet. Natural Leaders of Slovak Immigrants Slovensky and Wolf had improved themselves considerably by this time and they became the natural leaders among the good-hearted newcomers in western Pennsylvania. Wolf had progressed from laborer to factory timekeeper, then to clerk, and before long he opened a business SLOVAKIA 123 of his own. Slovensky, too, advanced himself and came to hold a position in the office of Max Scharnberg, former Austro-Hungarian consul in Pittsburgh. Through correspondence and personal contact, directly and indirectly he became increasingly aware of the many problems that were complicating the lives of Slovaks in America. Day by day the mail brought many questions to his employer's office. Some of them were very rational; others bordered on the fantastic, being the outgrowth of wild rumors and attempts to exploit strangers in a new world. But every problem which was brought to his attention was undeniably real. Are you wondering what some of these odd questions might have been? Here are a few: "Is it true that every man who does not return at once to his regiment in Hungary will be shot when he does come back?" "Is it true that the Turks have conquered Hungary and are going to behead everyone who does not become a Moslem?" (You must remember that Slovakia was at this time unwillingly incorporated within the territories of Austria-Hungary; hence, these men were worried about the families and relatives whom they had left behind.) "Please, tell me if it is true that after the Fourth of July no Slovak will get a job here, and if he doesn't leave America within a month, he will lose his life." "They tell me that everyone from Hungary must pay a ten-dollar tax every month if he wants to work in America. Is this really true?" There were also many letters asking for help in tracing families and relatives in America. A bewildered laborer had perhaps lost an address which he needed in order to find his relatives here and was helpless in the face of the situation. And would you believe it? Some poor things came with blind trust only. They had no idea of the size of their adopted land and, provincial-minded as they were at that time, they simply felt that once they had reached America, they would meet their friends and relatives as if they had come into their own familiar village. They had no address whatever and no idea where to begin their search for their kin in this vast new land. 124 SLOVAKIA Bulletin Published to Answer Questions On seeing how much his fellowmen needed help, Slovensky was anxious to relieve them as quickly and as satisfactorily as possible. When a flood of letters would come into Mr. Schamberg's office, repeating the same question or presenting similar problems, it occurred to Slovensky that the easiest way out to reach so many with the same necessary information, with the same helpful advice or instruction would be through a newspaper or a news sheet. But they had none. Would they like to have one, Slovensky wondered. Then he took the logical step. He sent out circular letters with that inquiry and after he had filed thirty prospectives agreeing to pay ten cents per copy of a weekly "Bulletin" which he proposed, he launched his new though modest venture and brought out the first Slovak "newspaper" in America at two o'clock one memorable morning in 1885. It consisted of a single sheet handwritten with duplicating ink and hectographed on foolscap since that was the size of the gelatin pad which Slovensky then had available for his "publication." The first page featured "news of the world" and the second featured "news items from home." This paper was not merely a local news sheet to be distributed in the immediate neighborhood of McKeesport; it reached out as far as Bonne Terre, Missouri, and Port Arthur, Canada. Issues were enclosed in envelopes for mailing and postage consumed two cents out of every ten-cent subscription fee or copy. We can hardly understand how daring was this enterprise. It took uncommon courage to propose a newspaper for people who had been denied the very fundamentals of literacy, a people who had been so exploited that they hardly knew how to appreciate the printed page as part of their ordinary lives, who had been so crushed as to be made to feel that "newspapers are for the elite only." For these reasons there commonly prevailed among them a tendency to feel that it was snobbishness or pretention tc aspire to such culture; it had so long been beyond their attaining. But Slovensky's faith in his people was not misplaced and he had the initiative to blaze the trail to better things for them in this new and promising world. The first twenty numbers of the "Bulletin" followed SLOVAKIA 125 the format and the pattern of the original. The issue was generally read aloud in a public gathering place, often a tavern or an eating place, and then individual features and news items became more or less common property and was prominently posted on the main window of the establishment or placed behind glass in a picture frame and hung' where all might read-if they could-or refer to it. A large crowd always gathered in these places whenever the "Bulletin" was due. Everybody was eager for the news it brought; everybody wanted to be present for the reading of the "newspaper" which Slovensky edited in the saris dialect. He had chosen this dialect because it was his own and because it was most representative of the readers for whom the sheet was intended at the time. Such a favorable reception of the "Bulletin" was highly gratifying to Slovensky because he saw that it both helped and pleased his people, and he was assured that they were willing to support it, since the number of subscribers was mounting from week to week. In fact, the demand soon exceeded the capabilities of a hectograph job. Consequently, in the twentieth issue Slovensky announced that as soon as adjustments could be made, he would begin to publish a standard newspaper of eight pages and he asked his subscribers to bear with him until the change could be effected. Meanwhile he discontinued the hectographed sheet. While the broadening circle of his reading public waited with eager anticipation, Slovensky, wholly raw in this field but stimulated by enthusiasm and the desire to propagate a general good, applied himself to learn from German and American printeries all that a printer should know. He diligently scouted for type that would be suitable for Slovak reading and when by lucky chance he found something desirable in Chicago, he unhesitatingly gave for it all that he had saved from his five years' earnings in America. Julius Wolf was no less sacrificing in this cause. He sold out his flourishing business in favor of a partnership with Slovensky. First Slovak Newspaper in America The investment made, they both ardently set themselves to work and on October 2, 1886 they proudly released from the press in Pittsburgh the first edition of the new paper. It bore the title banner "Amerikanszko-Szlovenske 126 SLOVAKIA Noviny" (American-Slovak News). If you know a little Slovak, that spelling in the Slovak phrase will seem peculiar to you. Remember that these original journalistic efforts were in the saris or eastern dialect and with phonetic spelling closely resembling the Magyar language which both these men had learned in the only schools they had been allowed to attend in their boyhood. The luxury of a Slovak newspaper was now available to all these Slovak immigrants who had never dared to dream of such a privilege in their peasant serfdom. Circulation Rises Within two years the circulation of Slovensky's paper had risen increasingly: there were about six thousand paid subscribers. The efforts originally launched through that humble hectographed sheet evolved into a formidable teacher and protector of Slovak interests in this land of freedom. Both Slovensky and Wolf were conscious of their shortcomings as newspaper men, for neither had studied journalism, and neither had had any previous experience in printing or publishing. Realizing that they needed specialized help, they advertized for a professional copy writer or editor abroad. They waited patiently and hopefully but their appeal brought no response. Manfully, therefore, they carried on to the best of their ability. They were remarkably successful in reporting current news, fresh opportunities and prevailing conditions in America. They took pains to acquaint Slovak immigrants with their obligations as well as with the priviledges provided them under the laws of their new country. As occasion demanded it, they wrote editorials weighted with sound admonitions and with recommendations in order to protect their readers from snares and dangers of various types, and helped them to become Americanized more rapidly. Simplicity and intimacy characterized the paper to such an extent that one can easily see in it a kind of open correspondence with a reading public rather than a formal journalistic project in the full sense of the word. New Impetus in 1888 In 1888 new impetus and quality came to the paper because of the highly improved caliber of contributions SLOVAK.IA 127 which Rovinov had begun to submit to it. Rovinov was the pen name of Peter Victor Rovnianek, an aspiring Slovak intellectual who migrated to America in order to enjoy academic and political freedom here. He was an ardent patriot, more eager to advance the national cause than to do anything else.For that reason he had originally undertaken studies for the priesthood, realizing that a good priest is both the leader and the teacher of many. When Rovnianek's aspirations were warped by the political atmosphere at home, and when brighter prospects were offered in America, he came to St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, as a young seminarian quite close to ordination. It was from this seminary that he sent out his freelance contributions to various publications both here and abroad. Because his heart was in his work, he had the capacity to impart his ardor to others. His brilliance was quickly recognized and appreciated. The Slovensky-Wolf partnership profited by Rovnianek's talents and stood in admiration of his gifts. They saw in him more than the personification of their ideal editor and felt that it was no longer necessary to seek help from abroad; Rovnianek was the one eminently qualified for the editorship of their paper. Unfortunately for them, he was at this time seriously contemplating a return to Europe. On May 13, 1889 fire destroyed practically the entire shop and assets of the American-Slovak Press and made Slovensky and Wolf feel that they were doomed to terminate their publication. In this dark hour, the mails brought to Pittsburgh Rovnianek's farewell letter. He had made his decision; he was leaving for home. Wolf received the message and at once telegraphed Slovensky who was in New York on business. He, in turn, immediately set out for Cleveland to dissuade Rovinov from leaving. After considerable discussion and persuasion, Slovensky concluded his interview with this stipulation: the American-Slovak News would continue to appear only if Slovensky, Wolf and Rovinov would form a partnership to be known as John Slovensky and Company. Otherwise he would not carry on. It was up to Rovnianek to seal either the doom or the promise of the paper. Because this was a momentous challenge for him, Rovnianek requested two weeks for consideration, and the matter rested. Rovnianek was now bitterly tom between the natural 128 SLOVAKIA desire to return home and the apparent need to stay in America. Monthly reports from Ellis Island indicated that immigration from Hungary was very much on the increase. It brought a steady stream of Slovaks into a better land and they needing help in orientating themselves. Rovnianek foresaw that the influx of Slovak immigrants at the current rate could easily mean a guarantee for the re-birth of his crushed nation in some better day. He realized how great was the need for these uprooted people in America to have wise leaders and true teachers. He saw how readily they could be exposed to error and false allegiance especially since there were already forces at work to undermine all that he had endeavored to elevate. These and other considerations, too, seemed to bear upon Rovnianek the conviction that if he really wished to be where he could do the greatest good as a patriot, he should assume the offered editorship of the still crude but highly potential American-Slovak News. He consulted with some of his intellectual friends: Vaclav Panuska, Dr. Francisci, Miller and others. They, too, advised against his return to Europe. Rovnianek Assumes Leadership Accordingly, Rovnianek resolved to become a partner and to accept the responsibilities of editorship. He sacrificed his seminary career and left Cleveland on June 28, 1889. As a 22 year old editor he began in earnest to establish his reputation in American-Slovak national life. He introduced many changes to improve the paper, the most spectacular and significant of which was to discard the use of the dialect form of expression and Hungarian spellings. Quietly but firmly he instated the true literary form of Slovak and American patriotism and tolerated no pretense of regard for foreign overlords. He prepared for his readers comprehensive reports on news from America and from the world at large, especially from Slovakia, so close to the hearts of the immigrants. Working-men always consulted Rovnianek's paper because it was his policy to include items bearing on labor conditions in various localities. He called attention to the fact that one mill or another was ready to hire additional help; that a shop in this town closed and consequently it would be frustrating to try to find employment there; that SLOVAKIA 129 a strike was called at such and such a mine and it was unwise to scab and invite violence. Activities from various Slovak colonies in America were featured and were read with great interest. Serious editorials, instructive articles, essays and stories were provided in abundance. Rovinov ran an interesting serial on American history and he offered many translations of American Indian stories. Besides all this, his paper had many valuable contributions solicited from leading Slovak writers abroad: Vajansky, Sasinek, Dr. Wagner and others. Rovinov's own style was energetic, warm, colorful and fascinating, and his underprivileged public as well as literary readers found it appealing. The project did not fail do draw criticism and opposition from certain unfriendly factions but Rovnianek's im, mediate working atmosphere was favorable and amicable. He found in Wolf his greatest support and understanding. Julius Wolf was his bosom friend and Rovnianek pays him glowing tribute both in his memoirs and in a biographical sketch prepared for the Slovak National Almanac of 1894, referring to him as "a meek, well-tempered man, affable and urbane in society, accomodating and good-hearted at all times. He was wholly devoted to the Slovak cause and his zeal often mounted to fire." In all their 22 years of close collaboration they had but one misunderstanding and that one was very minor and puerile, ensuing upon a card game and opera engagement. Three Partners Work Hard All three partners worked indefatiguably seven days a week, eighteen to twenty hours per day, for the royal salary of nine dollars a week. The work of copy writing, editing, composing and printing did not in itself requisition all this labor. The fact is that there were innumerable business details calling for attention and demanding incessant work and more and more and more of everybody's time. The most time-consuming of them was soliciting new subscribers by house to house canvasses. Their entire plant consisted of one room measuring about 16 by 30. It was divided by a wooden partition. The fore section served as business office, book shop, editorial office, and administration department. Here Slovensky's desk was near the window. Through the center of the room 130 SLOVAKIA there stretched a long table covered with green felt. At its head sat the expeditor who folded copies and prepared them for mailing. One side of the table was reserved for Wolf who had been doing editorial writing until Rovnianek came. In the new partnership, the other side was allotted to Rovnianek as his working area. The rear section of the plant housed the composing and printing department where Joseph Gallik and Morris Greenstein operated a hand powered machine. Only Slovensky had the benefit of daylight. For the others, electric lights burned night and day . Soliciting Subscriptions When Rovnianek came to Pittsburgh, the paper's special list of subscribers ran to 1700 but there was no business manager to collect payments or to check for active subscribers, change of address, etc. Generally it was necessary to send an agent to collect and to solicit subscriptions. On week-ends, Rovnianek and Wolf often undertook such missions personally because the new editor felt that such contacts were essential in order to "sell" the newspaper idea to newer immigrants and to those who still felt too impoverished culturally and materially to invest in a subscription. Rovnianek also dedicated himself to the cause of fraternalizing. He visited town after town. When national consciousness was already awakened, he advanced the idea of a nationwide organization of all Slovaks in America. Often he came upon a home housing 20 to 30 or even 50 to 60 boarders none of whom cared to be bothered about subscribing to a paper which none of them would be able to read. Rovnianek did not appraise such a situation as hopeless. ·He would take out a primer he usually carried on such occasions and tactfully but effectively he would demonstrate how one begins to learn to read. Patiently he taught sounds and syllables, and usually he sold at least one primer in that house before he left, happy with the satisfaction that the spark of literacy was lighted in another mind. Eventually, after a few subsequent visits and instructions, he was able to sign up one or more new subscribers from amortg those who had started out so humbly but -earnestly. SLOVAK.IA 131 In this way Rovnianek familiarized himself with the realities of life among his people in America and to form this knowledge and contact he drew factual material and background for articles, news items, editorials, and stories. He flayed weaknesses and failings that were avoidable; he censured lapses and deficiencies that were culpable; he commended diligence, virtue, achievement and honor. He could not condone sub-standard or unhygienic living conditions or loose and crude manners of life especially where children might be exposed to such undesirable influences. Exploiters inveighed against him and his paper but he was undaunted and carried on his vigorous campaign. Meanwhile Janko Slovensky began to experience a recurrence of the romantic urge. The wanderlust was upon him. His association with Rovnianek began to grow temperamental and finally in 1892 the partnership was dissolved. The P. V. Rovnianek & Co. carried on the publishing business and related interests. Slovensky married Mrs. Stewart, the widow of a sea captain and their long-time landlady. Then he settled in New Albany, Indiana, where he manufactured cigars until there was a relapse of restlessness. This time gold fever combined with wanderlust, and he began to prospect in Colorado and in Mexico. He hopefully formed the Elk Gold Mining Company and sold shares to Slovak acquaintances and to many who aspired to ready wealth. He learned from sad reverses, however, that his lack of experience in such a field served him very poorly. He had done much better prospecting amid the treasures of the mind in the world of journalism. From his gold mine in Mexico he finally returned to Los Angeles where family troubles were added to his business worries, and he died a tragic death in 1891. Wolf died in 1930. Their brain child, the promising pioneer Slovak American newspaper, carried on until 1924 when a large progeny of publications like Jednota, Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Obrana, and Slovak v Amerike were capably serving Slovaks in America. SOURCES K. Culen, Slovcici v Amerike, Turciansky Sv. Martin, 1938. K. Culen, J . Slovensky, Winnipeg, 1955. P . V. Rovnianek, Zcipisky za iiva pochovaneho, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1924. Early issues of Ncirodny kalendcir.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource First Slovak Newspapermen in America Description An account of the resource Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 121-131 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/701e2787d3ae995612706e54debec545.pdf 7fe0a36c9d1cd6069ebf3c75b224853c PDF Text Text � � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7b4cd390e774c25d5f3e3206149fdccc.pdf 4fb0dff7c24238b0e3038d9ced117dd3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling 56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father 58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- 60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that 62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- 64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, 66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its 68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for 70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. 72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of 74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the 76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jednota and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Description An account of the resource Mother M. Emerentia Petrášek, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 55-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petrášek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9ab8bdc821106ca98e9d57d4e79d69c2.pdf c1230fbe992a969dfabe930b35feb5d5 PDF Text Text 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that �SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find �80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: �SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more �82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural �SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- �84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. �SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself �86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- �SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- �88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- �90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish �SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and �92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers �SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- �94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type �SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear �96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of �SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those �98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia �SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war �100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, �SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. �102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. �SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. �104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. �SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). �106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. �SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. �108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario. � 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that �SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find �80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: �SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more �82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural �SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- �84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. �SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself �86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- �SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- �88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- �90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish �SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and �92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers �SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- �94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type �SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear �96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of �SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those �98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia �SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war �100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, �SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. �102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. �SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. �104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. �SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). �106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. �SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. �108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 78 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAK PRESS IN CANADA J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. For a long time the Slovak press in Canada was unknown even to such prominent experts on the life of the ethnic groups in Canada as Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. Writing in 1939 about the European-Canadians and their attitudes towards European problems during the 1938-1939 period, he made the following observation: The last census showed 30,401 Czechs and Slovaks, but did not subdivide these two distinct groups further. Until last spring there was a Czech weekly paper, ceske Noviny ("The Czech News"), published in Montreal, but it gave up the ghost about the time that Germany seized Bohemia, apparently expiring as a result of the withdrawal of financial support through the Czech Consulate-General, The Slovaks had no separate press, but there were many Canadian members of the Slovak League of America, which claims a membership of 300,000 and is bitterly anti-Czech and anti-Benesh.1 In fact, before 1939 there had existed, for shorter or longer periods of time, at least fourteen Slovak newspapers2 and periodicals. The first almanac of Canadian Slovaks, which included a short history of Slovak organizations in Canada had been published five years before the appearance of Prof. Kirkconnell's book; it seems, however, that Slovak newspapers and publications apparently had not come to the attention of Canadians. Speaking later to the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, in his survey of the foreign language press, Prof. Kirkconnell drew quite a favorable picture of the Slovak press in Canada.3 It had existed, according to his report, before the Czechs or the Baltic peoples had their press in Canada and in "per capita" circulation before the Second World War, it ranked sixth among the foreign language newspapers. With 1.04 papers per home of four persons, it was ahead of Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, German, Italian press, and high above the national average. Prof. Kirkconnell explained this by remarking that "the height of the Finnish, Hungarian and Slovak figures is due to the fact that the bulk of these communities consist of post-war emigres, who brought with them political grievances that tend, at this short removal in time, to preserve their sense of identity." 