1 50 12 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/623da38c19a9f333dd7f2d5f223cbdf8.pdf d7ddfad2f08e42c35926a9028bbac367 PDF Text Text 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far �SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, �20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, �SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." �22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. �SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical �SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . �26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the �SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. �28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I. � 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far �SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, �20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, �SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." �22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. �SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for �24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical �SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . �26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the �SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. �28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 18 SLOVAKIA BEGINNINGS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE IN AMERICA By Constantin Culen All foes of the Slovak national idea shared the same mottoes and techniques. The first of their statements denied the Slovaks nationality status - hence, they had no right, the claim was asserted, to any rights as a nation. They could find happiness only by becoming assimilated in a greater unity with another people. Both the Magyars and Czechs made this assertion. Hurban in the Slovenske Pohl'ady publication noted that the Slovak was considered audacious if he had national pride, a coward if he was not aggressive, if he travelled outside his own country, he was a vagrant but if he stayed at home he was a lazy, shiftless bum. That's the way it was - that's the way it is today. Events proved to the Slovaks themselves that they were better off when they ignored what the state dictated and went ahead doing what other nations did, namely, what was to their own advantage and national interest. 1906 was a momentous year for the Slovaks, for it was in elections for parliamentary seats that year that they supported their own candidates, and they elected seven. The Magyars reacted by starting a political persecution and a series of reprisals sent many to prison. The courts cooperated by meting out sentences ranging from months to several years. Thus many Slovak political leaders were put out of action. The opposition was bitterly directed towards the leading exponents of the Slovak cause, particularly assailing those who by the spoken or written word exerted great influence on the masses struggling for representation and selfgovernment. Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest in Ruzomberok, who was not a candidate but who spoke in behalf of Vavro srobar, a candidate, became the prime target of ecclesiastical and political leaders who opposed Slovak participation in politics when it meant the election of their representative to parliament. Biskup Parvy went so far SLOVAKIA 19 in his chauvinism that he suspended Hlinka and the courts sentenced the Slovak priest to two years in prison. This anti-Slovak outburst in Hungary coincided with a number of political demonstrations by American Slovaks in sympathy with the struggle of their fellow countrymen for political freedom in their native and historic homeland. The speakers (among them many prominent Slovak civic and Church leaders) expressed their willingness to organize an all-Slovak organization, for they deemed the time was ripe for a united front of all Slovaks in the struggle ahead. In the previous century the needs, sufferings and injustices experienced by masses of Slovak workers stimulated the organization of fraternal societies. Now was the time for united action of another kind, namely, to help the Slovak nation fight for its just rights, and it was unanimously agreed that a national united society was obviously essential to carry on the struggle. Hlinka's case, in which both Church and State cooperated in an effort to crush the Slovak spirit by eliminating the great champion of their just rights, stirred the American Slovaks and aroused them to action. Leaders of the Slovak press in America accepted Furdek's invitation for a conference on April 4, 1907. Accordingly, the slogan, "Za tu nasu slovencinu," (For our Slovak Heritage) which was destined to become the battlecry of Slovaks everywhere during and after World War I , was adopted by the following group of Slovak leaders who met in Pittsburgh: Furdek, Mamatey, Feriencik, Straka, Vakulek, Joscak, Polak, Katchmar, Gimesky, Ambrose, Pirhala, Harbula, Karchnak, Husek, Bielek, Orbach, Chudatsik, Marsall, stiasny, Getting, Pankuch, Balent, Rovnianek, Kadlecik, Thomka, Tvrdy, Gessay. A committee for formulating the by-laws of the proposed organization was named. The program unanimously adopted was twofold, namely, to give assistance, culturally, politically, financially and morally to their fellow countrymen in America and in their embattled homeland. May 30, 1907, was the date scheduled to launch the new organization in Cleveland, Ohio. What a coincidence! This date was destined to become, eleven years later, a historic day, for on May 30, 20 SLOVAKIA 1918, the famed Pittsburgh Agreement was signed by the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs as a basic agreement for the formation of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia. However, in deference to the Slovak Gymnastic Sokol ( which had meeting or convention at the time) the date was re-scheduled for May 26, 1907. Invitations to this meeting used the term, "Slovak Congress." In 1861 the meeting of Slovak leaders in Turciansky sv. Martin was known as the National Slovak Assembly. It appears that historic events of similar vein, though far removed in time and place, frequently assume the same