4 He also pointed out that SLOVAKIA 79 "in some cases the foreign language press reflected in Canada the political divisions within the European countries, and that that many of these papers were edited here by political exiles who are men of considerable education."5 Although Slovak newspapers and periodicals from the United States were available for the small and scattered Slovak ethnic group, it did not prevent Slovak immigrants from publishing their own newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. In fact the first Slovak newspaper appeared in Canada in 19106 when the number of Slovaks in Canada was still very small and practically no Canadian Slovak fraternal organization existed yet on Canadian soil. With the influx of immigrants after the First World War not only the number of newspapers increased, but also the quality of the Slovak language press constantly improved. There were not less than 13 newspapers and periodicals published for shorter or longer periods, before the Second World War. Altogether 30 newspapers and periodicals in the Slovak language appeared in Canada between 1910 and 1967.7 This certainly contradicts the myth that the Slovaks who came to Canada before the Second World War were mostly illiterate8 and uninterested in public affairs. While some of the newspapers were of little importance or service to the Slovak community in Canada, others performed very useful tasks. In many respects the Slovak language press is the only source of information for history of Slovaks in Canada. It relates the struggles, hardships, successes and political divisions of the Slovak ethnic group i.n this country. Many problems of the first groups of Slovak immigrants in Canada were recorded perhaps in a crude but sincere manner in these newspapers or monthlies. They were founded to serve the needs of the immigrants who did not read the English or French press, and reflected the problems of a community, struggling with difficulties created by the language barrier and unfamiliar surroundings. The papers were also the principal source of information on the activities of the associations, parishes as well as on the political views on Slovak and Canadian affairs. Slovak immigrants to Canada came divided along political, as well as religious lines, and continued to fight their old battles on Canadian soil in their press and in their associations. Unfortunately, it is impossible to find 80 SLOVAKIA a copy of some of the thirty periodicals and newspapers published in various parts of Canada during the past 57 years. It is only through indirect sources that the existence and political orientation of some periodicals has been known, for neither the Slovak organizations nor the Canadian libraries were interested in collecting them. In fact , Canadian libraries and press directories showed a lack of interest in the foreign language press and confined their attention to newspapers alone, neglecting minor publications. The need for a Slovak press in Canada, where vast distances separated the small, scattered communities of Slovak farmers and miners, is understandable. Their desire to communicate with their countrymen and the fear of loneliness and isolation explain why so many newspapers, publications, printed or mimeographed have appeared during the last 57 years . This also explains why the first Slovak newspaper, and even some later ones, started in Alberta's mining towns. Only from the 1930's on, when the second wave of Slovak immigrants moved from farms and mining towns to the industrial centres, Toronto and Montreal became the centres of the Slovak language press. The largest Slovak newspaper, Kanadsky Slovak began its publication in Montreal in 1942, then in 1952 it was moved for a few years to Winnipeg and finally settled in 1958, in Toronto. Of the thirty Slovak newspapers, periodicals and publications, fourteen were founded in Toronto and the three existing newspapers, the present almanacs and the monthly Maria, as well as books, have been published for the past eight years in Toronto. Seven Slovak publications were founded and published for some time in Montreal. The three existing newspapers are sponsored by the Slovak Canadian fraternal organizations; the Canadian Slovak League publishes Kanadsky Slovak; the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society publishes Slovensky Hlas, and the leftist Slovak Benefit Society of Canada publishes Eudove Zvesti. All three newspapers promote the aims of their association, however, they also perform certain other tasks, and each of them has a distinct political line in Slovak and Canadian affairs. We can apply to the Slovak . language press what has been said of the ethnic press in Canada in general: SLOVAKIA 81 While the ethnic periodicals, by keeping up the reader's interest of his native country, emphasize his national consciousness and separate national identity, they help him at the same time to familiarize himself with the new country of his residence.9 From their modest beginning· when Slovak newspapers aimed at informing the scattered groups of miners or farmers of their problems and whereabouts, the Slovak language press progressed with years to more important and more diversified tasks. If the prime concern of the early Slovak newspapers was to make the life of immigrants, unfamiliar with their new country, its people, language and institutions, less lonely, by giving them information about their countrymen and opportunities for work in other parts of the country, the later newspapers helped to establish associations, parishes and became an important instrument of integration. At the same time the newspapers kept Slovak immigrants informed about their country of origin, by printing information which they could not find in Canadian press, and kept them also informed on Canada, because many did not read either English or French. In fact for a long time Slovak newspapers remained the principal source of information for Slovak immigrants about Canadian matters. Following the example of Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak press in Canada began very soon to dedicate a substantial part of each newspaper to two issues: 1) the desire to keep alive or awaken national consciousness of Slovak immigrants, and 2) the necessity to fight the battles in which the Slovak people were involved in Czecho-Slovakia. The absence of censorship, which in Czecho-Slovakia silenced Slovak newspapers or permitted their publication with half-pages white 10 allowed Slovak newspapers in Canada to voice freely the grievances of the Slovak people and to fight vehemently for the political or social equality of Slovaks in their homeland. The feeling that they were allowed to express their views without hindrance, is reflected in all Slovak newspapers in Canada and one has to admire the warm patriotism and interest in cultural and political problems shown by the editors and contributors, whose education rarely went beyond high-school level. As was the case of the Slovak newspapers in the United States, the Slovak language press in Canada became an instrument which helped the immigrants to find more 82 SLOVAKIA comfortable places of living in their new country. On the other hand some Canadian Slovak newspapers also became advocates of autonomy and self-determination for Slovakia, while others followed the official policy of Prague governments or voiced their leanings to communism. In view of the role which Slovak associations and newspapers played in promoting the liberation of Slovakia from foreign domination, the publication and support of newspapers abroad was regarded by the Slovak people as a mark of patriotism, and to take a stand or to write in favor of freedom or equality of political rights for Slovakia was considered the moral duty of every Slovak abroad. This can partly explain the sacrifices which the Slovaks in Canada or in other parts of the world were willing to make to publish and maintain their press, and it also explains their continuous interest in the affairs of their country of origin. Long considered the free spokesmen of the Slovak nation, Slovaks abroad, including those in Canada, could not remain silent, especially after the Second World War when a communist system was imposed on the Slovak people. As a result, the Slovak press in Canada has reacted vehemently against the enslavement of their country of origin in the belief that by fighting communism it defended at the same time, freedom and democracy in Canada. Political involvement of Slovak language press in Canada after the Second World War became stronger than ever before, for another reason. Among the Slovak immigrants who came to Canada in the post-war period, many were not only interested in politics, but also left Slovakia for political reasons. Many of these new immigrants began to contribute political articles to the existing newspapers, and in both non-communist newspapers the new immigrants became editors (K. culen, J. Zvonar, J. Kutka and S. Reistetter in Kanadsky Slovak, M. Ferik, L. Gorekand, 0. M. Debnarkin in Slovensky Hlas). Slovak language press in Canada acquired more and more political character, and with the intensification of the Cold War and with the rising furror of the communist terror in Slovakia it became, once again, a spokesman for Slovakia. The influx of educated immigrants gave the Slovak newspapers at the same time, a higher level in cultural SLOVAKIA 83 matters, since some of the known Slovak writers, poets and scholars used the newspapers for publishing their poetry, short novels and essays. Although not all immigrants of the previous waves liked the new face of their papers, the leaders and delegates of the Canadian Slovak League always approved the new line. During the past few years the Slovak newspapers and the almanacs or kalendars, published by the associations which sponsor the newspapers as well, have dedicated, however, more and more space to Canadian or organizational issues, and in order to interest the Canadian-born generations, the Kanadsky Slovak has regularly published an English corner. At times there have been articles in English even on the front page, if the issue treated was supposed to interest or to be brought to the attention of the Government or of other ethnic groups. This tendency to pay more attention to the problems of the community is a general trend among the ethnic press in Canada. 11 While conserving the right to speak for the countries enslaved by communism and to criticise the communist regimes, many ethnic newspapers acknowledged the fact that the ethnic groups are becoming closer to Canada than to their countries of origin. Some of them try to help their homelands by stressing their loyalty to Canada and by making appeals to the Canadian Government to voice their aspirations. 12 The Slovak language press assumed certain other duties-such as helping its readers to overcome educational shortcomings resulting from the political situation in Slovakia during the period of foreign rule, and also trying to preserve cultural values threatened by hostile pressures. The Slovak-Canadian periodicals performed these duties conscientiously, in addition to the standard functions of newspapers serving a certain area. This duality of function is perhaps the most striking feature of the Slovak-Canadian press. Practically all the newspapers and almanacs contained not only information, but also articles on cultural and historical matters as well as poetry, short novels, epigrams and other writings. For several Slovak writers, poets and politicians the Slovak language press has been the tribune for their ideas and has helped them to overcome the feelings of futility and discouragement, which many immig- 84 SLOVAKIA rant intellectuals have experienced after their arrival in Canada. And since the Slovak people in Slovakia expected that their countrymen everywhere, especially on the American continent, would not only maintain their national heritage but also help Slovakia to obtain political freedom, and after the Second World War to regain national independence, the newspapers and almanacs have been giving· much space to the general problems of communism and democracy and to specific Slovak problems. From the very beginning the Slovak press was kept alive mostly by the sacrifices and selfless dedication of editors and contributors, and by the generous support of its readers. Only later, it was maintained or subsidized by the Slovak associations. At that point, however, Slovak newspapers and periodicals became less independent and more differentiated in their political leanings, so that according to its political colouring and character, the Slovak language press can be divided into the following categories: (a ) The early informatory, non-political Slovak pubcations; (b ) Newspapers collaborating with the Czech group and favouring close ties with Prague, but autonomy for Slovakia; ( c ) Slovak press rejecting co-operation with the Czechs and advocating Slovak independence; (d) Pro-communist publications; (e) Economic, cultural and other short-lived publications; ( f) Religious publications. No doubt a lesser number of newspapers and fewer political divisions would have been preferable, but Slovaks came to Canada divided along political and religious lines. Furthermore, the political developments in Slovakia, the economic and social difficulties of the years of the economic depression and the communist take-over after World War II, perpetuated their disunity. Needless to say, the adversaries of the Slovaks' aspirations for autonomy and later for independence, supported by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia, used all available means to keep them divided and fighting among themselves, and used the Slovak language press to this end. SLOVAKIA 85 Newspapers and Periodicals The history of the Slovak language press in Canada begins with a newspaper called Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word ), published in Blairmore, Alta., by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken13 in 1910. There is no evidence that the early Slovak immigrants in Canada published their own newspaper before this date. Slovak newspapers from the United States apparently satisfied the need of the scattered Slovak communities to read in their own language about Canada or Slovakia. Later, however, there was publishing activity which may surprise anyone who is acquainted with the difficulties of the Slovak immigrants in Canada, and with their small numbers. We can divide the survey of the Slovak newspapers into three periods, each corresponding with the individual waves of immigration. The first period was limited to the Canadian West and the Slovak Word is the only newspaper which was published and edited by Canadian Slovaks in that period. Modest in appearance and published at irregular intervals in a small tabloid form, the first issue of the Slovenske Slovo appeared in May 1910. Both the publisher and the editor came to Blairmore from Chicago, Ill., to join hundreds of Slovak miners who at that time worked in coal mines of the Crow's Nest Pass area. It was impossible to find out how long this first Slovak newspaper was published or how many issues appeared. As for the contents, the publication was written in a strong patriotic spirit, similar to that of Slovak newspapers in the United States before the First World War. The second period was not limited g·e ographically. Montreal and Toronto became the centres of Slovak publishing activity as well as of the successive disappearance of newspapers which had started with more enthusiasm than financial backing. Some of these newspapers, such as Kanadske Noviny for instance, ceased publication, but the newspapers which replaced them, did not start as new ones, but as a continuation of previous publications. As a result we find that Slovak v Kanade started as Volume VI, or Slovenske Bratstvo as Volume XII. The second period extends from 1928 to the end of the Second World War and was also marked by the birth of numerous religious periodicals, almanacs and tabloids. Juraj Klesken himself 86 SLOVAKIA made two more attempts at reviving a newspaper in the Canadian West, but failed, as did all individual undertakings in this field in Montreal or Toronto. The newspapers achieved more stability only when they became official organs of the fraternal organizations. At that time Slovak newspapers and periodicals also became divided along the political lines, and the divisions survive to this day. The second, as later the third period, was turbulent at times, full of polemics, bitter invective and in some instances even law suits resulting from partisan polemics and attacks. The atmosphere in the Slovak press was particularly poisoned by hate, denunciations and invectives in 1939 and during the war years, and again from 1948, when the Slovak and Czech political refugees arrived in Canada. In spite of denunciations by the Czech, communist and Czechoslovak press, no Canadian Slovak newspaper was prohibited by the Canadian Government except the communist one. The prohibition of the circulation of Slovak American newspapers, which was imposed upon the weekly Jednota and the bi-weekly Slovenskd Obrana as a result of false accusations, by the Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers, that they spread or advocated Nazism, was suspended14 shortly after it was put into effect. It created, however, an atmosphere of bitterness, and mutual accusations which divided the Slovak community for the entire period of the war. However, a positive result was forthcoming as far as Slovaks in Canada were concerned, as the Government authorities were skeptical from then on about subsequent denunciations of Slovaks by the Czech or communist newspapers. The First World War and the limited immigration to Canada from Slovakia until 1926 interrupted the publishing activity among Slovaks. Only the influx of Slovak immigrants around 1928, among whom many were involved in the post-war political and social clashes in Slovakia, led to the founding of new Slovak newspapers. The strongest centres for publishing activity in the period were Montreal, where from 1928 to 1939 five newspapers and one periodical were founded, and Toronto, where the small group of Slovak communists made three successive attempts at pub- SLOVAKIA 87 lishing newspapers. All these newspapers represented political and ideological differentiation of Slovak immigrants and can be divided into three categories: ( 1) Newspapers with Slovak patriotic leanings, defending the right of the Slovak people to political autonomy and their own cultural development; (2) Newspapers supporting the official ideology of Prague governments and advocating Czechoslovak national, linguistic and cultural unity; (3) Newspapers with socialist and communist tendencies. Some newspapers changed their original political orientation, while others stood firmly on their ideological ground. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) was the first newspaper of this period. Published in Montreal from 1928 to 1933, the newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. The founder, J . Pribil, was the owner of a travel and colonization agency, and when faced with a deficit, he sold the newspaper to his employees. They in turn sold it to the publishers of New Yorksky Dennik and the last owner was Gabriel Kurdel, whom we mentioned in connection with the first Slovak organization in Canada. Originally the newspaper advocated a close political union between Slovaks and Czechs along the lines of the official policy of Prague's government and its subtitle was: "Czechoslovak Weekly". G. Kurdel, after taking over the ownership, changed not only the political orientation of the newspaper, but also its name, to Slovak v Kanade. The editors, Stanislav Zuber and Martin Dudak, were also replaced. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) was published in Montreal from 1933 to 1939 and in some way it may be considered as a forerunner of Kanadsky Slovak. 1~ Kurdel, the publisher as well as the editor, Frantisek Kvetan, endeavoured to give the Slovak immigrants in Canada a newspaper which would reflect their political orientation and clear the confusion created by the official Czechoslovak propaganda in the ranks of Slovak Canadians. Unfortunately the financial burden was too heavy on the publisher, and the newspaper ceased publication on the threshold of the Second World War. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) was, according to some sources,16 the successor of Slovak v Kana- 88 SLOVAKIA de and its editor, Stanislav Zuber, tried to keep its con- tents in line with the feelings and thinking of the majority of Slovak immigrants, who were not willing to support blindly the Czecho-Slovak National Association, which served the aims of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. A legal suit against the newspaper by the President of the Association added to its financial difficulties and the newspaper discontinued publication in October 1943.17 A tabloid called Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The circular of the Slovak Pioneer) also ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood) was also published in Montreal as "The Democratic organ of the Slovaks in Canada" and it claimed in its subtitle to be the successor to the weekly Slovak in Canada. For a short time the Canadian Slovak League used Slovenske Bratstvo as its official newspaper. The newspaper and its editor, Stefan Hreha, however, were unscrupulously attacked by the newspaper Nova Vlast' and denounced in Ottawa. The apparent aim of the newspaper Nova Vlast' as well as of the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia in Canada, was to obtain the prohibition of Slovenske Bratstvo as well as the suspension of the circulation of all Slovak newspapers from the United States which did not support the political program of Dr. Benes. 18 Nova Vlast' (New Homeland) was founded in 1934 with the apparent aim of fostering the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. From 1928 there was among Slovak immigrants a clear political differentiation, and not only the large group of those who adhered to the Slovak autonomist movement, but also the communist group, were sometimes critical of Prague's official policy. Backed by the consular and diplomatic representatives of Czechoslovakia Nova Vlast' sought to keep Slovak immigrants "faithful" to the concept of the ethnic and linguistic unity of the Czechs and Slovaks and resulting assimilation of the Slovak people. For some time Nova Vlast' avoided an open clash and published the official news of the First Slovak Mutual Benefit Society of Kirkland Lake .19 From 1939 however, the newspaper became aggressive toward everyone who did not agree with the political program of the Czech and Slovak exiled groups in England. The members of the Canadian Slovak League SLOVAKIA 89 and the editors of the newspapers which defended the right of Slovaks to self-determination were particularly attacked and unscrupulously denounced by Nova Vlast'. Until 1936 the newspaper had been edited by Stanislav Zuber, who for some time had been the editor of The Slovak Pioneer, But from 1936, an employee of the Bank of Commerce, Martin Dudak, was the responsible editor, and was helped by the former Consul General of Czechoslovakia, Dr. F. Pavlasek. In 1932 Juraj Kleskefl made another attempt at publishing a newspaper in the west. It was called Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) and was published in Blairmore, Alberta, from 1932 to 1934. Hlas Naroda was a small-sized publication on 4 pages, which included a supplement called Nasa Mladez (Our Youth). Financial difficulties caused the disappearance of both in 1934. However, Klesken was not a man to be easily discouraged. Since from 1934 not only the Czechoslovak newspaper Nova Vlast', but also the communist newspaper had attacked the patriotic group of Slovak immigrants, Kleskefl started publication in 1940, of Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). The leading articles were written in English by well-known Slovaks from the United States and Canada: Dr. P. P. Hletko, S. Palickar and F . Zeman. The articles shed new light not only on the Slovak leaders of the pre-war period but also on the Slovak Republic and its President, Dr. J. Tiso, which the adversaries of Slovakia used as a pretext to accuse the publisher of spreading and advocating nazism. Kleskefl was cleared by Canadian authorities, but he discontinued publication of his newspaper. This was the third and last attempt at publishing a Slovak newspaper in the Canadian West. The small group of Slovak communists started publication of their first newspaper in 1931. The name of the mimeographed publication was Nase Slovo (Our Word) and it was published in Toronto. According to one of the editors of the Communist press in Canada, J . f>uriancik, this "labour-progressive" newspaper looked miserable, as miserable as those who contributed their last nickels for its first issue. It was mimeographed on simple sheets and not in newspaper size." 20 A year later its name was changed to Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) and was printed as a regular newspaper. The publisher and editor of the Work- 90 SLOVAKIA ers' Word was J. Huska. These two first leftist newspapers were socialist rather than communist in their contents and orientation. When the Slovak communists organized their Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie (Slovak Cultural Association), the newspaper Robotnicke Slovo changed its name to Hlas Eudu (The People's Voice). It was published twice a week and both the Slovak Cultural Association and the newspapers adhered to communist ideology. The communist movement has never had many supporters among Slovak immigrants in Canada. To attract members they formed front organizations like Slovenske Kulturne Sdruzenie or various clubs 21 and used slogans of social justice, progress, peace and democracy. Around 1939 the newspaper Hlas Eudu edited by Cyprian Slimak, became, however, an agressive tool of communist propaganda among Slovak immigrants in Canada22 and as a result, the Canadian authorities ordered its suspension in 1940. The Canadian Government, using its war-time emergency powers, prohibited all communist newspapers and dissolved communist organizations. When the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Western Allies in 1941, Slovak leftist groups started publication of Nase Slovo (Our Word) as a continuation of Hlas Eudu. At the end of the war the newspaper changed its name to Eudove Zvesti ( People's News ) and has survived until the present time, edited by J. f>uriancik for the past two decades. The newspaper remained faithful to its program and to the Prague government even in the period of the socalled cult of personality, when the most prominent Slovak communists were either hanged or sent to jail for life by the Czechoslovakian leaders of the Communist Party. Unlike the other Slovak newspapers, the Slovak communist press in Canada did not gain any of the post-war educated immigrants as contributors or editors. Slovak communist newspapers were published and edited by devoted organizers of the communist movement whose partisan zeal overshadowed their education. How much financial help or how many articles for printing the communist press received from Czechoslovakia, is hard to say. Yet many articles seem to indicate that they were written by educated people. Eudove Zvesti never failed to publish SLOVAKIA 91 attacks and smear propaganda, originated in Prague, against Slovaks in Canada who disagreed either with the communist or the Czech rule in Slovakia, which would indicate that the newspaper is more concerned with how to please the Prague government than to serve the interest of the Slovak immigrants in Canada. We may say about the Slovak language communist press what Turek recorded on the Polish language press in Canada, that: The Polish-language communist press in Canada, as well as the whole party organization, were always characterized by strict discipline, efficient organization and fanatical dedication on the part of the leaders. Needless to add, the general policy was always dictated from outside, and the local leadership was charged only with its execution. Thanks to this rigid organization and discipline, the communist group managed to maintain for thirty years its own press, even though it never had a wide circulation and could not rely on any substantial advertising revenue.23 The founding of Kanadsky Slovak in 1942 was the result of political struggles within the Slovak cummunity in Canada. After the communist group established its press and the Czechoslovak group received strong support from the Czech representatives of the exiled Czech politicians in London, the large part of Canadian Slovaks who were neither pro-communist nor pro-Czech felt an urgent need for their own newspaper. The leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League were particularly anxious to have an instrument of defense against the combined attacks of the pro-communist and pro-Czech press. Not only did some of them suffer as a result of denunciations by the proCzech and pro-communist newspapers, but also they could not look on, inactive, at the political confusion created among Canadian Slovaks by portraying inaccurately the situation in Slovakia. The decision to publish their own newspaper was taken at the Fifth Congress of the Canadian Slovak League, held on September 8-10, 1941.24 The first issue was published on March 5, 1942 in Montreal and, as evidenced by its contents, there was no doubt that it was published in order to defend the members of the League against accusations by the leftist and Czechoslovak newspapers. It was decided that the newspaper should be published in Slovak "national and 92 SLOVAKIA Christian spirit",25 which the publication has endeavoured to do for the past 26 years. The first editor of Kanadsky Slovak was a young, courageous newspaperman, Stefan Hreha, who had previously edited Slovenske Bratstvo. During his military service he was replaced by Frantisek Kvetan until 1946, when Hreha again took up his duties. 26 In 1949 the Eight Congress of the League elected Konstantin Culen, a well-known journalist and author of numerous works on cultural and political history, 27 as assistant editor. In 1952 the newspaper was transferred to Winnipeg, where the League purchased a printing shop, and Culen became the editor-inchief of the newspaper, as well as of the Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, which began publication in 1953. From Winnipeg and from 1958 in Toronto, Kanadsky Slovak was edited exclusively by the political refugees. Among those in Winnipeg were the poet Jozef Zvonar-Tien, Jozef Kutka and for a decade now, Stefan Reistetter, whose original profession was teaching, but who had been attracted by politics and journalism in Slovakia. Also among the contributors for the past 20 years were mostly the postwar immigrants, even though the "old guard" - Andrew Kucera, Andrew Potocky, Pavol Blaho and others - regularly sent contributions on special occasions. The founding of Kanadsky Slovak closed the second period of the Slovak language press in Canada. A new period opened in 1949 when the second largest Slovak organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society began publishing its official organ, Slovensky Hlas in Windsor. 2 " In the third period several periodicals started publication and some survived. The number of newspapers was stabilized, as were their political and ideological leanings and programs. The standards of the newspapers improved, except for the communist weekly, owing to a large number of contributors from among the political refugees . At the outset, Slovensky Hlas was published on four pages and was concerned primarily with organizational matters. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto and enlarged to eight pages with varied contents, and has been published monthly. Without fighting party politics it informs its readers in an objective way on Canadian and Slovak problems. Rooted in tradition of Slovak newspapers SLOVAKIA 93 as they originally appeared in Canada or in the United States, it dedicates a substantial part to Slovak cultural and national issues, in order to keep Slovak national consciousness alive, then to the matters of the association which is its sponsor and publisher. Slovensky Hlas was edited in Windsor by J.M. Gerez, Jr. , and :r.udovft Garek. After its transfer to Toronto, Mikulas Ferik and the poet Ondrej M. Debnarkin29 took over the editorial duties. Debnarkin also edited the almanacs published by the Canadian Slovak Benefit Soci ety while Garek became Secretary General of the Societ y . Both are postwar immigrants to Canada. Apart from Slovensky Hlas several short-lived mimeographed monthlies were published in the post-war period. In 1948 Stanislav Zuber began publishing a monthly under the name E konomia. According to cul en the original plan of Zuber was to put into the hands of Slovak immigrants a periodical dedicated to economic problems, but there was not enough interest for such an undertaking and the experiment did not prove successful. E konomia ceased to appear in its second year. 30 The second monthly was published in Toronto by Dr. Paul Fundarek, another member of the group of young educated Slovaks who preferred exile to the submission to communism. The name of the publication was Nds zivot ( Our Life) and it was considered an official organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada. Born of enthusiasm, but without funds, it was short-lived, ceasing publication with its tenth issue. In 1952 the group of members of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto began to publish a mimeographed periodical Domovina ( Homeland ) . Its editor was a young lawyer, Julius Ksinan, who made a name for himsef in Slovakia in the post-war years by courageously defending one of the members of the Slovak government, Alexander Mach. His attempts at making a career in journalism were not, however, very successful. The publication reflected the turbulent period among Slovak exiles but without contributing positively to political or cultural activities of Slovaks in Canada, it suffered the fate of its predecessor Nds zivot and ceased to exist in 1954. In 1953 the Union of Slovak Combattants made an at- 94 SLOVAKIA tempt at founding a new periodical in a mimeographed form. The publication was called Domobrana (Home Defense) and was edited by the poet Jan Doransky in Montreal. Later it was transferred to Toronto and published at irregular intervals, in a printed form. After its transfer to Toronto Domobrana was even more intolerant and defamatory than Domovina in its attacks on the leaders of the Slovak exiles who disagreed with the methods and views of the Union of Slovak Combattants. It was later transferred to the United States. As A. R. Boyd wrote on ethnic press in Canada, the Slovak language press "has had a chequered career. The rates of birth and mortality have been high. [But] it was inevitable that [it] should have made its appearance." 31 It was kept alive mostly by idealism and unpaid work as well as monetary contributions by its readers, leaders of the associations and underpaid editors. Fund raising on every possible occasion, such as weddings, banquets, picnics, was for a long time one of the main sources of revenue for covering the publishing expenses. With a few exceptions all the editors had to have another job in order to earn enough money to live. Almanacs and Religious and Cultural Periodicals Among Slovak language publications in Canada, almanac or "kalendar", published by Slovak organizations, and religious monthlies or souvenir books published by parishes played an important part socially and in education. Both monthlies and almanacs were favoured reading of the Slovak rural population in Europe, and the habit of having something to read for the long winter evenings, was brought to Canada and preserved. It was, perhaps, even more important in Canada because the almanacs and souvenir books as well as the religious monthlies published information not only on the Slovak communities in Canada, but also articles and pictures about the life of Canadian Slovaks, in addition to the educational articles, short novels and patriotics, moralistic or religious poetry. If this kind of publication appeared in Canada in the Slovak language comparatively late (the first in 1934) or if it was not numerous, the reason can be found in the distribution of well-established publications of a similar type SLOVAKIA 95 from the United States. Some Slovak immigrants also received almanacs and religious monthlies from Slovakia. As a result their publication in Canada began only after the Slovak associations and parishes were established. In their appearance and content, they followed the pattern of their Slovak American counterparts as well as that of almanacs published in Slovakia. The first almanac was published in 1934 under the title Prvy Kalenddr Kanadskych Slovdkov na rok 1934. It approached its readers with the slogan "May brotherhood and concord prevail among us" and was edited by a group of well-known organizers of Slovak community life: G. Kurdel, F. Zeman, J. Pavlovic, F. Kvetan and Rev. Urban Koval. According to the introductory note, the almanac was not sponsored by any fraternal organization, as was the case later, but by a "Slovak Publishing Company". This first almanac contains valuable information on the life and organizational activities of Slovak immigrants in Canada before 1934. There are articles from practically all provinces on the founding and activities of fraternal societies and parishes, with pictures of their leaders and members. The almanac also published a survey of the history of Canada with photographs of the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa, Regina and Victoria and several general views of the cities of Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton and Vancouver, in addition to short novels and verses written either by poets in Slovakia or by Slovak immigrants in Canada. The contributions, even though written by people with limited education, except for F. Zeman, were written in a spirit of idealism and patriotism towards Slovakia but with a strong sense of attachment to Canada. Unfortunately, the Kalenddr was published only twice and several years passed before new almanacs appeared. The next almanac was published in 1939 by the leftist group under the name Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu, ( People's Almanac for Canada) but died out with the first issue. It was concerned mainly with communism and Russia but also dealt with Slovaks and Canada, and contained some useful information on the small group of Slovaks who drifted away from the bulk of Slovak immigrants in Canada, as well as on the first leftist organizations. Slovak almanacs began to appear 96 SLOVAKIA as regular annual publications only after the Second World War. The largest Slovak fraternal organization in Canada, the Canadian Slovak League, began to publish its Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy in 1952. The place of publishing this time was in the west, in Winnipeg. The number of contributors from among the "older" immigrants was comparatively limited in the first issues of the Kalendar since there were already many Slovak writers of the post-war immigration who wrote for newspapers and almanacs published in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.32 The editor, Konstantin Culen, wrote a good deal of the material himself. The contents of the Kalendar were of an informative and educational nature and referred to the organizational life of Slovaks in Canada, as well as to cultural and political problems of Slovakia and Canada. The almanac was later transferred to Toronto and besides the leaders of the Canadian Slovak League many known Slovak writers and publicists regularly contributed articles on cultural or political matters as well as verses and short novels, making the Kalendar an interesting and valuable symposium. At the same time the Kalendar published articles on the hi.story of Slovaks in Canada in Slovak as well as in English and the first survey of the Slovak language press. 33 The Kalendar at all times manifested loyalty to Canada and interest in the fate of the Slovak people whose freedom and independence it strongly advocated. After Culen left for the United States, the Kalendar was edited by ~tefan Reistetter and an anonymous editorial board, composed of the main contributors. The administrative duties and problems with publication and distribution of the Kalendar were in Toronto, mostly in the hands of the Publishing Committee of the Canadian Slovak League. In 1957 the second largest Slovak fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society, began to publish its yearly almanac. The first issue was published under the name Pamatnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu (Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice for the year 1957 ). It seems to have been edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin, although a notice on the front page states that it was prepared by the editorial board of SLOVAKIA 97 the newspaper Slovensky Hlas. The contents of the Pamiitnica deal mostly with the achievements and problems of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society which in 1952 celebrated its 25th anniversary. It contains articles and pictures of the founders and main leaders of the Society and its branches, and several verses by the editor. The following issues dedicated more space to literary and cultural contributions, though articles on the goals and achievements of the sponsoring society, and contributions by the leaders and members, were always more numerous than in the almanac of the Canadian Slovak League, whose contributors were predominantly the post-war immigrants. Conservative and educational rather than political and literary, the almanac of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society has fulfilled among its readers, the function of an organizational publication. The leftist Slovak Benefit Society did not issue any regular publication of the type of almanac except for one issue of Eudovy Kalenddr pre Kanadu in 1939 as previously mentioned. Slovak almanacs or "kalendars" in Canada had to compete with similar publications distributed by the Slovak fraternal organizations in the United States. The Canadian members of the First Catholic Slovak Union, have been receiving yearly a well-edited Kalenddr Jednota which, in its 200-300 pages brings articles and pictures from the life of Slovaks in both countries and many educational, literary and political articles referring to Slovakia and to the new homelands of Slovak immigrants. The gymnastical fraternal organization Slovak Catholic Sokol also provides its Canadian members with a yearly almanac of comparatively high literary value, as does the National Slo1Yak Society, which sends to its Canadian members not only a newspaper, but also an almanac, called Ndrodny Kalenddr, which was founded in 1893 and is considered one of the best Slovak almanacs. Slovak religious publications in Canada were not numerous and in view of the religious consciousness of the Slovak people, need some explanation. Basically it was for the same reason mentioned in connection with the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks: immigrants from Slovakia to Canada were either unmarried young men or those 98 SLOVAKIA who were married left their families at home. They moved from one mining camp to another or from the West to the East looking for jobs, and established their permanent home and place of residence very slowly. Another reason was the lack of Slovak priests who would have organized parishes and taken care of the religious needs of Slovak immigrants.34 As a result of this situation, the first Slovak Canadian religious monthly appeared only in 1938. It was published in Montreal, under the name Ave Maria, by J. Skoda, and was in elaborate form and large size, containing many pictures. J. skoda was assisted by an anonymous board of editors. Also called the Slovak Catholic Rosary News in English, it contained religious articles and news on Slovak Catholics in Canada. A new monthly was not published until 1955 when the Slovak priests of the Byzantine Rite came to Canada and began to organize Slovak Greek Catholic parishes. The founders of the monthly, published under the name Maria, were Rev. M. Rusnak, and Rev. Francis Fuga, pastor of the Slovak Greek Catholic parish in Hamilton.35 The publication found a generous supporter in Stephen B. Roman and survived all difficulties over the past eleven years. The circulation amounts to 1,500 copies and it has subscribers also in the United States and other parts of the free world. As all religious foreign language publications in Canada, these two monthlies served not only the religious needs of the Slovak immigrants, but also fulfilled cultural and social functions. They have recorded important events among Slovaks in Canada and in the world, but their main goal remains religious. Nearly all Slovak parishes published on the occasion of their inauguration, or for anniversaries, souvenir books, some of which, as the Souv enir Book of the Fifth Anniversary of the Church of the Visitation in Winnipeg, (Winnipeg, 1955) contained valuable information, not only on the church and its community, but also a short history of Slovak immigrants in Manitoba. Souvenir book of the dedication of the Slovak Greek Catholic Church of Ascension i n Montreal (Montreal, 1962), with many photographs, re- corded the history of the parish as well as of the building of the church. Pamiitnik Tridsat'rocneho Jubilea Zalozenia SLOVAKIA 99 Slovenskej Evanjelickej Lutherdnskej Cirkvi vo Windsore, Ontario, ( Souvenir Book of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Nativity Slovak Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windsor, Ontario) published in 1958 also brings a short his- torical outline of the life, organization and activities of the Slovak Lutheran community. The "Memorial Book" of the Slovak Lutheran Church of Ascension in Montreal was published in 1954 and contains a short history of the congregation in Slovak and English, as well as pictures from the life of the congregation. The inauguration of the Slovak Junior Seminary in Sarnia was also recorded by the publication of a Souvenir Book as were the inauguration of parishes or churches in Hamilton, Welland and others. The 25th Anniversary of Sts. Cyril and Methodius Roman Catholic parish in Toronto recorded in 1959 in a special souvenir book, also records the history of the parish with many pictures, and is considered to be one of the best publications of its kind. The Slovak Jesuit missionary centre in Galt has produced, since 1958, an annual publication called Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade, ( Slovak Jesuits in Canada). The publication contains mainly reports on the activities of Slovak Jesuits in Canada and the United States. There have also been, however, articles on general religious problems and in the issue for 1966, Rev. J. Moravsky published a valuable survey of the religious life and organizations of Slovak Catholics in Canada. The value of the publication for the history of Slovaks in Canada, may one day be considerable. In conclusion we may say about the Slovak religious press in Canada what is generally said of the ethnic religious press: The Slovak Canadian and Slovak religious press aimed at serving the religious needs of Slovak communities of various denominations and the papers are very similar to their French, English and other ethnic counterparts. Although some of these religious papers are small, unpretentious and at times published irregularly, their importance is far in excess of their physical characteristics. Like the foreign language press in general, the religious papers provide a link with the past life of the immigrants and thus serve as a stabilizing force in their new environment, particularly with regard to moral standards. 36 As for cultural publications, there was only one attempt at establishing a Slovak non-political, cultural and literary periodical in Canada. The young educated post-war 100 SLOVAKIA immigrants, whose university studies were interrupted by the communist occupation of Slovakia, began to publish in Montreal, in 1949, a monthly called Rozvoj (Progress ) of long standing among university students. 37 It was published in a large-size on 90 pages, and among its contributors were some of the most outstanding intellectuals, poets and writers. After a year the publication ceased to exist. The main reason for its disappearance was the hard beginning of the educated Slovak newcomers to Canada and to other countries. On the other hand, the newspapers and almanacs available in Canada were willing to publish any literary or cultural contribution and there was, therefore, no particular need for a new publication. 38 Along with Rozvoj publication was also discontinued of a series of literary works by young Slovak writers in exile, called Edicia Rozvoja, which started with a drama Krvavy Kriz (Bloody Cross), written by a Slovak poet, Karol Strmefl, under the nom de plume Milan Novak. Slovak-Czech Relations in the Slovak Press in Canada Analyzing the reasons for the founding of the foreign language newspapers in Canada, Allan R. Boyd writes, that primary factor in the establishment of an ethnic press was the growing national consciousness of certain groups whose European territories were under the rule of what they regarded as foreign powers. The pervading nationalism which germinated and grew throughout Europe during the nineteenth century had its reflection in the press established abroad. Ethnic groups abroad always have been concerned with events affecting their homeland, even when that homeland is not engaged in a struggle for liberation or independence. Thus one of the 'raison d'etre' of the press which came into being was the preoccupation with, and propagation of, ideals of national independence." 39 The Slovak language press has been no exception in this regard. Since 1928, when the first Slovak newspaper of the inter-war period appeared in Canada, the Slovak-language press was divided in its attitude towards the policy of Prague government with regard to Slovakia as well as toward the Czech emigrants in Canada. There were many attempts at keeping alive the false pretension that Czechs and Slovaks were one ethnic group and a few newspapers, SLOVAKIA 101 published in the Slovak language, called themselves "Czecho-Slovak weeklies". Those papers, were, however, not many and there was usually behind them either Czech financial support or they served at the same time the needs of the Czech community in Canada. 40 These "Czechoslovak" newspapers defended the Czech policy in Slovakia and systematically wrote against Canadian Slovaks who were on the side of the Slovak political movement which aimed at autonomy and self-rule in Slovakia and stressed that Slovaks were a distinct ethnic and cultural entity. The debates on these subjects were often conducted in strong terms and with little respect for the facts and feelings. Shortly before and during the Second World War some "Czechoslovak" newspapers used demagogy and denunciations41 against those Slovaks who differed in their opinions from the Czech views on the policy of Prague or from the political aims of the Czech exiles in London. The controversy was fought not only in Slovak papers in Canada, but also in the United States, particularly when the Slovaks, who did not agree with the "Czechoslovak" political line, were accused of disloyalty towards Canada.42 As the War progressed the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs in Canada were more tense, and the polemics more heated in the Slovak language press. The continuous attacks by the Czech oriented and pro-Communist Slovak newspapers on the leaders and members of the Canadian Slovak League led finally to the founding of the Kanadsky Slovak, which reflects, from 1942, the other side of the tense Slovak - Czech relations. The fact that Slovakia after the War, instead of receiving independence, not only was returned under the Czech rule but also the Communist system was imposed upon the Slovak people, contributed to an increase of the proportion of space devoted by the Slovak language press in Canada to the problems of the "old country" or in other words to the Slovak-Czech relations. Moreover, the new enslavement of the Slovak people led to the foundation of some periodicals, devoted to the political objectives of Slovak exiles and refugees who arrived in Canada around 1950. They were, however, all short-lived and some of them appeared at irregular intervals, mostly when their anonymous contributors and editors felt the need to attack and slander other Slovak emigres or Slovak organizations. 102 SLOVAKIA Particularly, the contributions of the new immigrants to the older Slovak newspapers concentrated mainly on national problems and on the defence of the Slovak people's right to independence explaining the situation in Slovakia during the war, which has constantly been misrepresented abroad. They were the "forced migrants" about whom R. A. Boyd writes that "naturally their own fate and that of their homeland deeply concerns them." 43 The Slovak language press in Canada has strongly reflected this new situation. As always before, it helped the integration of Slovaks with the mainstream of Canadian life, as well as with other ethnic groups. Some post-war immigrants endeavored even to strengthen the positive attitude of the Slovak press in Canada toward other ethnic groups, which except for the Czechs, had always been friendly and most co-operative in their relations with Canadian Slovaks. This is especially true with regard to other Slavic groups with whom the Slovaks in Canada felt kinship, and basically understood their language. Polish, Ukrainian, Slovenian, Croatian, and other Slavic events in Canada have been registered in the Slovak Canadian press and Slovak representatives occupied the highest offices in the Canadian Ethnic Press Association or Canada Ethnic Press Federation. 