program and adopt similar nomenclatures, are the same in scope and follow the same pattern. Unification of all existing Slovak societies was the primary aim of the first Slovak Congress in Cleveland, 0., in order to coordinate their activities in a united program designed to give aid to their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The invitation was signed by the following: First Catholic Slovak Union, National Slovak Society, Slovak Evangelical Union, Sojuz, Slovak Gymnastic Union Sokol, Independent Slovak National Society, Cleveland Slovak Union, Passaic Slovak Union, zivena, First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, Pennsylvania Slovak Ladies Union, Evangelical Slovak Ladies Union. Editors of all the Slovak national newspapers here signed also. Even today a person is thrilled as he reads the inspiring articles and the reports of spirited discussions in the Slovak newspapers of almost half a century ago. Clearly the focus is on Slovakia, their ancestral homeland. Though fully aware of the necessity and inevitability of becoming an integral part of their new life in America, these early Slovak settlers felt it was somehow decreed by Divine Providence that the American Slovaks were destined to save the Slovak nation from extinction at home, and they were convinced this could be accomplished more effectively from America than at home. 'Today,' the newspapers wrote, 'we are sufficiently strong, thank God, to pay our debt to our Motherland where the Slovak nation is struggling for its very existence.' 'Do your duty! As a child is obliged by God's laws to help his parents in time of need, so we American Slovaks, SLOVAKIA 21 too, though forced to leave home to escape from tyranny, must fulfill our sacred obligation to help defend our native Motherland suffering under the whip lash of a cruel master.' 'Our task is not merely to unmask the tyranny but to give practical aid to our suffering brethren.' "Let us pay our debt to Slovakia" became the united slogan of the new Slovak movement. History proves that this movement remained faithful to its trust by giving invaluable aid through the years, and this despite the sad fact that at times misappropriation of needed funds weakened its position and deprived it of money necessary for additional worthwhile cases. Gray's Armory on Cleveland's East Side became the scene of a great historic gathering of more than 7,000 stalwart Slovaks representing numerous societies, organizations, parishes, newspapers and communities in every part of the country east of the Mississippi. It was an overflow crowd of Slovaks who were inspired by the desire to help their fellow countrymen overseas. On a well faded photograph from the time we can still make out the following pictures of: Furdek, Anton Bielek, Wolf, Martincek, Ambrose, Bosak, Kiesel, Gelhoff, Bielik, Marsall, Gessay, Rovnianek, Feriencik, Pirhala, stiasny and others, well known and less known Slovaks. A Prayer opened the Assembly: 0, Almighty God, Father of All Nations : Inspire in us a high sense of honor and national pride, Fill us with a sacred love of our glorious heritage, Inflame our hearts and strengthen our conscience In this struggle for human liberty. Bless us, 0 Lord, with final victory. Banish all blunders Grant freedom in our native homeland. Amen. Rev. Stefan Furdek then formally opened the session with a brief introduction: "Today we will not complain but instead we will go forward together with one will towards our national goal. It seems to me, said Furdek, that this is the glorious day of the Slovak nation's resurrection. All of us are here because of our common love of our Slovak nation." 22 SLOVAKIA Rovnianek spoke: "This day's demonstration, he said, has ignited a great fire that has smouldered for two decades. It is the answer to the charge that there is no Slovak nation! It is manifest proof, particularly for the doubting Thomases of our Slovak nation, that here in America an unbending tree has grown up for our Slovak nation, a strong tree under whose outspread branches the oppressed Slovaks driven from their homeland can find refuge and shelter." In a beautiful, heartful speech he inspired all present to persevere in the struggle for Slovak freedom. Ambrose, the third speaker, replied to the newspapers that claimed there was freedom in Hungary. The National Slovak Society offered $5,000 and challenged the Magyars to offer the same amount to cover expenses for an investigating commission of 4 Americans, 2 Magyars, 2 Slovaks and a Chairman ( of their own choice) to ascertain the truth. Musket-fire in Cernova (Slovakia) soon afterwards broke out. The offer was repeated but never accepted even when the Slovaks guaranteed to assume all financial obligations if the Magyars could prove that political freedom really existed in Hungary.) Remarks were made briefly by Pirhala, Bielek (A.), Chudatsik, N. Bielik, Getting, Harbula, Uhrin, Burik, M. Bosak and several representatives of various organizations. The by-laws of the new organization, Slovak League of America, were then read and approved by the entire assembly. Stefan Furdek was elected for the President of the League. Emphasis should be placed on the main idea that sparked the Congress, and from the words of the Prayer opening the historic session it was evident that a spirit of great national pride and self-esteem dominated the meeting, as if it were an atonement for all the years of national degradation often caused by the indifference of the Slovaks themselves. It was made clear that nothing contributed to our failures in the past so much as our submissivness, our backing down on basic issues, our timidity, our lack of courage to stand firm, in a word, lack of a healthy, vigorous national pride. As soon as these weaknesses were pointed out and admitted, the Slovaks entered upon a new era by supporting a national movement to improve their lot: politically, socially, culturally and economically. SLOVAKIA 23 The Slovak League assumed the responsibility of fostering Slovak national pride that was a prerequisite for the spirit of human dignity. Nowhere did this spirit flourish as it did in America. And therefore, when it was proposed that the