44 The negative attitude toward the Czech group, which appeared in the 1930's and became stronger during and after the Second World War, as mentioned before, was mostly caused by the tendency of some Canadian Czechs, and later of their newspapers, to speak on behalf and in the name of Canadian Slovaks, which the Slovaks resented; secondly, it was caused by the difference of opinions on the policy of Prague governments and Slovak aspirations for self-government; thirdly, by vicious attacks on Slovaks who disagreed with Czechs. 45 Even before the Second World War, when the Slovak newspapers regarded Czechoslovakia as their motherland, they were opposed to the policy of the Prague government which aimed at assimilation of Slovaks and domination of Slovakia by Czechs. Since the Czech and Czechoslovak Communist papers in Canada stood behind the Prague government and opposed the aspirations of the Slovak people for autonomy within Czechoslovakia, denying the existence of a culturally and ethnically distinct Slovak entity, conflicts flared up and were discussed with vehemence in the Slovak press. SLOVAKIA 103 The animosity and attacks were intensified especially during and after the Second World War. The proclamation of Slovakia's independence was considered by the Czech and Czechoslovak-oriented press as a treason, while for many Slovaks in Canada it was an achievement of national ideals. And because, soon after the proclamation of independence, Great Britain (and twenty-eight other states ) recognized the Slovak Republic and not only appointed a Consul of Her Majesty in Slovakia but also received a Slovak Consul-General in London, 46 many Canadian Slovaks and their press did not see anything wrong in looking favourably at the establishment of the Slovak Republic or did not see any reason to be against it. When the war started, the new Slovak government did not have, in their views, any choice and was therefore unwillingly on the side of Germany. Czech and Czechoslovak newspapers and organizations used however, this against the Slovaks in Canada and caused to many of them personal difficulties with Canadian authorities and a lot of injustice. 47 In fact, denunciations of Slovaks by some Czech newspapers and leftist Czechoslovak newspapers went too far not to be rejected or counter-acted. As a result, a part of the Slovak Canadian press was forced into the defensive and into a fight with the Czech and so-called Czechoslovak newspapers .48 If one wants to judge the relations between the Slovaks and the Czechs from these polemics or from the attacks by some Czech papers on Slovaks and, particularly on the Slovak aspirations for self-government, he will easily come to the conclusion that there is hardly any possibility for co-operation between these two groups in Canada, and that Slovaks and Czechs at home and abroad have little reason to support the further existence of Czechoslovakia. On this brief outline of the Slovak press in Canada in relation to the political, social and cultural needs of the Slovak ethnic group which it serves, we can apply what Victor Turek said about the Polish press, that "it cannot be accurately interpreted without constantly bearing in mind that it has been a press of an oppressed nation struggling for its full freedom. It may be that other ethnic groups, originating from more fortunate countries, enjoying more stability and security, have created in Canada a different type of press - with different aims and duties. 104 SLOVAKIA It may be that for such other groups the importance of maintaining their native language and national traditions was not as paramount."49 FOOTNOTES 1. Kirkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitier, (Toronto, 1939), p. 187. 2. The Canadian Almanac (1931) listed for the first time Slovak press in Canada with a circulation of 9,000. See Slavs in Canada, (Edmonton, 1966), p. 149. 3. See his contribution "The European-Canadians in their Press" in the Report of the annual meeting of the Canadian Historical Association, (Toronto, 1940), p. 86-87. 4. Ibid., p. 88. 5. Ibid., p. 91. 6. The first newspaper was published in Blairmore, Alta., under the name Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word). See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( 1953), p. 98. 7. See the list of Slovak newspapers. 8. J. T. M. Anderson, The Education of the New Canadian, p. 84. 9. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press in Canada (Toronto, 1952), p. 22. 10. See E. Urban, "Censorship policies in Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. XV, p. 93-133. 11. See V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, Op. cit., p. 22. 12. Among the Slovak newspapers in Canada, Kanadsky Slovak was one of the main ones to adopt this line. 13. On Klesken, whose publishing activity spread also into the 1930's and 1940's, see K. culen, "Zomrel Juraj Klesken", Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, ( 1960), p. 168-70. 14. See Slovenske Bratstvo, December 22, 1939. 15. See K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," (A brief survey of the history of Slovak journalism in Canada), Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 104. 16. See "Zaznam o krajanskej tlaci v Kanade," Narodniarsky Kalendar (1966), p. 78. It seems that Slovenske Bratstvo was the real successor. 17. According to Narodniarsky Kalendar, loc. cit., it ceased to exist in 1941. K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., gives the date October 1943. culen also comments on the legal action in which a Czech Consul Gardavsky was used as an expert in Slovak language even though he did not speak Slovak. SLOVAKIA 105 18. See Slovenske Bratstvo "Este zije duch slovensky" (The Slovak spirit still lives) , December 29, 1939. 19. Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, loc. cit., p. 79. The National Slovak Benefit Society also published a mimeographed publication Ncirodne Noviny (National News) on 4-6 pages, and edited by G. Surovsky. 20. J . f>uriancik, "Nase l'udove hnutie a jeho vznik", 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p . 22. 21. See 13udovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu (1939), p. 66-75. 22. Admiration for the Soviet Union, Spanish communists and hatred of capitalist countries, mixed with Slovak patriotism is apparent also in the calendar published by Hlas 13udu and called .Cudovy Kalendcir pre Kanadu . 23. V. Turek, Polish-Language Press, op. cit., p. 118. On the pro-communist ethnic press in Canada, A. R. Boyd, "The Foreign Language Press in Canada" in John Kosa (ed.) Immigrants in Canada (Montreal, 1955), p. 45. 24. See Pavol Blaho, "Ako doslo k zalozeniu Kanadskeho Slovaka" (How the Canadian Slovak was founded) Kalendcir Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy (1953), p. 111-4. 25. Ibid. , p. 112. 26. Ibid. 27. Both Hreha and Kvetan wrote plays and verseSI and Hreha was the author of the account on Slovaks in Canada published by the Encyclopedia Canadiana. 28. See Ncirodniarsky Kalendcir, (1966), p. 78. 29. On Debnarkin see the account on Slovak literature in Canada by Prof. Yaroslav Slawutych in the symposium Slavs in Canada; op. cit., p. 96. 30. K. culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 108. 31. R. A. Boyd, in Kosa, Immigrants, op. cit., p. 44-45. 32. See list of Slovak publications outside Canada. 33. See K. Culen, "Strucny prehl'ad dejin slovenskeho casopisectva v Kanade," Zoe. cit., p. 98-110. 34. See chapter on religious organization of Canadian Slovaks in SZovenski jezuiti v Kanade (1967). 35. See the chapter on Slovak religious organization in Canada; On Rev. Fuga see also Litercirny AZmanach SZovcika v Amerike (1967). 106 SLOVAKIA 36. See "The Foreign Language Press in Canada," Citizen, Vol. IV, No. 4. 37. The editor of Rozvoj was Kornel Piacek. 38. "All foreign language newspapers in Canada," according to the Citizen, "while they serve to introduce newcomers to life in Canada, also have an interest in keeping alive the native cultures of their readers. With this end in view, the papers encourage, publicize and promote cultural activities among the members of their respective ethnic groups and provide a medium of expression for literary and other cultural efforts. The editors believe that in this way their papers are making a contribution towards the enrichment of Canadian life." Citizen, Vol. IV, 4, p. 12. 39. A. R. Boyd, Zoe. cit. , p. 45. 40. Such was for instance the case of Nova Vlast' (Montreal, 1934-1948) replaced by the Czech weekly Novy Domov. 41. The favorite accusation was that of fascism and nazism. Unscrupulous attacks on the publisher of the Slovenske Slovo, led to investigations by Canadian authorities in 1940. The publisher, Juraj Kleskeii, was cleared, but refrained from further publishing of the newspaper. See K. culen, Zoe. cit., p. 101. 42. See Slovenska Obrana (Scranton, Pa.) , Nov. 3, 1939, Nov. 10, 1939, and Nov. 14, 1939, articles by Andrew Potocky, Secretary general of the Canadian Slovak League, M. Cano and Stefan J esenak as well as editorials. The newpapers which did not shy away from denunciations were according to Slovenska Obrana, Nova Vlast' and the leftist Hlas nudu. 43. Boyd, Zoe. cit., p. 46. 44. The author was for two terms President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Association and First Vice-President of the Canada Ethnic Press Federation, J. Novak, and others served on the board. 45. There were two cases of legal action as a result of these struggles. See K. culen "Slovaci v Kanade," Kalendar KSL for 1953, p. 102, Slovenske Bratstvo, Dec. 29, 1939 and Kanadsky Slovak, March 17, 1962 and fall . 46. See Kirschbaum, Slovakia - Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, p. 130-144 and p. 268-270. 47. See K. culen, Zoe. cit. , p. 101. 48. At the beginning of the War it was mainly the Slovak weekly Slovenske Bratstvo and from 1942 the Kanadsky Slovak which defended the Slovak point of view. The Czech and Czechoslovak point of view was advocated before and during the War by the weeklies Nova Vlast' and later by Nase Hlasy. 49. Cf. V. Turek, Op. cit., p. 27. SLOVAKIA 107 SLOVAK LANGUAGE PRESS IN CANADA Newspapers (1910). Published by Andrew Lukca and Juraj Klesken in Blairmore, Alberta. Kanadske Noviny (Canadian News) (1928-1933). Published in Montreal. The newspaper changed publishers, editors and political lines several times. It was founded by J. Pribil. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1931-1932). Published in Toronto, it was the first newspaper of Slovak communists. Robotnicke Slovo (Workers' Word) (1931-1932). Successor to Nase Slavo, it was published and edited by J. Huska. Hlas Dudu (The People's Voice) (1932-1940). Successor to Robotnicke Slovo, it was suspended in 1940 by Canadian authorities. Hlas Naroda (The Voice of the Nation) (1932-1934). I,t was published by Juraj Klesken in Blairmore. Nasa Mladez (Our Youth) (1932-1934). A supplement to Hlas Naroda and also published in Blairmore. Slovak v Kanade (The Slovak in Canada) (1933-1939). Published in Montreal by G. Kurdel and edited by F. Kvetan, it aimed at reflecting the political orientation of Slovak immigrants in Canada and opposed "Czechoslovak" theses. Nova Vlasf (New Homeland) (1934-1948). Founded in Montreal, its aims was to foster the official Czechoslovak ideology among Slovak and Czech immigrants in Canada. Slovensky Priekopnik (The Slovak Pioneer) (1939-1943). Edited by S. Zuber, it was considered by some to be the successor to Slovak Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) v Kanade. Obeznik Slovenskeho Priekopnika (The Circular of the Slovak Pioneer) (1939). A tabloid which ceased to exist after a few issues. Slovenske Bratstvo (Slovak Brotherhood). Edited by Stefan Hreha, in its subtitle, it claimed to be the successor to Slovak v Kanade and for a short time was the official newspaper of the Canadian Slovak League. Slovenske Slovo (The Slovak Word) (1940-19 ). Published anew by Klesken in Blairmore, its purpose was to refute the attacks against the Slovak Republic made by Nova Vlast' and some communist newspapers. Nase Slovo (Our Word) (1941-1945). It succeeded Hlas Dudu when the Soviet Union joined the camp of the Allies. Dudove Zvesti (The People's News) (1945). Its present editor is J. f>uriancik and it is the mouthpiece of Slovak communists. Kanadsky Slovak (The Slovak Canadian) (1942). Founded during the war, it became the official organ of the Canadian Slovak League. It was founded in Montreal. In 1952 it was transferred to Winnipeg and in 1958 to Toronto. 108 SLOVAKIA Slovensky Hlas (The Slovak Voice) (1949). Founded in Windsor, Ontario, as the organ of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society. In 1951 it was transferred to Toronto. It is politically independent. Almanacs and Periodicals Prvy Kalendar Kanadskych Slovcikov (First Almanac of Slovak Canadians) (1934-1939) . It had only two issues. Cudovy Kalendar pre Kanadu (People's Almanac for Canada) (1939) . Died with the first issue. Neis Zivot (Our Life) (1950). Organ of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Canada, it was published by Dr. Paul Fundarek. Ekonomi ka ( Economics ) (1948-1949). Published by Stanislav Zuber in Toronto, this monthly's aim was to inform Slovaks in Canada on economic problems. Rozvoj (Progress) (1950-1951). A mimeographed monthly under the direction of K. Piacek for cultural and literary works. Domovina (Homeland) (1952-1954). Mimeographed periodical of the Slovak Liberation Committee in Toronto, it was edited by Julius Ksinan. Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy ( Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League) (1952). Published in Winnipeg, its first editor was Konstantin culen. Domobrana (Home Defense) (1953) . Organ of the Union of Slovak Combattants, it was first edited by Jan Doransky in Montreal, later transferred to Toronto and then to the United States. Pamiitnica Kanadskeho Slovenskeho Podporneho Spolku a Kalendar Slovenskeho Hlasu ( Souvenir Book of the Canadian Slovak Benefit Society and Almanac of the Slovak Voice) (1957) . Edited by 0 . M. Debnarkin. Nase Snahy (Our Goals) (1965). Bi-monthly published in Toronto and sponsored by The Permanent Conference of Slovak Democratic Exiles. Religious Publications Ave Maria (1938-1939) . Published in Montreal by J . Skoda and an anonymous board of editors. Maria (1955- ) . Founded by Rev. M. Rusnak and Rev. F. Fuga, it serves the religious needs of Greek Catholic Slovaks in Canada and the U.S.A. Slovenski Jezuiti v Kanade (Slovak Jesuits in Canada) (1958). Published annually by the Slovak Jesuit Missionary Centre in Galt, Ontario.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Press in Canada Description An account of the resource J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 78-108 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d66f0dacf0bb176350d587f97ec479d4.pdf 7f17197db1a8edc646c4e7fee8d92902 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. �6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- �SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against �8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks �SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- �10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- �SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: �12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, �14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum �SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." �16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. �SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February �18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active �SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could �20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties �SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been �22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the �SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that �24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- �SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- �26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- �SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many �28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- �SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with �30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- �SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. �32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. �SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President �34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with �SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: �36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that �SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. �38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- �SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in �40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that �SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the �42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs �SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain �44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: �SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been �46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the �SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be �48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred �SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic �50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. �52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the �SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, �54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. �6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- �SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against �8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks �SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- �10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- �SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: �12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY �SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, �14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum �SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." �16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. �SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February �18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active �SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could �20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties �SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been �22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the �SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that �24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- �SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- �26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- �SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many �28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- �SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with �30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- �SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. �32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. �SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President �34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with �SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: �36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that �SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. �38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- �SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in �40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that �SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the �42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs �SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain �44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: �SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been �46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the �SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be �48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred �SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic �50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. �SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. �52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the �SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, �54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 5 THE SLOVAKS AND THE PITTSBURGH PACT Peter P. Hletko M.D. PREFACE None of the material in this article is new. The Slovaks are very well acquainted with it. It has been presented in book and pamphlet form, in newspaper articles etc. in the Slovak language many times. Our purpose here is to present this material to the American public and to acquaint it with the Pittsburgh Pact and all that the Pact guaranteed the Slovak nation in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We feel that the American public is entitled to know all about the Pittsburgh Pact because the Pact is an American product and is in line with the principles of democracy and self-determination of small nations, for the defense of which principles this country, too, entered World Wars . We also feel that the American people, mindful of the fact that its own pioneers came here and founded a government on strong principles of democracy as opposed to aristocracy in an endeavor to escape the persecutions in their own land, shall lend the pleadings of the Slovak people a sympathetic ear. We present a few historical sketches so that the reader may know who the Slovak people are and that they have a glorious past; that they once had their freedom; how they regained their freedom; how they came to be in the CzechoSlovak Republic; how events developed and led to the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact; how the Slovaks seceded from Czecho-Slovakia and set up their own independent Slovak State. We want the reader to know what the Pact guaranteed, how the stipulations of the Pact were ignored, and what flimsy objections were raised relative to the validity of the Pact by those who were patrties to that Pact and who later became interested that the provisions of the Pact should be ignored. We hope that the reader will then understand why the Slovaks were clamoring for their autonomy-homerule-in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and now want "out" of the Communistic c-SSR and into their own independent State or Republic. 6 SLOVAKIA HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Slovaks as a nation are not unknown in historical annals. They have a glorious past extending many centuries back. Stephen J . Palickar writes the following short synopsis: "The historical era of the Slovak Race marks its beginning at the time when the Slovaks are said to have reached Europe in the sixth century Before Christ. This period, of course, remains in such darkness as to leave us nothing but conjecture. Beginning with 335 A. D., we find that history reveals a. sufficient amount of facts pertaining to the Slovaks which leads us to believe that sometime during that period the Slovak Race had contacted with Byzantine influences and had already inherited a substantial share of Latin and German culture. This phase of Slovak life was next followed by periods of small rulers and that of King Svatopluk who was master of nearly the whole of Central Europe, whose land was known as the Great Slovak-Moravian Kingdom. During the period in which King Svatopluk ruled over this vast Slovakian territory, many enterprising feats had taken place among the Slovaks. Culture had made deep inroads among the people but it was not until Christianity was accepted by the Slovaks did history really begin to deal with them in any paramount way. The first Christian Church of the Slovaks was established by the Slovakian prince, Pribina, in the ancient city of Nitra about 830 A.D. Complete Christianization of the Slovak people was later effected by the Saints Cyril and Methodius (863-885). Church building and the acceptance of Christianity by the Slovaks antedates that of the Bohemians by 60 years; the Poles by 140 years; Russians by 160 years, and the Hungarians by 175 years." Just how powerful and influential this ancient Kingdom of the Slovaks was, may be judged from the description given by Joseph Skultety, outstanding Slovak philologist and historian. (Translation by 0. D. Koreff: 'Sketches from Slovak History'.) He writes: "The State of our ancestors, which even in Mojmir's days unto 846 had been built wisely and courageously, was already a power in the days of Rastislav. The Germans were then pushing down the Danube as they never did afterwards, and Greater Moravia, the young Slavonic State, bravely barred their way. True enough, their aggression only increased thereby. King Louis, surnamed the German, a grandson of Charlemagne, in 855, immediately after his accession, invaded Moravia with a great military force in order to rid himself of a danger which was growing there for his realm. But here the first resistance was so great that Louis decided rather to leave the opponent in peace than to expose his whole army to a catastrophe ... Rastislav pursued Louis, the German, invaded his territory and devastated a large area ... Under Svatopluk, after Rastislav, Greater Moravia represented a still greater military power. The defeat of the Germans in 870, beneath Devin (where Rastislav had his castle described as 'a mighty fortress with which not even one of the most ancient can compare'), was crushing. Their army perished in the battle; very few saved themselves by flight. There were few families in Bavaria, Austria and Carinthia who did not mourn the loss of some of their members ... Later in his reign Svatopluk com- SLOVAKIA 7 pletely stopped the onslaught of the Germans down the Danube, towards the East. In German annals a record is preserved stating that when he went against Arnulf in 884 his army was seen in one place to pass all day, from morning until evening. Svatopluk already had extended his sovereignty to the North, over Bohemia, where the first historic prince, Borivoj, ruled, and over the Polish Slavs on the Upper Vistula; in the South his sovereignty extended even farther ; far beyond the frontier of Slovak territory. "To found such a state, a Slav state on the middle Danube at that time-in the second half of the ninth century-certainly was a great accomplishment; history will never cease speaking of it. There were indeed indications that a center was originating here around which a considerable part of the Slav would unite. But a young state, in order to fortify itself, to consolidate, must needs have favorable conditions. Our Slovak ancestors, at the end of the ninth century, were not so fortunate. The Germanic world still lived in a condition of fermentto have it as a neighbor was not good. It would yield, retreat, only under duress, as under Svatopluk. After Svatopluk's death the nomadic Magyars came as another neighbor on the southern bank of the Danube and to the Tisa river. Under such circumstances, after the first weak• ening, caused by internal, domestic strife, a young organization is apt to fare badly. This strife, this discord among the sons of Svatopluk, was incited by their German neighbors and Greater Moravia perished. The Magyars came to the Danube in 896, two years after Svatopluk's death, Mojmir II, Svatopluk's successor, in 900 petitioned for and procured from Rome two bishops and one archbishop, thus still organizing the Church. In 902 he still proved to his trans-Danubian neighbors that he is a son of Svatopluk, but not long afterwards he was no more .. . Greater Moravia perished." What happened to the Slovaks after the downfall of their Moravian kingdom is obscure and that part of history is rather nebulous. However, eventually we again find them coming to the fore. Palickar writes: "From the time of Matus cak .. . who in 1301 succeeded in restoring part of the lost Kingdom for the Slovaks, under whose rule thirty fortified castles were preserved, the Slovaks retained their spirit of nationalism and racial identity. Nor did culture cease to exist amongst the Slovaks during the Middle Ages, though it is often said that about• this time the real link to Slovakian history became lost and obscured in the pages of time. Contrary to that belief, however, the fact remains that Slovak history had never ceased to be written for a period of years until the well known revolution of 1848." · In all those Middle Age centuries we see the Slovaks attacked and their territory invaded and devastated by the Huns, the Tartars, the Turks and other tribes. And we also see the gradual coming over of the Magyars across the Danube and domesticating themselves on Slovak soil, until after centuries, the Magyars assumed control. What occured around 1848 is well synopsized by Palickar: "The Hungarians at this time waged war against Austria, while the Slovaks, after years of anticipation mixed with bitterness and resentment for the Hungarians, saw their opportunity and likewise rose against 8 SLOVAKIA the Hungarians for their Slovak language and national rights. The conclusion of war between Austria and Hungary, while reuniting the two people, threw the Slovaks back under the Hungarian rule with none of their rights recognized, particularly because of their support to the Austrians in this war. After presenting their famous Memorandum to the Imperial Throne of Austria in 1861, the Slovaks were granted the right to open several high schools ... the 'Matica Slovenska,' an institution for the fostering of Slovak culture wherein special study was encouraged in Slovak history, Art and Language . . . The Empire of the Austrians and Hungarians was again split in two so that in 1878 a more active crusade of Magyarizing the Slovaks had begun." It is at this point that we wish to enter into more detailed dis cussion of the modern Slovak nation and its struggles. HUNGARIAN PERSECUTION OF THE SLOVAKS The persecutions that the Slovak nation suffered in the old Austro-Hungarian Empire at the hands of the Hungarian regime are a matter of historical record. The Slovaks were denied the rights of free speech and assemblage. Their literature and schools were suppressed and forbidden. The Slovak was considered anything but a human being, and the Magyar regime did not make secrecy of its attitude toward the subordinate Slovak people. "Tot nem ember" (Slovak is not a human being) and "Buta Tot," (Ignorant Slovak) were favorite expressions that the pompous and ruling Magyar people used in referring to the Slovak people. And yet, Slovakia, as Palickar remarks, "known as a 'subordinate' nation but always the equal of those who would assume superiority over her, she can, nevertheless, boast of the fact that Slovak blood gave to the Hungarians 20 of the most famous and outstanding characters that Hungary ever had, without whom there would have been very little Hungarian history today." (Petofi, Kossuth, Cardinal Czernoch, Petian, etc.) The Slovak, however, has an inherent love for liberty and freedom, and enjoys fostering his national spirit. The thousand years that the Slovak people lived under gradually developing Magyar rule, nor the fifty years of severe persecution at the hands of the Magyars just prior to the World War I, did not succeed in effacing the national consciousness of the Slovaks. On the contrary, the policy of forcible Magyarization served only to enhance the nationalistic feeling of the Slovak people. This policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks SLOVAK.IA 9 was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks are essentially a homeloving and peaceful people, but the quest for a land of true liberty made them turn their attentions to this glorious land, the home of "The brave and the free." And even after they settled here, established their colonies, acclimated themselves to their new surroundings and began to live according to local customs, they were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. Every bit of news that they received about new acts of persecution at the hands of the Magyars of their brethren left behind, stirred them anew, and made them vow vengeance all over again. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, viewed with some alarm the efforts of the Slovaks in America to stir up their countrymen in Slovakia to concentrated action, and certainly did everything in its power to frustrate the further expansion and development of Slovak national consciousness in America. It sent its emissaries to America to keep the good-will of the American political and diplomatic circles, and to indirectly undermine influences of the Slovaks. The Slovaks in America, however, could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean, and they utilized all their own opportunities to call the attention not only of the proper influential sources in America, but the whole world at large, to the prosecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering at the hands of the Magyars in Austria-Hungary. Then came World War I, with the crumpling of Empires and fall of Kingdoms. Austria-Hungary was not enjoying solid footing and the Slovaks in America saw in the fall of the dual-monarchy their only chance of liberation and the only ray of hope for the restoration of their long-lost freedom . THE EARLY RELATIONS OF SLOVAKS AND CZECHS What the Slovaks suffered at the hands of the Magyars, the Czechs suffered at the hands of the Austrians-the Germans, although perhaps in somewhat lesser degree. Germanic influences were making their noticeable inroads into the ranks of the Czech people, and those with weaker convictions, naturally, succumbed. The Czechs and Slovaks did not have direct close con- 10 SLOVAKIA tacts. They lived apart. They had no common meeting ground. The literati, it is true, had their mutual contacts and they wrote and dreamed of the brotherhood of the Czech and Slovak, but no closer union between the two peopies was ever established. Some were so enthusiastic in their writings that they saw the Czech and Slovak peoples as branches of one Slovanic people, but the people themselves lived as two different nations . After the large immigration of the Czechs and Slovaks into this country, both peoples continued to live and develop here as two separate nations. Each built its own churches, schools and institutions. Each founded its own fraternal and social organizations. In places the Czechs and Slovaks lived in close proximity to each other, but at no time was there any marked intermingling. Both realized that the other is his closest Slavonic brother, but the lines of demarcation between the two peoples remained very definite and well established in this country. NATIONALISTIC MOVEMENT OF SLOVAKS The Slovaks have had their fraternal and social organizations here since about 1890, or slightly previous to that. The nationalistic spirit was fostered in all of them, but because here and there small leaders, who had originally succumbed to Magyar influences while still over there in the fatherland, managed to place themselves here in strategic positions, it was necessary to convince the wide masses of Slovaks here, that it is the duty of every Slovak in America to rid himself of every bit of Magyar influence, develop a real Slovak consciousness, and help his downtrodden brethren over there, who were struggling against overwhelming odds and disadvantages to keep the Slovak nation as such on the face of the earth. Every bit of news regarding new atrocities against the Slovak people there stirred the Slovak people here and helped to engender a better Slovak consciousness, and a willingness to rise in defense of the nation. But, the one most striking incident that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America, was the massacre in Cernova, in Slovakia: Rev. Andrej Hlinka had been suspended by His Eminence Bishop Parvy because of his political activi- SLOVAKIA 11 ties. The Hungarian government also took steps to make Hlinka harmless and the result was that he was sentenced to 2 years in jail. He was an ardent Slovak nationalist and in some of his political campaign speeches he had exhorted his Slovak followers to fight against the policies of Magyarization. In the meantime, the inhabitants of cernova, the birthplace of Hlinka, had succeeded in completing the building of their little church with the funds that Hlinka had collected, and preparations were made for a proper dedication and blessing of the church. The villagers appealed to the Bishop that Hlinka be re-instated and that he be delegated to perform the blessing of the church. The Bishop, however, appointed someone else and the date was set for October 27, 1907. The inhabitants of cernova then notified the Bishop that they do not wish to have the blessing performed on that date. Their wishes, however, were not to be respected and on the date set the proper appointee rode into town to perform the blessing of the Church. The villagers were congregated in the street in front of the Church and refused to admit the Church dignitaries, insisting that they wish Hlinka to bless their Church and no one else. A scuffle occured, and in the turmoil that followed, the gendarmes, standing nearby, were ordered to fire into the mob. They did! The street cleared in a hurry and 9 dead, 3 dying, 12 seriously injured and 80 less seriously injured persons were left lying there. That night 14 Slovak martyrs were found dead as the result of that salvo of bullets. And some months later numerous Slovaks were given jail sentences because of their participation in the c ernova uprising. The Slovaks ,in America realized that such atrocities must not go on unnoticed and rmprotested. The world at large must be informed about them. Many protest mass meetings followed. The Catholic Clergy called its first Cat:p.olic Slovak Congress on September 3, 1906, to WilkesBarre. The Slovak newspapermen and journalists met in December, 1906, in Pittsburgh. Everything was being worked up for a concentrated action of all the Slovaks, irrespective of their religious or political beliefs. This effort to unify the Slovaks was also responsible for the pamphlet: 12 SLOVAKIA "Political criminal trial against the Rev. Father Andrew Hlinka, the Rev. Father Joseph Tomik, Dr. srobar and others, in Ruzomberok, Liptov Comitat, Hungary, November 26 to December 26, 1906," published by the Slovak journalists. A benefit fund was also created, and thousands of dollars were sent to the old country for the support of the loyal and nationalistically conscious Slovaks who were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated by the Magyars. The outstanding result of the atrocities in Slovakia was the founding of the Slovak League of America. The Slovak Newspapermen's Association at the instigation of Rev. Stefan Furdek called the First Slovak Congress to Cleveland May 26, 1907. The representatives of all the Slovak organizations came to Cleveland for that meeting. Along with them came 7,000 other Slovaks, of all creeds, beliefs and dialects. None cared about anything else than that they are Slovaks, that their people are being cruelly mistreated under Magyar rule, and that they must come to the rescue of their brethren. Amid such enthusiasm the Slovak League was founded at that meeting in Cleveland. The Rev. Stefan Furdek was elected president, Albert Mamatey, secretary, Rev. John Porubsky, financial Secretary. Dr. M. Francisci, treasurer. The aim of the organization was. embodied principally in the following sentence of the By-laws: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the older nations as an equal among equals." A National Fund was created from which the nationalistic movements of the Slovaks in the Fatherland were to be supported. Numerous mass meetings, under the auspices of the new Slovak League, followed all over the United States. Resolutions were adopted at these mass meetings, the contents of which in the main verse : 1. We protest against the massacre and imprisonment of our leading Slovak men in Hungary. 2. We strenously protest against the unfounded indictment of our Slovak peasants; against the unfounded procedure. of the courts, which are hurling our people into investigative imprisonment, as it has recently occured so many times. 3. We demand, that the Laws in Hungary be abided by and that they serve the Magyar as well as the Slovak, and not that the Slovak would get imprisonment and heavy fine on the least provocation. LIBRARY SLOVAKIA 13 THE EARLY MOVEMENT FOR FREEDOM Such then was the stage-setting among the Slovaks here in America and in Hungary when World War I, broke out. The original gun-shot, in fact, which was to precipitate the world catastrophe, had really not yet been fired in Sarajevo, when the Slovaks in America had already prepared a Memorandum, intended for all the parliaments of the civilized world. Ivan Daxner, Sr., the Secretary of the Slovak League at the time, was just making the final corrections of the Memorandum, when first fire broke out in Europe, fore-telling the coming of the World War. With this sudden turn of affairs in Europe, many thought that the contents of the Memorandum should be changed. Sox:ne thought that it should definitely express the thought: "We want to break away from the Magyars." Others thought that it should express the idea: "We want to be with the Czechs." A middle course was chosen, and the Memorandum, delivered to all members of Congress of the United States asked, that "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land ; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, which have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government. " The Memorandum set forth in detail a description of the Slovak nation and a description of the land that the nation inhabits. It set forth a description of the Magyar atrocities: How the nation is oppressed by the Magyars, particularly since 1863; how its language is being expelled not only from governmental offices and schools, but even from the home circles of government officials and employes of Slovak descent. The Magyar government wilfully avoids Par. 44 of the Laws of 1868, according to which Slovak schools were to be . built by government funds . The government not only does not respect this law, but it has gone even further, and has forcefully closed schools which the Slovak people have established out of their own funds and voluntary contributions. The government has suppressed the "Matica Slovenska"-"The Slovak Foundation"the highest cultural and scientific institute of the Slovaks, 14 SLOVAKIA founded for their own advancement and uplift. The Magyar government has forcefully taken thousands of children during the years 1863-86 away from their parents, and sent them to Magyar territories for the purpose of complete Magyarization of these youthful Slovaks. The Slovaks are paying their taxes, but not one cent is being expended from government funds for Slovak culture and Slovak social welfare. For these and many other reasons the Slovaks in America, as free citizens of a great country, petitioned all influential political factors in Europe and all over the civilized world, in the name of justice and humanity, to see to it, when future new political units would be established and when fates of nations were to be decided that all the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak nation would be erased, and that the Slovak people be considered as an equal and free nation among the other nations of the world. The Slovak League asked that the Slovak people be granted their complete self-government and the freedom of self-determination in the field of politics as well as in the field of culture and commerce. This Memorandum was signed by all the officials of the Slovak League, by the representatives of twenty-three Slovak newspapers, by the representatives of twenty organizations, by fifty-two Catholic priests and forty Protestant Ministers. This Memorandum, published in five languages, besides the English, reached the most influential political and diplomatic factors in America. It did much to bring the Slovak cause before the World. It attracted attention to the Slovaks, who already up to that time, certainly were not an unknown quantity, as may be witnessed by the long conversation that President Taft had with the representatives of Slovak organizations in 1910. The main significance of this Memorandum, however, lies in the fact that the Slovaks of America, immediately after the outbreak of the War, were publicly taking upon themselves the role of a leader of the entire Slovak nation of the World-and they were doing it independently, without ties with anybody. They took upon themselves the duty of formulating the policies of the entire nation-and they demanded the right of self-determination and self-government in behalf of their entire nation. The Memorandum SLOVAKIA 15 clearly showed that immediately after the outbreak of the War, the Slovaks in America had visions of liberating the Slovak nation from the control of all other nations. The signatures on the Memorandum were likewise significant, and they show just why the Slovaks of America assumed the leadership of the entire nation. The Slovak masses of America were organized, and the number of Slovaks in America standing in organized ranks exceeded the number of organized Slovaks that were ever known in their own fatherland. The number of publications represented on the Memorandum by signature also exceeded the number that the Slovaks had in their native country. All this clearly shows that the more progressive portion of the nation was found here in America, and that this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. COOPERATION OF THE SLOVAKS AND CZECHS It is unnecessary to go into much detail to show how the Slovaks struggled for their cause and their liberation during those early years of World War I. They were fully united here-all the Slovaks-but they were carrying on the battle practically single-handed. Very often, at the meetings of their common organization, the Slovak League, they considered the question, whether they should find an ally and unite with him in their struggle, or whether they should continue to work single-handedly and independently for the brighter future of their nation. They were unanimous in their effort to tear the Slovaks across the sea from Magyar rule. There were no dissenters and no objectors to that idea. But in order that the Slovaks may come to bask in the sunshine of freedom, it was .necessary that Austria-Hungary be disrupted, and for such work they necessarily had to find an ally. Several proposed combinations developed. Some favored the Czechs as the ally to be sought. Others favored the Russians. Others favored the Poles, who already had promises from the Allies for a restoration of Poland. Gradually the Czechs came to be selected as the most logical ally to be sought. By what process of reasoning the Czechs came to be generally favored is probably best expressed in a letter written by Rev. Matus Jankola, Bridgeport, Connecticut, December 11, 1914, to Joseph Rusek, Editor of "Jednota." 16 SLOVAKIA "Our battle-cry must be: 'Away from the Magyars.' We must work for the self-government of Slovakia. Never, however, in the confines of Hungary, united with the Magyars! Their sentence over us is fatal: 'Tot nem ember.' It's in their blood ... We should ally ourselves with our Slav brothers. But with whom? The Russians are in part orthodox, and in part, too powerful. They would devour us. The Poles are closer to us, but they too , are too powerful in everything. We can ally ourselves with the Czechs only. There are two Czechs to every Slovak. We have just about the same language. The people would not have to learn another language ; their financial , commercial etc. abilities will benefit our weakness and inability. Austria-Hungary may serve as an example for our alliance. The higher government, diplomatic corps and army, all common. Let all the rest remain separate, whether is shall be a republican, or monarchistic confederation." Notice how Rev. Jankola, a popular leader of the Slovaks, and undoubtedly expressing the concensus of opinion of the Slovaks in that letter, visioned the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. Anot}:ler letter of his (December 15, 1915, from Bridgeport, Connecticut) again brings an interesting opinion about the Czechs, which no doubt was not only his own, but the more or less established opinion about the Czechs among the Slovaks generally, and how he pictured the future relations of the Slovaks and Czechs. He wrote: "We shall mean nothing in a monarchy, and absolutely nothing in a great Russia. But we would stand on a footing of equality with the Czechs a-la Austria and Hungary, or formerly, Norway and Sweden ; with our own self-government , our own parliament, our own Slovak language. Can we ever obtain this under Russia, or Austria-Hungary ? "In regards to the Czechs: Their supremacy can only be temporary ; until the time that we rear one generation in our own spirit. I do not consider the Czech liberalism so dangerous. Our nature and character are different. The Slovaks-I mean the common people-shall retain their character." These were Father Jankola's unofficial letters, but they express the predominant sentiment among the greater portion of the Slovaks in America, and practically the unanimous sentiment among the Catholic Slovaks in America, which, expressed in other words, meant: We favor cooperation with the Czechs, we must unite with them, but before we do, it is necessary to agree with them, that we are forming a state, where both nations-the Czech and the Slovak-will be equal factors with their own selfgovernments. SLOVAKIA 17 ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHS IN AMERICA The Czechs were not as well prepared to take up the cause of their liberation when the war broke out as were the Slovaks. The Czechs were divided into many small lodges and into a number of varying factions. Their press, too, was not as unanimous in its attitude toward the War and in its stand toward one side or the other. Some of the Czech newspapers, and among them were several of the more influential, favored the retention of old Austria. They looked with much disfavor on the attempts of some energetic Czech patriots who took up the standard against the old regime. They ridiculed all attempts to tear down old Austria. They considered all such attempts futile. Those favoring the old regime were found principally in the ranks of the Czech socialists and Czech free-thinkers. The Catholic Czechs had a smaller percentage of those who favored adherence to the old regime. Most of the Catholic Czechs immediately became enthused with the cause of liberation, even though they were frequently censured for it on the grounds that they were directly playing into the hands of Professor T . G. Masaryk, an enemy of the Church. The foundations of a united Czech revolutionary organization were laid on March 13th and 14th, 1915, in Cleveland, at a joint meeting of local Czechs with representatives from Chicago and New York. The immediate results were very mediocre. It was only in August, 1915, when Vojta Benes, a teacher, came to this country with an appeal from Professor Masaryk and his own brother, Dr. Eduard Benes, and when he himself began working on the organization, that the Czech National Alliance began to take root and spread. Then first the Czech public responded to the appeals of its leaders with generous contributions to the cause of liberating the Czech nation. The National Czech Alliance was actually founded on September 1, 1915. Its main office was in Chicago. Its first prominent and zealous workers were such as were known for their free-thinking and anti-Church ideas. These, naturally, did not entice the Catholic Czechs into their ranks. The Catholic Czechs remained unorganized for some time, but they worked independently, although many of them contributed funds and otherwise assisted the cause sponsored by the National Czech Alliance. Finally, on February 18 SLOVAKIA 6, 191 7, the Catholic Czechs organized too. They formed their Alliance of Czech Catholics. On May 5, 1917, the first steps were taken to coordinate the efforts of the two groups of Czechs, and on July 4, 1917, they affected a compromise and decided on ways and means of cooperating. The representatives of the two factions or organizations then issued a joint appeal to the Czechs of America asking for support of the movement to establish an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic, at the same time advising the Czech public that the two factions from now on would work and cooperate for this one high ideal and admirable cause. THE CLEVELAND AGREEMENT The Cleveland Agreement was the fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. Perhaps the latter would never have been drafted and signed, had not certain difficulties arisen which gave the Slovaks reason enough to suspect that the Czechs were not altogether sincere when they suggested and submitted the original Cleveland Agreement. But, let us see how the Cleveland Agreement came to be and what it contained. In the foregoing chapter, it was related that the Czech National Alliance was organized on September 1, 1915. The National Alliance of Czech Catholics did not come to be organized until in 1917, and up to that time the Czech National Alliance, naturally, was appearing as the only representative of the Czech people in America in this revolutionary movement, which was ultimately to spell the overthrow of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and an establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak Republic. While the Czechs were laying the foundations of their organization in America, similar Czech organizations were being formed in France, Switzerland and Russia, which embodied in their programs a representation of the Slovaks too. That these Czech organizations could take upon themselves the representations of the Slovaks, too, was made possible only by the fact that, outside of Russia, there were too few Slovaks in any of the other countries, and these few Slovaks hardly could deal on an equal basis with the Czechs, who outnumbered them. All this time Professor T. G. Masaryk was very active SLOVAKIA 19 in the revolutionary movement. Other leaders in the Czech movement were also busy and difficulties arose, but after all these were ironed out, T. G. Masaryk became the recognized head of the movement for the liberation of the Czechs and the alliance of the Slovaks with the Czechs. In order, however, that the visible and recognized head of the revolutionary movement could have the right to speak in behalf of the Slovaks too, it was necessary that at least one recognized portion of Slovak immigration express itself clearly and distinctly in favor of the joint effort with the Czechs. The Slovak group in America was the logical group to be sought and its favor gained. The Czech National Alliance in America was asked from Paris by Professor T. G. Masaryk himself to gain the cooperation of this Slovak group in America. Joseph Tvrzicky, the Secretary of the Czech National Alliance, officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting, the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." Along with this invitation Tvrzicky sent a proposed draft on an Agreement, which later the Slovaks accepted in Cleveland, on October 22, 1915, just as Tvrzicky had drafted it. The Cleveland Agreement contained the following points: "1. Independence of Czech lands and Slovakia ; 2. A union of the Czech and Slovak nations in a federative alliance of states with a complete national autonomy of Slovakia, with its own parliament, its own state government, its own complete cultural freedom, and therefore, its own complete use of the Slovak language, its own financial and political government and with a Slovak state language. 3. Voting power: General, secret and direct. 4. Form of Government: A personal union with a democratic form of State, the same as in England. 5. These points form the basis of a mutual agreement and can be enlarged or expanded only with the approval of both parties. The Czech National Alliance reserves the right of making possible changes, and the Slovak League has the same right." These five points of the Cleveland Agreement were the basis on which all the various factors of Slovak public life in America agreed to cooperate with the Czechs for the one and mutual cause. Everything was clearly defined, the program very definitely set forth, and both parties of the agreement could 20 SLOVAKIA undertake their first steps with complete confidence to each other. It is worth mentioning that the Cleveland Agreement was accepted by the Slovaks with the firm conviction that T. G. Masaryk was fully informed in advance about this Agreement and each and every point of its contents, or that he shall be fully informed. Ignac Gessay, one of the active Slovak workers, writes of this as follows: "It is important to note that we Slovaks did not draft the Cleveland Agreement, but our brother Czechs did, the representatives of the Czech National Alliance. They offered it to us in a brotherly way in return for our fraternal help to them. Mr. Emanuel Voska, one of the representatives present there in behalf of the Czech National Alliance, arose and amidst great applause announced that, the Text of this Agreement is known to Professor Masaryk-the President of the National Council and that he agrees with it." With the field all set for a fine close cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks, further work was to follow. But the very first act, the purpose of which was, to announce that the Czechs and Slovaks are working for a common aim already threw a "monkey wrench" into the machinery, and caused some uneasiness and the first little suspicion in the minds of the Slovaks. This first act was issued in Paris, on November 14, 1915. It was a proclamation against Austria-Hungary. The Czecho-Slovak National Council did not formally exist at the time, so Professor Masaryk simply signed the proclamation: "The Foreign Czech Committee." Four representatives of the Czechs in America were signed on that Proclamation, as well as two representatives of the Slovaks in America, yet it was a "Czech Committee" not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. In this very first act the Slovaks saw a wilful attempt to deprive them of all their due rights and privileges, and so already at such an early date after the enthusiastic acceptance of the Cleveland Agreement, which heralded the closest cooperation, understanding and mutual help of the Czechs and Slovaks, the difficulties of that cooperation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS The Cleveland Agreement, which had been so enthusiastically accepted and signed by both parties, was being adhered by the Slovaks to the very letter. Still, difficulties SLOVAKIA 21 between the Czechs and Slovaks kept cropping up. Those must be attributed to an erronerous Czech understanding of the Slovak question and the Slovak attitude in the whole matter. For, certainly, had the Czechs fully understood just how the Slovaks felt about their alliance with the Czechs, had they realized that the Slovaks were full-heartedly in favor of an honest and sincere cooperation with the Czechs, but that they were suspicious of every move that was not in keeping with the Agreement, these misunderstandings would never have come to pass, and the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact would never have been necessary. The situation became such that the Slovak League called its Ninth Congress to Chicago on February 22, 1916, and in the call for the session, Albert Mamatey, the president, and Ivan Daxner, the Secretary, made the following statement: "It is unavoidably necessary to hold a joint conference with our Czech brethren in order that we may avoid misunderstandings and perhaps even conflicts with them, which could arise if our Czech brethren did not take the Agreement made with the Slovaks in the same light as it was made and signed by the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance." The Congress met and ironed out many difficulties, but this did not suffice. The Slovaks wanted to have direct information from their own people about the progress of the revolutionary movement in Europe. In order that they may not depend entirely on the Czech National Alliance for all their information, they decided to send two representatives, Dr. G. Kosik, Editor of the Catholic Sokol, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, an attorney and minister, to Europe. The intention of sending these two Slovaks was of the best, but the Czechs in America were very disappointed over this step. The result of it was that they began supporting and encouraging M. Getting, Editor of Slovak Sokol, and a few others who began showing and expressing dissatisfaction over the management of affairs of the Slovak League. It may be remarked here that Getting was one of the original ultra-enthusiasts for a complete union with the Czechs. All his efforts in this direction were rewarded later. He became Czechoslovak consul in Pittsburgh. Such behavior of the Czechs was, of course, anything but appreciated by the Slovaks. It had a tendency to tear down the unanimity of the Slovak spirit which had been 22 SLOVAKIA established at a conference of the Slovak League on April 12, 1916, in Pittsburgh. The minutes of that session tell that Mr. Kompis called attention of those present to the fact that Masaryk, who is a Moravian Slovak, never mentioned the Slovaks in any of his lectures, speeches and proclamations, and that a periodical like the "ceskoslovenska Samostatnost" (Czecho-Slovak Independence) published items which were deragatory to the Slovak people, and which in spirit and in fact were in direct contradition to the intentions of the Cleveland Agreement. A strong Slovak spirit pervaded this session of the Slovak League. Mr. Daxner expressed himself that the Slovaks did not wish to raise small questions of formalities against the Czechs, but they did wish to call the attention of the Czechs to the violations of the basic principles of their agreement with them. "Yes," said Mr. Daxner, "we want to tear away from the Magyars and be with the Czechs, not under the Czechs." The Slovaks again felt united among themselves, and they adopted the following resolution, which even M. Getting signed very willingly: Adopted at the joint session of the Slovak organizations, newspapers , Slovak clergy and other National workers, called by the Slovak League to Pittsburgh on April 12, 1916: We, the representatives of the Slovak organizations and newspapers, gathered here this day, admit the necessity of harmonious cooperation in all nationalistic undertakings intended for the benefit of liberating Slovakia from a political, cultural and economic yoke; We further attest that we will avoid all disturbances which might harm the above mentioned cooperation in the interest of the nation ; We bind ourselves to assist with all our abilities the political program expressed in the "Agreement" between the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance, adopted in Cleveland, Ohio, on October 22, 1915. JAN PAJ'fKUCH, Hlas ; GUSTAV KOSfK, Katolicky Sokol; JOZEF RUSEK, Jednota ; IVAN BIELEK, Narodne Noviny ; KAROL BELOHLAVEK, Slovensky Hlasnik; MILAN GETTING, Slovensky Sokol; NIKOLAJ S. BIELIK, Bratstvo; C. L. ORBACH, Slovak v Amerike ; J"OLIUS BUCKO, Narodny Dennik. Getting signed this resolution, but he continued his activity against the Slovak League nevertheless. The Czechs supported him, much to the disappointment of the Slovak leaders and the officials of the League, as the official correspondence of Albert Mamatey, the president of the SLOVAKIA 23 League, shows so clearly. These, as well as the many other difficulties that arose here, in Russia and elsewhere, between the Czechs and Slovaks, prompted many of the Slovaks to lose faith in the Cleveland Agreement, and in the Czechs, and prompted them to turn in quest of new allies for the Slovaks. PRESIDENT WILSON, THE ALLIES AND THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS Perhaps the quest of some of the discontented Slovaks may have taken firmer footing, hact not important things occured in the diplomatic world. President Wilson was reelected on November 8, 1916, and soon after his re-election (December 21, 1916) he issued a proclamation to the warring nations in which he asked for a statement of their conditions of peace. The Allies answered January 12, 1917, and in the conditions which they enumerated, the folloving sentence was found: "Liberation of the Italians, Slavs, Roumanians, Czecho-Slovaks from foreign government control." The Slovaks up to that time abhorred the term "Czecho-Slovak." They were Slovaks, and the Bohemian brethren were Czechs. The term "Czecho-Slovak" was one that was condemned because it was fraught with dangers for the retention of the individuality of the Slovak people. Yet, the reply of the Allies gave the Slovaks as well as the Czechs great joy, and in their great enthusiasm over the ray 0f hope that the Allies gave them, the Slovaks temporarily overlooked the use of the term "Czecho-Slovaks." How the term "Czecho-Slovaks" came to be embodied in the Allies' reply is also an interesting episode. T. G. Masaryk explains that the term "Czecho-Slovak" was written into the Allies' reply after the reply had been all written. "The word Czecho-Slovaks"-he writes-"contained in the proclamation, has its own interesting internal history. There were three suggestions: 'liberation of the Czechs''the Czech nation'-'the Czecho-Slovaks.' The latter suggestion was accepted at a conference of Dr. Benes (Czech), Stefanik (Slovak) and Osusky (Slovak).''-Dr. Benes on the other hand writes that he conferred with Osusky and Sychravy about the matter, since Stefanik was then in Russia, and he further states U:1at, "Osusky expressed fear that 24 SWVAKIA the Allies' reply to President Wilson might name the Czechs only, not the Slovaks"-and for that reason he insisted on the term "Czechoslovak." Be it as it may, the above explanations automatically leave the impression that the two Slovak leaders-or the one, if we are to accept Benes's explanation-feared that only the Czechs or the Czech nation would be mentioned and made special note of in the Allies' reply to President Wilson, and they were therefore glad to reach even such a compromise that, mention should be made of Czecho-Slovaks. Doesn't it make one wonder about the real sincerity of the Czech leaders who worried more about their own cause than the joint cause of both nations? JOINT VENTURES OF THE CZECHS AND SLOVAKS Despite all the discrepancies that had arisen, the Slovak League and the Czech National Alliance continued with their work and progressed side by side. They actually combined in undertakings only when occasion called for it. But the necessities of the turbulent times forced both sides to greater cooperation. The Slovak League held another Congress in Cleveland on February 22, 1917. Much of the discussion concerned the attitude of the Czechs, who had caused many misunderstandings because of their failure to adhere to the contents of the Cleveland Agreement. After all was said and done, however, the Congress adopted a resolution, whereby the League again promises the Czech National Alliance its full cooperation, at least up to such time as the Slovaks will gain their freedom. A "Joint Czecho-Slovak Proclamation" was also issued, in which gratitude is expressed to the United States and the Allies for the attention that these have given the Czech and Slovak efforts up to that time. The proclamation also contained one sentence, which probably very fully expressed the hopes and desires of the Slovaks: "Therefore, we request an independent Czecho-Slovak state with complete self-government for the Slovaks." This Congress also noted and considered the dangerous work of several newspaper and advertising agencies, which had been getting articles into the press that were hurting the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks. The result was that in March, 1917, the Slovak League and the Czech Na- SLOVAKIA 25 tional Alliance opened the Slav Press Bureau in New York for the purpose of spreading more favorable propaganda about the joint cause and warding off propaganda that was intended to do harm. This was the first real venture of the Czechs and Slovaks jointly. Others had to follow, and they did. Particularly was it necessary to raise funds to carry on the work, and the Czechs and Slovaks went about it enthusiastically. The Slovaks, believing that it was their cause as much as the Czechs', and believing that after the battle was over, they were to receive as much consideration as the Czechs, worked very zealously, and at every occasion contributed their share of work and finances. Even in the number of volunteers who joined the Czecho-Slovak army forces, the Slovaks did their full share of duty, and it is significant that the first volunteers who applied to the Czecho-Slovak forces were Slovaks. The popular General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, an ardent Slovak leader in the fight for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks, visited America and first asked for volunteers. This may perhaps explain why the Slovaks were among the first volunteers, but whatever the reason, the Slovaks were not wanting in their zeal, enthusiasm and willingness to work for the joint cause of the Czechs and Slovaks, even when it came to recruiting men, who were to face death on the battle fields. That the Slovaks were willing to contribute their share of the burden was also proved by the following incident: Since the Czechs up to that time had their two organizations : The Czech National Alliance and the Alliance of Czech Catholics, and the Slovaks had their one joint organization, The Slovak League, it was thought feasible to combine all these three into one formal organization. All three had been cooperating together, but it was thought that a joint council of the three may do much toward coordinating all work and effort. Accordingly, a Czecho-Slovak National Council of America ( or later called: American Czecho-Slovak Board) was organized in which all three organizations were to be represended. Each side--the Czechs and the Slovaks-were to be represented equally-each by eight representatives. The Czechs thought, however, that since they had two organizations (both were working under one name as though one organization: Bohemian National Al- 26 SLOVAKIA liance) they should be entitled to twice eight representatives in the joint Czecho-Slovak Council. The Slovaks refused to yield on this point. "How do you wish to arrange this?" one Czech asked. "We want to be represented in this body equally with you brother Czechs," the Slovaks replied. "And will you contribute to the common cause on a fifty-fifty basis?" "Yes, we will." And so it was arranged that if the Slovaks are to get equal representation with the Czechs in their joint bodies, they are to bear one-half of the burden. And from that time up to the conclusion of the joint movement, the Slovaks always contributed at least one-half of the finances necessary to carry on the work. T. G. MASARYK IN AMERICA The year 1918 found the Slovaks in America busy with their work. They were tremendously enthusiastic. Their efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of a Czecho-Slovak state, in which the Slovaks would enjoy all the privileges of freedom, seemed so close at hand. From time to time, however, little incidents would keep occuring that would cool the enthusiasm of the Slovaks. There seemed to be an undercurrent which made the Slovaks feel that the Czechs are not fully sincere with the Slovaks, that they are considering themselves and their well-being first, and that they are neglecting the Slovaks everywhere, except where the Slovaks insist on their recognition and their share of privileges. Some of this difficulty was no doubt caused by the many letters that the Slovak legionaries from America, serving in the Czecho-Slovak Army, sent here from France. They complained that the official language of the Czecho-Slovak Army is the Czech. That they are not receiving the Slovak newspapers and Slovak books which are being sent to them, but that they are being supplied with Czech books and Czech newspapers exclusively. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these small incidents. They were imbued with the spirit of their freedom, so close at hand, and anything that occurred which might dampen their enthusiasm, confidence etc. was passed on and at- SLOVAKIA 27 tributed to human short-comings of individuals. Here was a noble joint cause, and what else mattered! On April 29, 1918, T. G. Masaryk arrived in Vancouver. Much was expected of him. He was looked upon as the person who could settle most of the small differences and suspicions and discrepancies that had arisen. He was the president of the Czecho-Slovak National Council and therefore, the leader of the revolution, the leader working for the liberation of Czech lands and Slovakia. He was enthusiastically received by the Slovaks. They hoped that he would positively assure them that any suspicions about the insincerity of the Czechs were absolutely unfounded. Masaryk made his first public appearance at an enthusiastic mass meeting of 50,000 Slavs in Chicago on May 5, 1918. The Czech newspapers, however, published such reports about this meeting and about Masaryk's address that the Slovak periodicals complained immediately. The "Jednota"-the ©fficial weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak organizations in America-was fast to catch up with this ignoring of the Slovaks in these reports, and it criticized Masaryk. It showed its discontent over the fact that, while he kept mentioning the 'Czech lands,' 'the Czech army,' 'the Czech fight,' 'Czech future ' etc., etc., he never mentioned Slovakia, he forgot the Slovak volunteers, he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The "Jednota" kept calling attention to the fact that the Czechs, in other ways, too, were forgetting about the Slovaks, that they were misinforming the Americans about the Czech and Slovak relations, that they were picturing the Slovaks as subordinates to the Czechs, or as a people who really are a part of the Czech nation. The "Jednota" kept warning the Slovak public that, unless the Slovaks were not careful, the Czech people would assume complete control of the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, create a large Czech State, and the Slovaks would not gain the real independence and freedom that they were dreaming of. Masaryk finally came to Pittsburgh and on May 30, 1918, the Slovaks there made a tremendous celebration over his visit. Masaryk spoke there first in English, then in Czech. He said beautiful things. He was proud that by birth he really is a Slovak. He prided himself on working many 28 SLOVAKIA years for the cause of bringing the Czechs and Slovaks closer together. He said that there should be no differences among us. The National Council and all its branches in Russia and America have Slovak representatives as well as Czechs. Dr. Stefanik, a Slovak, he said, has done so much thus far in this struggle. Both sides, he said, have cooperated beautifully. The Slovaks and Czechs are united, and the differences that creep in are being artificially produced by the German and Magyar influences, who have reasons to wish for difficulties between the Czechs and Slovaks. The relations of Slovakia to the Czech lands in the proposed new Czecho-Slovak State, he pictured very favorably. There will be a free Bohemia and a free Slovakia. Political control, education, courts of justice and all else in Slovakia shall be Slovak, in Bohemia it shall be Czech. We would be "silly" if we thought anything else, or if we did not wish each other well. There should be no difficulties among us because of languages. We understand each other and what more could we wish for? The Czech majority need not be feared. It will be found in Bohemia. In Slovakia the majority shall be Slovak. Each branch, or each nation, shall be boss in its own home. Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed. The huge gathering received Masaryk's address with a tremendous ovation. The Slovaks, present there in very large numbers, were overjoyed. These were all the things they had been wishing for. THE PITTSBURGH PACT That same evening Masaryk had a conference with the representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Penn Avenue. It was a confidential conference. Those present were asking Masaryk about the various proposed arrangements in the new State. He answered all questions to the complete satisfaction of all present. He convinced everybody that he meant everything well, and the Slovaks left the conference thoroughly convinced that here is their real leader under whose guidance the Slovak people would be led into the promised land. The next day, May 31st, according to the official report of the Slovak League Press Bureau-The Czecho-Slovak National Council met in the same building and Masaryk at- SLOVAKIA 29 tended the session. "At this session," says the report, "Prof. Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks. This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it establishes the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement, Czecho-Slovakia shall be a Republic in which Slovakia shall form a completely self-governed part with its Slovak capitol, its Slovak parliament, its Slovak schools, its Slovak courts of justice and its own (public) control. Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League shall get a copy of this agreement. He shall publish it in the near future. Masaryk concluded his mission among the Slovaks in Pittsburgh in this way." And that the Slovaks were completely satisfied over such an outcome may be judged from the same report of the Slovak League Press Bureau which said: "There are no reasons anymore for further fearing, for any prejudice, for any suspicion. Everything is now clear between us and the brother Czechs. From to-day on we must refrain from talking about anything which would separate us for, there is nothing which really separates us. Let us put forth all our strength from to-day on and let us work to gain the one big and holy aim, which is: The liberation of Czecho-Slovakia." Even though the entire text of this Pittsburgh Pact was not known to the Slovaks in detail, they were satisfied when they read the short description of its contents. Even the "Jednota," which had more or less led the opposition and utilized every opportunity to warn the Slovaks to be careful, was now satisfied. It said: "Professor Masaryk is an ardent friend of the Slovaks and the Slovak language . We had our doubts about that. Today there is not a shadow of doubt. We respect him and recognize him as our leader in the struggle for our liberty. We have confidence in him, we believe him and we thank God that we have a man of his character and ability at the head of our Czecho-Slovak revolution. May God give him health and strength." Albert Mamatey, the president of the Slovak League, describing what had taken place at the conference with 30 SLOVAKIA Masaryk and how the Pittsburgh Pact came to be drafted, wrote as follows: "In order that all reasons for the mistrusting of the Czechs by the Slovaks should be ended, be these reasons well founded or imagined, this matter was brought up for consideration at the last session of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Pittsburgh on May 30, where our leader, Professor Masaryk, was also present. "We Slovaks brought up the matter, and requested Professor Masaryk to examine well that famous Cleveland Czecho-Slovak Agreement of ours, and to approve it and see to it that the leaders among the Czech brothers respect it in their relations to the Slovaks, or that he himself draft a new Agreement, which would better suit the changing conditions, since some points of that Cleveland Agreement had to be changed because of the changes in conditions caused by the war. "Professor Masaryk examined our Cleveland Agreement thoroughly, and seeing that in some details it really is not "up-to-date," he wrote a new Pact, in which he outlined very concisely, yet very clearly, the relations of the Czechs and Slovaks in this fight for liberty and later in the hopedfor Czecho-Slovak State." According to the arrangement at this conference, this Pittsburgh Pact-being a very important document, was not merely to remain in its original crude shape, but was to be lithographed and then signed by all those concerned. In the meantime, things were happening in rapid succession. The United States Government and the governments of the Allies recognized the fight of the Czechs and Slovaks for their freedom and in fact, made their independence one of the conditions of peace. The Czecho-Slovak Republic was formally proclaimed on October 28, 1918, and was in reality recognized by the Allied powers some time previous to that. An event, however, that is of utmost importance to us is, that in the meantime, Professor Masaryk, the chairman of the recognized Czecho-Slovak National Council, the temporary government of the new CzechoSlovak State, was elected first President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic by that Council. Immediately Masaryk was asked to leave America and come to the scene where activity was greatest, and where his presence, as of the Presi- SLOVAKIA 31 dent, was now needed most. Masaryk left for the CzechoSlovak Republic on November 20, 1918, from New York on the SS. Carmen. As soon as the news reached America that Professor Masaryk was elected president and that he was to leave :soon, Mamatey, at the insistence of some of the Slovak leaders, went to see Masaryk in Washington before his departure, and there in Washington on November 14, 1918, as the qualified President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact. The Pittsburgh Pact, which he signed, read as follows: CZECHO-SLOV AK PACT Agreed Upon In Pittsburgh, Pa. , on May 30th, 1918 Representatives of the Slovak and Czech Organizations In the United States The Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance And the Alliance of Czech Catholics discussed the Czecho-Slovak question in the presence of the' chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Prof. Masaryk, and the program declarations made up to this time and resolved the following: We approve the political program which endeavors to unite the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state of the Czech lands and Slovakia; Slovakia shall have its own administration, its own parliament and its own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the school, in office and in public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak state shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic. The organization of the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the U.S. shall be intensified and arranged with mutual understanding as necessity and the changing conditions shall require. The detailed regulations for the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state are left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks: and their legal representatives. 32 SLOVAKIA Who were the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact? The first and foremost signature is that of Masarykthe President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Then the following: Czechs: 1. Karel Pergler, attorney, who was chairman of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, first Czecho-Slovak ambassador in Washington, D.C., later in Japan. A member of the Czecho-Slovak parliament, lately a "man without a country" since the Czecho-Slovak Republic revoked his citizenship. 2. Dr. L. Fisher, physician, who at that time was president of the Bohemian National Alliance. 3. B. Simek, professor, Chicago, a member of the American division of the Czecho-Slovak National Council. 4. J. J. Zmrhal, professor, Chicago, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 5. Hynek Dostal, Editor of "Hlas," St. Louis, Missouri, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 6. Rev. Oldrich Zlamal, Cleveland, representative of Catholic Czech Alliance. 7. Vojta Benes, Secretary Bohemian National Alliance. 8. Rev. Innocent Rest!, Chicago, president Catholic Czech Alliance. 9. Jan Straka, Secretary Catholic Czech Alliance. 10. Dr. G. Pecival, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 11. Jos. Martinek, Editor, member of Bohemian National Alliance. Slovaks: 1. Albert Mamatey, President Slovak League, later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 2. Ivan Bielek, Editor "National News," member Czecho-Slovak National Council, later President Slovak League. 3. Milan Getting, Editor "Slovak Sokol," later Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. SLOVAKIA 33 4. G. H . Mika, attorney, Bridgeport, Connecticut, member of Slav Press Bureau. 5. Ignac Gessay, Editor official organ of Slovak League, member of Czecho-Slovak National Council. 6. Jozef Rusek, Middletown, Pa., Editor "Jednota," official weekly publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union, and member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 7. Rev. L. J. Karlovsky, New York, minister, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 8. Jan Jancek, Jr., Secretary Slovak League, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 9. Marus Gazdik, an officer of Slovak League, later Assistant Czecho-Slovak Consul in Pittsburgh. 10. Jan Pankuch, Cleveland, Ohio, owner of "Denny Hlas." Later vice-president National Slovak Society. 11. Michal Bosak, Scranton, Pennsylvania, banker, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 12. Rev. Jozef Murgas, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, chairman of publicity committee for "Million Dollar Fund" collection. Clergyman. Pioneer experimenter in wireless telegraphy. 13. Andrej Schustek, Chicago, local Slovak League official, member Czecho-Slovak National Council. 14. Rev. Pavel J. Siska, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, vicepresident Slovak League. 15. J. A. Feriencik, Cleveland, Ohio, writer and editor. 16. Ivan Daxner, former secretary Slovak League. 17. Rev. Jan Kubasek, a Catholic priest. President Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh Pact as the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. That he was a fully qualified president of the Republic, having the powers of president and recognized as such, is best attested by the fact, that in November, at the time that he affixed his signature to the Pact, Masaryk negotiated a ten million dollar loan for his State from American financiers, under the protectorate of the United States Government, of course. Another significant event that is worth recording here is the stamp of approval given all actions of President 34 SLOVAKIA Masaryk by a resolution of the temporary government adopted in Geneva on November 11, 1918, whereby "everything done by Professor Masaryk, chairman of the CzechoSlovak National Council, all agreements and promises (made by him) remain in force." The Pittsburgh Pact, drafted by Professor Masaryk, then chairman of that Council, some five months previous, and signed by him then as President, three days after this Geneva resolution was passed, was one of the "Agreements" or "promises" that must be included and intended by this resolution. And yet, as we shall see, that was one "agreement" or "promise" that has not remained in force, has not been respected, has not been honored. THE PITTSBURGH PACT DISREGARDED It is unnecessary to go into detail about all that transpired in the early days of the new State. The Czechs and Slovaks back home-in the old Austria-Hungarian State, were aware of the movement beyond the borders of the old Empire, the purpose of which was the setting up of a joint State of the Czechs and Slovaks. They, too, became imbued with enthusiasm and in due time, Czech and Slovak deputies announced in the Austrian and Hungarian parliaments that the Czechs and Slovaks no longer would be domineered by alien groups. That they were seceding from the old Empire and setting up a State of their own. Aided, abetted and controlled by Masaryk and his National Council, the end was finally achieved and the Czecho-Slovak Republic established. A constitution was drafted and accepted, temporary rules outlined, and the Republic was soon enjoying the first days of its free existence. The Slovaks, as well as the Czechs, could hardly realize that their long fought battle for liberty and freedom was at last won. Here they were-two fraternal nations-setting out with a truly mutual and fraternal spirit with their own ship of state. How mutually fraternal the two peoples regarded themselves! The Slovaks looked upon the Czechs as their long lost, more experienced brethren, who came back to help them, to aid them, and to establish a country where both could enjoy liberty at last. Under such circumstances, some small gathering in Turciansky Sv. Martin, which was supposed to be representative of the entire Slovak nation (but which was anything but that), was so overcome with SLOVAKIA 35 enthusiasm that, unaware that anything like the Pittsburgh Pact existed in America, it adopted a long resolution voicing this enthusiasm, and going so far in this spirit of joy, that it proclaimed the Slovaks and Czechs to be one nation-the Czechoslovak people. Nothing more was necessary! That settled all disputes! The Slovaks consider themselves politically, racially and by language one people with the Czechs! The Pittsburgh Pact has no leg to stand on. It is superfluous! Therefore, it should be ignored. And after all was said and done, and the early government established with all its provisions, the crafty Czech politicians, aided by a handful of Slovak individuals aspiring for government positions, arranged all matters so, that the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were totally ignored and not embodied in the Constitution. Little did it matter that the Slovaks, after learning of the Pittsburgh Pact and all that it provided for the Slovaks, did everything in their power to enforce the Pact's provisions. The Pact was ignored, and all that it provided meant nothing. Nor did it avail the Slovaks any to point out that according to the Pact, the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives-duly elected to represent them, never had a voice in establishing the details and arrangements of the Czecho-Slovak State, and that the Sv. Martin gathering was not a legal representative body of the Slovaks. The Pittsburgh Pact continued to be ignored. The Slovak League, as one of the parties to the Pact, has clamored for the recognition of the Pact. In 1922 it directed a Memorandum to the government and the House of Deputies. The representatives of the largest Slovak political party-the People's Party-have presented a motion in parliament to have the Pittsburgh Pact recognized and embodied in the Constitution. Other methods have been tried by the Slovaks and their representatives. Deaf ears and unfriendly gestures have met all their demands, pleas, etc. How utterly the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact have been ignored is probably best revealed by the following message, which Dr. I.:udovit Bazovsky, a former member of the Revolutionary Parliament, sent to the Czecho-Slovak Parliament in Feburary, 1930: 36 SLOVAKIA HOUSE OF DEPUTIES National Parliament of the Czecho-Slovak Republic Prague. As a former member of the revolutionary National Parliament, 1 received your invitation to the celebration of the Tenth Anniversary of the drafting of the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. At this occasion it is necessary to present the following: WARNING The Slovak nation has been under the presumption, before and during the revolution, that it shall be able to retain its nationalistic independence. It tolerated the fiction of a "Czechoslovak" nation only under the enforced conviction, that this fiction is temporarily necessary for the purpose of a diplomatic situation. Otherwise, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of a "Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. We must consider the state ideology which was in force in the former Hungary and which did not recognize a Slovak nation, but embodied us into a concept of the Magyar-Hungarian-nation, and in this way endeavored to Magyarize us, as completely outlived. It hurts us, that the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic does not recognize a Slovak nation, but a Czechoslovak nation, which of course, is then the basis for the practice of Czechization of the Slovak people in every field of public endeavor. The enforced idea about the non-existence of the Slovak nation and the fiction of a Czechoslovak nation has directly painful consequences for the Slovaks, and very advantageous economic results for the Czechs. Slovakia has been kept at a lower cultural and economic level than Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia ever since our revolution. The tax-paying people of Slovakia have been carrying a relatively and circumstantially greater burden than the ,people of the historical lands mentioned; expenditures, which should have been, and sometimes were, very meagerly allowed for Slovakia, were not directed hither; whereas, more and more was and is being systematically invested in the historical lands. The flourishing Slovak commerce was destroyed, diverted, railroad tariffs were retained to the disadvantage of Slovakia and only to the advantages of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. The land reform in Slovakia was conducted aimlessly and it frequently favored some of the otherwise unentitled centralist partisans and Czechs on political party principles alone. Agriculture in Slovakia is assisted in a small way only when the centralist party interests require it. The result of this is that, Slovakia is continually becoming poorer and poorer, and the historic lands are becoming richer and richer. The historic lands are enjoying prosperity. Slovakia is suffering poverty. It grieves the Slovaks very much that the very great numbers of Czech officials in Slovakia do not learn the Slovak language and that SLOVAKIA 37 the official business is conducted either in Czech or in broken Slovak, which seems to be a definite Czechisizing tendency. Czech text-books are being principally used in the Junior High Schools and the native Slovak students have no scientific academic opportunity to educate themselves correctly in their mother tongue. The Slovak language is suppressed and the Czech language favored to the detriment of the former. There is not a single Slovak university, and the so-called Comenius University in Bratislava is an expressly Czechisizing institute of learning. This cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. This is contrary to the principles of democracy. There is an awfully detrimental effect in the fact that, the administration of Slovakia is in the hands of the Czech center in Prague, which is not acquainted with the local Slovak conditions, and in the fact that the appointment of even the lowest employes in Slovakia depends on the Czech center in Prague. The Slovaks are not permitted to govern themselves. (Administration. ) The Slovaks cannot take their place in the legislative field because in the central parliament in Prague they are always subject to the tremendous odds against them and they are merely dependent on the favor or disfavor of the others. It is necessary to remark here that, it would be advantageous to refer many matters concerning Slovakia to a separate Slovak parliament. The judiciary in Slovakia is in a terrible condition. The lowest positions have such poor salaries attached to them that the average poor Slovak young man cannot set out upon a judical career, and these places are then filled by individuals of the wealthier Czech rising generation, who for the time being are able to have support from home. The conditions are similar in matters of the army where we can hardly find any Slovak officers even for the show of the thing. Conditions are not different in the foreign relations service. The conditions in the judiciary, particularly in reference to matters of political offenses, are very worthy of attention. Political offenses committed in Slovakia are tried by Czech judges who are unacquainted with the local conditions and the people, and who are ordering such tyrannical penalties as were never heard of during the former Hungarian regime. There are many more political punishments and jail sentences than there were during the Hungarian regime. -The demand that Slovakia should have its own courts, is totally justified. The Slovaks bear with great difficulty the fact that there is no freedom of the press in Slovakia. The eleven-year experience proves the need, and imperatively demands to-day more than ever, that the rights of the Slovak nation as they were contemplated in the Pittsburgh Pact be incorporated into the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and that they be executed in practice as well. It is impossible to assure the cultural and economic prosperity of the Slovak nation without executing the Pittsburgh Pact. This is the desire of the Slovak nation. The Pittsburgh Pact is not only a historic Act, but is a binding '·Magna Charta" of the rights of the Slovak nation. 38 SLOVAKIA Perhaps the solicitude, even though exaggerated, of some of the Czech leaders who understand the sentiment of Slovakia very little. was un<U!rstandable in the beginning, that, whether or not the very pronounced recognition of the rights of the Slovak nation might not cause the state some damage in view of the surrounding foreign sentiment which understood our matters even less. But to-day, when the loyalty of the Slovak nation to the Republic does not bear any doubt whatsoever, it is not advisable to expose the nation to despair by refusing to guarantee its rights and to deprive it of the hope that it will be able to establish its rights in the Republic by constitutional means. The people in Slovakia cannot become a source of state power without the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia in accordance \\ith the minimal requirements set forth in the Pittsburgh Pact, and consequently it is impossible to imagine democl'acy, equality and freedom in Slovakia. THE VALIDITY OF THE PACT A. President Masaryk and His Attitude Toward the Pittsburgh Pact Just how the leaders-particularly the Czech leaders in the government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, felt about the Pittsburgh Pact once the Republic was established and its Constitution drafted and ratified, is probably best exemplified by the opinions that Professor Masaryk voiced about the Pact on various occasions. Let us take up some of those opinions. 1.) On February 5, 1920, minister Tusar sent president Masaryk an official communication, asking for his version of the Pact and its significance, in view of the widespread discussion that the Pact was causing in those early days of the Republic. President Masaryk replied the same day: " .... Laws, too, are interpreted according to the circumstances under which they arose and the intentions of the legislators are sought for in the words. The Czechoslovak pact agreed upon in my presence on May 30, 1918, must be interpreted in a similar way. The leaders of the Slovak and Czech organizations in America agreed on the pact in order to frustrate the agitation against the union of the Slovaks and Czechs. The contract is made, I think, mostly between American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of the many pre-revolutionary programs made beyond the boundaries. It has its historical value. The Pittsburgh con- SLOVAKIA 39 tract is made between Czechs and Slovaks, and if it could hold at all, it certainly would hold only if both parties would still agree with its contents. At the end of the contract itself it is stated that, the detailed arrangements ,_and regulations in the Czechoslovak State are being left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their empowered leaders. That was stated because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting knew very well that American citizens have no right to decide about definite arrangements of the Czechoslovak State. The representatives of the Czechs and Slovaks for that reason also do not refer to the demands of the Pittsburgh Pact in their proclamations .. . etc." That letter by President Masaryk was his first public denial of the Pittsburgh Pact's validity. 2.) He made a similar statement when on December 15, 1922, replying to the senators and parliament members of the Slovak People's Party, who had visited him in the matter of autonomy for Slovakia, he said: "I came to America in the early part of May, 1918, and found the conditions not very pleasant in the Slovak camp and there was a faction, though insignificant, which advocated a utopian separatist program. The political situation and the situation at the battle front were pretty tense. The United States then were officially still in favor of some reform of Austria-Hungary ... In contrast to this, the Slovaks were little known in the political world, and the movement for a separatist Slovakia was doomed for the failure of its own and the joint cause in advance. "Under such circumstances I endeavored for an agreement, so that a detrimental division would not take place, and so that the fight would stop from which Austrian and Hungarian propaganda would profit. "The majority of the Slovaks, particularly the leaders, were against separatism, and so came the Pact in Pittsburgh on May 30th-which-it is understood-was valid all by itself for America and American conditions. For the Slovak side as well as the Czech side, the pact was signed by American citizens, and those naturally are not entitled to prescribe for Slovakia and their people at home, and the signers were fully aware of this. I signed the Pittsburgh Pact for that reason, too, that, it was specifically stated in 40 SLOVAKIA it that, detailed arrangements of the future State shall be made by the legal representatives of the people. And these representatives clearly voiced and politically decided the relations of Slovakia to the unified state by the ratification of the Constitution. This ratification and formal promise is binding upon the Slovak and Czech deputies and is equally binding upon me, too ... " 3.) President Masaryk voiced a still more damaging -in reality a more insulting opinion about the Pittsburgh Pact when on October 12, 1929, he wrote to Hlinka, leader of the People's Party and a deputy in parliament, as follows: " ... You yourself once admitted to me that you demand autonomy not for the present time, but for the time when the Slovaks shall be politically more mature. In accordance with that, you should endeavor that your voters should be informed and reared politically. Look at the mistakes you have made with the so-called Pittsburgh Pact. De facto you had your autonomy from the time of the revolution, and now you have all the stipulations of that pact (or rather verbal agreement) fulfilled. But the main thing is that, the document of that verbal agreement is forged, is a Jalsum, because, at the time when the American Slovaks wanted that verbal agreement, the League did not exist legally, it was recognized by the State until in 1919. For that reason a serious politician, a statesman, cannot and must not operate with such a paper. A falsification cannot become an act of State ... " B. CRITICISMS OF THE PACT ARE UNFOUNDED Time, space, nor the reader's patience, do not permit a careful analysis and refutation of all those statements by President Masaryk concerning the Pittsburgh Pact. To all, except the totally uninformed, the fallacy of those statements must be quite apparent. Few of the more glaring misstatements in these official communications, however, should be mentioned here. 1.) It seems ridiculous for the president to say that Slovakia has long had its autonomy, from the very foundation of the republic in fact, and that all stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact were in reality all fulfilled already in Slovakia. Why, if all that be so, should it be necessary that SLOVAKIA 41 the deputies of the Slovak People's Party be forced to visit Masaryk and demand autonomy for Slovakia and demand that the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact be enforced in Slovakia? Why should it be necessary for the Slovak League to clamor for recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact? Why should Dr. L. Bazovsky be prompted by conditions in Slovakia to write a communication, as quoted in previous pages, in the twelfth year of the existence of the Republic? No, the facts are that Slovakia did not have its autonomy nor were the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact ever fulfilled. Slovakia did not have its home-rule. Slovakia was oppressed by detrimental effects of a centralized government, and the results were that, Slovakia was constantly being made commercially and economically poorer and poorer; that thousands and thousands were forced to leave their fatherland and emigrate to all parts of the world; and what is worst-that the very existence of the Slovak nation was being jeopardized by the forceful propagation of the "unified Czechoslovak nation" idea. The Memorandum which the Slovak League of America sent the Government and the National Assembly of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1922 in behalf of the embodying of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of the Republic, very clearly proved all the above conditions in Slovakia (as resulting from the disregard for the Pittsburgh Pact and the instituting of a centralized government.) 2.) But to return to some of the other statements made by President Masaryk. It is wholly untrue that there was an "insignificant faction which advocated a utopian separatist program." It would be closer to the truth had he said that there were a few individuals who contended that, cooperation with the Czechs, who have anti-Slovak tendencies, is impossible. And then it should be admitted that the Slovaks, at least some of the leaders, had reasons to doubt the sincerity of some of the Czech leaders, and that had not these doubts of the Slovaks been dispelled by such seemingly sound and earnest promises, made in writing and signed black-on-white as the Pittsburgh Pact, there is no telling whether the Czechs and Slovaks would really have come to establish a joint State. It was not the few individuals who were opposed to any combination with the Czechs, but the majority of the 42 SLOVAKIA recognized Slovak leaders, who were forced to be careful in their dealings with the Czechs because of the recent suspicious incidents, that Masaryk came to appease in America --and he did it in writing-in the Pittsburgh Pact. 3.) It is pointed out that the Pact was made and signed by American Slovaks and Czechs-American citizens. The fact that the pact was made between President Masaryk on one side and American Czechs and Slovaks on the other, seems to be passed over. The Czechs and Slovaks here in America certainly did not need such a Pact just for the sake of having it here, or for their own local conditions here. Was not the Czecho-Slovak Republic and its people constructed in that Pact? We deny that the Pittsburgh Pact is just a local Pact between the American Czechs and Slovaks, concerning which the Czecho-Slovak Republic government should have no interest. Then, too, Masaryk did not sign the pact as some sort of a mediator here. He was a representative of one of the parties of the Pact. The CzechoSlovak National Council of America--embodying the representative Slovak and Czech organizations in America, which called the Pittsburgh meeting at which the Pact was drafted, accepted and signed, issued a proclamation on November 7, 1919, and sent it to the government to the effect that the Pittsburgh Pact was made between President Masaryk and the representatives of the American Czechs and Slovaks. The Pact, too, could not be an agreement just to meet local conditions and drafted between American Czechs and Slovaks, since some of the signers of the Pact were not citizens of the United States of America. The Pittsburgh Pact was not intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in America, it was intended for the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and therefore, is not valid only in America and for America. It is primarily valid in the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Cleveland Agreement could be constructed as having local importance only. It was signed by American Czechs and Slovaks for the purpose of establishing the cooperation of these two nationalities in America in a joint cause. The Pittsburgh Pact, however, had more than local importance. The very fact that Professor Masaryk, the head of the temporary revolutionary government drafted it and signed it, gave it more than local importance. The Czechs SLOVAKIA 43 and Slovaks in America were not doing all those things for themselves but for the liberation of the Czechs and Slovaks on the other side of the Ocean, and Masaryk, too, was not working for the welfare of the Czechs and Slovaks here in America, but for those over there. And he, as well as all others, signed the Pittsburgh Pact with the hope that they were helping to create a State where both nations might be free, contented, and where they could develop culturally, economically, etc. 4.) That the Pact may still hold good only if both sides should agree with its contents, certainly is not consistent with the very meaning, idea and intent of a pact or agreement. 5.) That the Pact is a forgery, a falsification, because the Slovak League did not exist legally at the time of the drafting of the Pittsburgh Pact, and that the Pact is not valid, as Dr. srobar expressed it, because it was signed on a Legal Holiday in America, is undoubtedly best refuted by the following legal opinion: Law Offices George E . Alter 1012 Park Building Gifford K. Wright Pittsburgh, Pa. Alexander J . Barron George M. Swan ALTER, WRIGHT & BARRON Telephone James Milholland Atlantic 2211 William H. McNaugher Ralph D. McKee George F. Taylor, Jr. James K. Ruby Mahlon E. Lewis April 23, 1930 James Grove Fulton Slovak League of America Box 996 Pittsburgh, Pa. Gentlemen: You have submitted to me the following questions: 1. Is there - in the Untted States - a difference as to their legal rights between chartered and unchartered organizations which are not operated for pecuniary gain? 2. Has an unchartered organization the right to make legal and binding agreements in the United States? 3. Can an agreement, entered into by such an organization with a party of the second part - in this case Professor Masaryk - not made for the pecuniary gain 44 SLOVAKIA by the said organization, but closed on a legal holiday (Memorial Day) be declared a falsum by the party of the second part, after having received and enjoyed the benefits evolving out of that agreement? Replying to these questions, my opinion is as follo ws: ( 1) There is some difference between chartered and unchartered organizations not operated for pecuniary gain, but for such purposes as are involved in the subject of your inquiry, there is no difference. (2) I understand the organization in question at the time the " Pittsburgh Pact" was entered into was an organization having a Constitution, By-Laws, officers, etc., though not chartered by the State. For the purpose of taking the action which was taken, such an organization would have all the necessary power as fully as if it had been chartered. (3 ) The agreement entered into by the unchartered organization referred to would be just as effective as if entered into with a charter ed organization and just as valid if closed on Memo rial Day as on any other day. Very truly yours, Geo . E. Alter Karel Pergler, a Czech, an attorney, one of the signers of the Pact, later a member of the Czecho-Slovak Parliament, in discussing the validity of the Pact, said the following in the National Assembly on February 22, 1930: "The Pittsburgh Pact is not a "falsum." To circulate reports about the Pittsburgh Pact that it is a "falsum," is beside the point, is not right and does not coincide with the historical truth." 6.) The question whether the American Czechs and Slovaks-more specifically, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact had a right to prescribe for Slovakia or the new Czecho-Slovak Republic could be expanded here to a lengthy discussion. Suffice it to say, if the signers of the Pact had no such right, why did Masaryk, as the head of the government, attempt to enter into a pact with a party or parties that had no such right? Did he himself have any right to make any prescriptions for the new State? If he had no such right, wasn't he conscious of that in Pittsburgh at the time that he drafted the Pact? And isn't it also a fact, that in the absence of any who might have the full right to make sueh prescriptions, the Czechs and Slovaks in America along with President Masaryk assumed that right upon themselves and actually did make prescriptions for the new State when they said in the pact: SLOVAKIA 45 "The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic, its constitution shall be democratic," etc., etc. Are not these definite and clearly outlined prescriptions for the new State? Did not the temporary and provisional revolutionary Czecho-Slovak Government (Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik) assume certain rights and privileges which might be questioned by the same mode of reasoning? The Czechs and Slovaks in Austria-Hung ary were powerless to organize the revolution. The Czechs and Slovaks in America assumed the right to speak in behalf of their entire respective nations. The American Slovaks in issuing their Memorandum in 1914 clearly showed that they were assuming the leadership of the entire Slovak Nation of the world. Why then should their right be questioned when interpreting the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact? The Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic to this day believe that the Slovaks in America have a right to concern themselves with matters in the Czecho-Slovak Republic and have a right to exercise a voice in their ultimate disposition. The following matter clearly shows the attitude of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak Republic: On May 15, 1934, deputy Andrej Hlinka and others delivered an objection to the government of Czecho-Slovakia because of the confiscations and censorship of the daily "Slovak." Among some of the articles censored in the daily "Slovak" was one by M. Mlynarovic, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, quoted from Slovak newspapers in America. Hlinka and his colleagues said that they "consider the confiscation of that report (article) totally unwarranted " and that they "consider it a grave insult to the American Slovaks, who did their share in the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement and therefore have a right to speak in the matters of our State." 7.) That the Slovaks or their leaders never made demands in accordance with the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact, hardly tells the true story. The first revolutionary parliament in the new Republic was not a body representative of the people-the deputies were a more or less self-appointed group and these ratified the Constitution which ignores the Pittsburgh Pact. When in April of 1919 Hlinka learned of the Pittsburgh Pact which had been 46 SLOVAKIA signed a year previous, and when he learned of the various stipulations contained therein, which had been ignored by the Constitution, he held several mass meetings of the Slovak people, some of which were dissolved by Czech police, and the result was that, the Slovaks sent a delegation to Paris, where they might plead for the rights and privileges of the Slovak nation before the same tribunal which had permitted the establishment of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks. This visit to Paris in behalf of Slovak rights, those very rights outlined and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact, resulted in the persecution of all Slovak autonomists and resulted in the jailing of Hlinka. The Slovaks were doing nothing more than demanding what the Pact guaranteed them. How then can anyone speak of the Slovaks as not making their demands of the stipulations of the Pittsburgh Pact? SOME REMARKS ABOUT THE PITTSBURGH PACT Something that was frequently hurled at the adherents of the Pittsburgh Pact-the autonomists-both here in America and in Czecho-Slovakia, was that they are traitors of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, enemies of the state etc. Nothing was farther from the truth. The Slovak autonomists were loyal friends of the State. They did not advocate separation from the Czechs, they did not advocate secession from the Czecho-Slovak Republic-they merely wanted for the Slovak nation what they believed it justly had coming to it,-its rights, its home-rule, as promised and guaranteed in the Pittsburgh Pact. The two major parties in Slovakia which demanded the provisions of the Pittsburgh Pact were: The Slovak People's Party, the largest party in Slovakia, a Catholic party, led by Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, and the National Party, non-denominational, led by Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister. The chief proponents of the autonomist endeavors here in America were: The Slovak League, comprising American Slovaks of all creeds, and the Catholic Slovak Federation. The chief opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact and the endeavors of the autonomists were the leaders of the Czech government and the political parties allied with the government. Included among these were a small percentage of Slovaks who had found it advantageous to side with the SLOVAKIA 47 ruling government. These usually were afforded good positions, offices etc., etc., and naturally, their sincerity with the national Slovak welfare was doubted in Slovak circles. These had their followers here in America and although they comprise the minority of Slovaks here, aided and abetted by government circles, they had been well able to hold a strong position. The vast majority of the Slovaks in America, and the far greater portion of the Slovak press here were in sympathy with the autonomy movement, yet the centralist forces held the point of vantage, they had the strategic positions, as will always happen with those who hold sides with the government recognized in diplomatic circles. The Slovaks were not attempting to overthrow the state. They wanted their joint state with the Czechs, the work of the few discontended pro-Magyar workers to the contrary notwithstanding. The Slovaks felt that they voluntarily entered into the formation of the Republic under certain guarantees. They were to have their own administration, their own parliament, their own courts of justice. They had none of these. They were promised that the Slovak language would be the official language in their schools, in their offices and in their public life in general. They then found that the Slovak language was not the official language in their country. The numerous Czech officials who held positions in Slovakia refused to learn the Slovak language and they used the Czech exclusively. The Slovaks found that according to the accepted law, the official language of the State was the Czechoslovak language -a non-entity-there can be no such language, since there are two separate and distinct nations-the Czechs and the Slovaks-each with their own and distinct language. The schools and institutions of higher learning had a preponderance of Czech instructors and professors, notwithstanding the fact that many thousand Slovaks qualified to hold these positions were clamoring in vain to obtain these positions. All in all, some 300,000 Czechs had immigrated to Slovakia and held positions there, while intelligent and qualified Slovaks could find no place of employment. These Slovaks felt that they should be given preference for these positions in their homeland. Why should the young Slovak, ready and qualified to embark on a career, be forced to be 48 SLOVAKIA idle, to go hungry, or to emigrate, while 300,000 intruders find steady employment in his native Slovakia? Further discontent among the Slovak was caused by the methods of oppression exercized against them. Freedom of the press and speech were unknown. Jail sentences and financial penalties were imposed with great freedom and abandon by the Czech judges upon any and all who dared to criticize the government and the conditions for which the government was responsible. The republic supposedly had a democratic form of government. Yet, there is nothing in a democracy that is above criticism, not even the ruling government, and if it is, democracy certainly ceases to exist. The Slovaks objected too, to the Czechisizing policies adopted by those in control. They objected to having anyone forcefully thrust upon them the idea of a unified Czechoslovak nationality. They believed they comprise one nation, separate and distinct from the Czech nation, and though with the Czechs they form one Czecho-Slovak state, they still remain a separate and distinct nationality from the Czechs. The Czechs want to be and remain Czechs, and the Slovaks feel they are and want to be and remain Slovaks, not Czechs, not even Czechoslovak s. The Slovaks deny the existence of a unified Czechoslovak nationality, and anyone attempting to force such principles upon them is looked upon as an enemy of the Slovak people, who is jeopardizing their individual national existence and attempting to erase the Slovak nation off the face of the earth. The recognition and implementati on of the Pittsburgh Pact was the only solution of all these difficulties at that time. It certainly was a means of stopping the unrest and discontent among the Slovaks and it was the most efficient means of frustrating the propaganda of all enemies of the Republic, who relied on the unrest of the Slovaks as a means of revision of the peace treaties. The most ardent proponents of this revision were the Hungarians. They believed that injustice had been done them and one remedy that would act as a so~thing lotion on their imagined bruises would have been annexation of the fertile, productive and naturally wealthy territory of Slovakia back to Hungary. Their agents in the Slovak ranks fanned hatred SLOVAKIA 49 against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. With those the Slovaks had no sympathies, even if a few exceptions were found here and there, which merely proved the rule. But, the stubborn Czechs could not see all of this and rather than yield to the entitled demands of the Slovaks they were willing to risk their future. 20th ANNIVERSARY OF THE PACT AND WHAT FOLLOWED: AUTONOMY, INDEPENDENCE, RESUBJUGATION AND COMMUNISM In 1938 the Slovaks in Slovakia, led by the two autonomist parties-Hlinka's People's Party Wudova strana), and Razus's National Party (Narodna strana ), decided to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the drafting and signing of the Pittsburgh Pact (Pittsburghska dohoda). The purpose of the celebration was to call attention of the world to the fact that the postulates of the Pact had not been fulfilled and complied with; that the Slovaks were very dissatisfied with such treatment on the part of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government; that they still insist and clamor for the fulfillment of all the promises that Masaryk and the Czechs made in the Pittsburgh Pact. And because Masaryk and some of his hench-men had claimed that in fact no such pact or agreement had ever been made and concluded, the Slovak League of America was asked by the Slovaks in Slovakia to bring the original lithographed copy of the Pittsburgh Pact, personally signed by president Masaryk after he had already been elected president of Czecho-Slovakia, and by the representatives of the Czech and Slovak organizations in the U.S.A. The Slovak League sent an official delegation to the Pittsburgh Pact anniversary celebration in Bratislava, Slovakia. The delegation consisted of Dr. Peter P. Hletko of Chicago, Illinois, the president of the Slovak League and the designated leader of the delegation; Jozef Husek, of Middletown, Pennsylvania, editor of 'Jednota,' the largest Slovak newspaper in America, and one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact; Dominic Sloboda, of Lorain, Ohio, president of the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the largest Slovak gymnastic and athletic fraternal society in America; Andrew Novak, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supreme treasurer of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak fraternal society in the world; Michael Sincak, former president of the Slovak Catholic 50 SLOVAKIA Sokol, and Rev. Andrej Rolik, of Johnstown, Pennsylvania, a Lutheran minister. The delegation attended a huge rally in Bratislava on June 5, 1938, attended by 100,000 Slovaks from all parts of Slovakia. Msgr. Hlinka, the leader of the People's Party, addressed the huge gathering. So did Dr. Hletko. And to prove Masaryk and some of the Czechs wrong when they had said that no such document was ever drafted and signed, and that no such agreement ever existed in writing and that Pittsburghska dohoda was a "falsum," Dr. Hletko unfurled the original copy of the agreement from the balcony of the National Theatre building for all to see. The enthusiastic assemblage became loud and hysterical and it vowed to demand fulfillment of all the promises made in writing to the Slovaks in this agreement. The determination of the Slovaks grew and increased immensely. They were now not to be denied! The Slovak League delegation visited President Benes and conferred with him at length in regards to the implementation of the Pittsburgh Pact. It visited the prime minister, Milan Hodfa, a Slovak, with definite centralist Czecho-Slovak leanings, who otherwise was powerless to force the fulfillment of the Pittsburgh Pact postulates. The delegation also visited the minister of foreign affairs, Krofta, the National Czecho-Slovak Council and many other government officials, reminding them that this is perhaps the eleventh hour for complying with all the guarantees contained in the Pittsburgh Pact, since omnious war clouds were gathering over Central Europe, Adolph Hitler was acting belligerent and brandishing a war sword and threatening Czecho-Slovakia with annihilation or annexation to the German Reich. But all this to no avail. The Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government officials would not commit themselves or promise to implement the Pact, even at such a late and dangerous hour. The result was that the Slovaks ran out of patience and after several additional provocative acts by the CzechoSlovak government, the Slovaks in a revolutionary move declared their autonomy in the Czecho-Slovak Republic on October 6th 1938. The Czechs were powerless and yielded under the tremendous international pressure, but only for a short time. They bided their time, waiting for an opportune occasion, and when they thought the time ripe, they struck and attempted to wrest autonomy from the Slovaks. SLOVAKIA 51 Two Slovak Hlinka Guardsmen were shot and killed in the attempted coup. But the Czechs' attempt boomeranged. The Slovaks did not surrender their autonomy. Instead, now convinced that the Czechs were anything but sincere in yielding to the autonomy demand of the Slovaks, the Slovaks now struck even farther. They now were not satisfied with a semblance of autonomy from the insincere and scheming Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government, who wanted to destroy that autonomy at the earliest and the first opportune moment . The Slovaks now feared that even in the future the Czechs would attempt to destroy the autonomy they had yielded to the Slovaks under the duress and pressure of an international situation. The Slovaks, knowing that the Czechs were under considerable pressure from Hitler, decided they would utilize this situation for their own benefit and tear away from the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak Republic rather than go down to annihilation along with the Czechs. The Slovaks did just that and they set up their own independent state, a Slovak Republic. Hitler had no love for the Czechs, and while he had no special love or sympathies for the Slovaks, he too utilized the situation to disrupt the Czecho-Slovak, so-called democratic republic. He took over the Czechs into a protectorate along with Moravia. He recognized the independent state of Slovakia, in fact, guaranteed its existence and safety for the next 25 years. And this too, compromised the Slovaks in the eyes of their enemies. That made the Slovaks nazis, they said. The Slovak autonomous parliament voted unanimously and to a man to establish the independent state, a republic, on March 14, 1939. This move was also prompted by Hungarian threats of land-grabbing from the Slovaks, abetted by the Italian Mussolini and his son-in-law Count Ciano, who openly placed themselves on the side of the Hungarians and their unjust and irresponsible demands against the Slovaks and Czecho-Slovakia. The Slovaks felt that having control over their Slovak lands they would better be able to prevent any land-grabs and annexation of Slovak lands and people than would the unsympathetic Czechs be who had no particular interest to protect, save and conserve Slovak land and people. Msgr. Jozef Tiso was elected first president of the new Slovak Republic. 52 SLOVAKIA The Slovak state progressed and developed very nicely for the next 6 years. The state set up its own currency and monetary system, its own army, postal system and everything that qualifies a successful and prosperous independent state. It is not the purpose nor the area of this treatise to describe the Slovak Republic. Suffice it to say that independent Slovakia was a sharp thorn in the Czechs' eyes. They were burning with envy, hate and revenge and scheming every way to destroy the independence of Slovakia. The former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes, spent much time in Russia, convincing the Russians to strike against Slovakia under the ruse that it is an ally of Germany. Russia finally did strike and brought back Benes with arms to his throne in Prague, of course, as a Russian and communist puppet. The Americans, also under the illusion that they are thereby defeating Hitler and the Germans, took a hand in destroying the independent Slovak state and they helped to force the Slovaks back into Czecho-Slovakia, albeit now a communistic Czecho-Slovakia. It was the American armed forces and the American counterintelligence that ferreted out president Tiso and members of his government, hidden in Austria, after their forced departure from Slovakia when the Russian army invaded Slovakia and committed many atrocities, inhumanities and indecencies, particularly against the female population in Slovakia. The Americans turned over Msgr. Tiso and members of his government to the Russian communists and their Czech puppets in Prague, Benes included, because he was the prime puppet of the Russians. President Tiso was tried by a rump court, found guilty of treason against Czecho-Slovakia and hung on April 18, 1947. Yet, his guilt was no greater nor graver than that of our own George Washington against England when he strove to free the 13 American colonies from British rule, dominance and tax extortion. Of course, he was not caught and apprehended and his revolution succeeded. That's the difference. Washington threw off an English government that was ruling an English people in America-in an English colony. President Tiso threw off a government that was not a Slovak government, but the government of and by another people, the Czechs. President Tiso's attempt was more justified than George Washington's. Tiso was overpowered by the SLOVAKIA 53 Russian communists and delivered to the gallows with the help of Americans, American officials. Yet, the Americans in Washington's day strove for their complete independence in the same way that the Slovaks did. In any event, the help that Americans gave to help destroy the independent, democratic Republic of Slovakia, and to. aid in bringing Tiso to the gibbet, does not serve to their credit and glory, and never will. I, as a native American of Slovak parentage and descent, am not proud of that record. No Americans should be proud of it. We Americans stand for democracy, liberty, independence-for everybody, everywhere. But very often that is but a lip service. We don't always mean it sincerely. The Americans-and that includes our government too, should make amends somehow, or at least try to make amends for this travesty, and attempt to correct the injustice they have helped perpetrate on the Slovaks. But, because of their injudicious procedure and handling of the war situation, things have gone so far that the U.S. cannot do anything about correcting this highly unjustifiable situation. The communists, now in command and control, will see to that. Incidentally, when asked, the puppet president, Benes, refused to commute the Tiso sentence or spare his life. Perhaps, as a mere puppet, he did not dare. Well, either way, the good Lord took care of him. This is the story of the Pittsburgh Pact. It was implemented for a short time and eventually led to Slovak independence and the Slovak state. It is still a great historical document that all sincere, conscious and loyal Slovaks revere and respect. The original copy is here in the U.S.A. The delegation of the Slovak League when asked to leave the document in Slovakia in 1938 refused to do so on orders of the entire organization. Even when asked during the existence of the Slovak state to send the document to Slovakia as a historical museum piece, the Slovak League refused, realizing that conditions were not permanent and stable enough and that opponents of the document would seek to destroy it and remove all evidence of the fact that the Slovaks had been promised and guaranteed their rights and autonomy. The Slovak League refused to part with the document and kept it here in America-in safety. And it is good that they kept it here, 54 SLOVAKIA where it still can and does serve as a grand document attesting to the perfidy of the Czechs and the Czecho-Slovak government. Today, nothing will obliterate the memories of this perfidious behavior but a restoration of an independent Slovak state or the creation of an independent Slovakia in a constellation of Central European states, but not as a part of Czecho-Slovakia under any circumstances. Just prior to leaving for Slovakia in 1938 with the Pittsburgh Pact Dr. Hletko, as president of the Slovak League and as the leader of the delegation had the document registered, filed on record and photostated in the Cook County Recorder's office in Chicago, where that record exists to this day. BIBLIOGRAPHY Karol Sidor: Slovcici v Zahranicnom odboji. 1929. Bratislava. The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, 1934. Published by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Author: Dr. Peter P. Hletko, Vice President of t he SCF. at that time. K. (:ulen: Pittsburghskci Dohoda. 1937. Bratislava. Fr. Hrusovsky: Slovenske Dejiny. 1939. Published by Matica Slovenska, Turciansky Sv. Martin, Slovakia. Topix. November 5, 1951 issue. Vol. 10, No. 6. A cartoon magazine published by the Cathechetical Guild Educational Society, St. Paul, Minn. Joseph M. Kirschbaum LL.D. , Ph.D.: Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. 1960. R. Speller & Sons, publ. , New York, N. Y. Gilbert L. Oddo : Slovakia and its people. 1960. Publ. R. Speller & Sons, New York. Joseph A. Mikus, J.D.: Slovakia - a political history: 1918-1950. 1963. Marquette University Press. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact Description An account of the resource Peter P. Hletko, M.D. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 5-54 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hletko, Peter P., 1902-1973 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 LCNAF