Slovaks had a right to their national program, it was but natural that for the first time since the death of stur in the mid-19th century the slogan, "We have a rigth to a Slovak state" was again heard, gained headway and soon was popularized. National self-pride leads logically to the formation of a self-governing state. A nation without its own state, though it may be a part of the most progressive and most liberal country, faces ultimate extinction, without a state of its own it cannot reach fulfillment of its cultural, social and national potential. In this particular direction precisely the program of the Slovak League of America reached the zenith of its greatness, for the ideals of freedom inspired its dynamic activity from this very first mass meeting. What undoubtedly was the Slovak League's most significant role in the life of the Slovak nation was that it provided the Slovaks, freed at last from the common traits of backwardness, slavishness and servility so evident in their native homeland, a powerful and resourceful arsenal for the struggle to win national freedom for their home country on the basis of a natural and divine right to enjoy the blessings of freedom. In the exciting years when these events transpired abroad, the spirit at home waned noticeably. The greater the pressure exerted, the more the home folks weakened in their resolve and their demands for their just rights reached a new low. It appeared that if the Magyars had offered the Slovaks a few intermediate schools and had relaxed their political pressure then, and had they allowed restricted use of the Slovak language in the schools and distributed a few minor offices, they probably would have solved the 'Slovak problem'. The Slovak struggle, which had begun as an all-out fight for all the rights the Slovak nation was entitled to, was now but a feeble movement to attain some sort of recognition. It was a far cry from the original demand for Slovak schools throughout the country, for 24 SLOVAKIA Slovak representatives of their own people and the use of the Slovak language as an official language in Slovakia. Ironically, when Slovak spokesmen sought to get even the smallest consideration, their Magyar overlords asked them arrogantly: "Now, wouldn't you like to have your own Slovak state?" Vajansky gave the proper response: "Why not? The natural right of every nation is its birthright to self-government, and we, Slovaks as a full-fledged nation, have all the prerogatives for our own free , self-governing state." (Narodne Noviny, November 15, 1910). At home, however, it was virtually impossible to voice this right to statehood, not to speak of a practical application. But we must never surrender this right because the highest aspiration of any nation is to have its own state. Are we Slovaks to be the lone exception among a long list of advanced nations down through history? No! Was there ever a Slovak who before World War I denied the right of his people to their own free state? Never! And had the opportunity presented itself, every Slovak would have exerted himself to the utmost to establish and maintain a free, self-governing Slovak state. 'Not merely the attainment of some of our rights but all of them' was the battle-cry of the Slovak League as the movement gained momentum among a united American Slovak public. Soon after the founding of the Slovak League, there appeared in the Slovak press here proposals of Slovak statehood. Freedom is a God-given right and we cannot receive it as a gift from other nations. All nations are equal in the sight of God, and hence they have equality of rights. Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky proposed the possibility of a federation of European nations in which each nation would give up a little of its national sovereignity for the common welfare of all fellow members. Studies of the Slovak pronouncements at the time indicate indisputably aspirations for state self-government; though often veiled they were there nevertheless. A closer look proves it. Why, then, did they refrain from coming out and saying so openly? Because the Slovak masses were not yet conditioned to so radical SLOVAKIA 25 a proposal, namely, outright freedom and self-governing state of their own in their own country. Upon reflection as to the prime requisites for a selfgoverning and independent state, the Slovaks came to the following conclusions: a) They had a living language b) They possessed a common Christian faith which was the national basis of a moral life c) They shared a spirit of unity and national pride On the debit side, they realized that they lacked a strong national organization to set up this political state they vaguely dreamed of at home. But, as they looked westward, the example of the dynamic Slovak League of America gave them the courage they needed, for here actually the Slovaks were organized, ready and able to give them the assistance necessary to establish and maintain their own free, self-governing state. Slovak Independence was in the mind of Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky as he wrote in an editorial: "Slovak freedom will materialize when the political circumstances and a new favorable atmosphere appear in Europe. The Slovaks must await this moment with complete confidence and an ardent national pride. They must aspire to a full, unconditional national fulfillment in a free and independent Slovak state." What vision and courage to have written these prophetic words at the time! "We Slovaks will join that movement that will give us it.he most and surest guarantees of our national liberty. We do not want to be a footstool for any nation. We will cooperate with those who will pledge to respect our aspirations to national freedom . Theoretically, this meant possible aid from the Poles, Romanians, Croatians, and even the Germans and Austrians. "That is why we Slovaks will join our forces with those who not only offer aid to us for the attainment of our legitimate objectives as a nation but who at the same time give us the best guarantees. In politics there is no place for sentiment. We will be friends with those who give us the most advantages, but we will not be their slaves. "There were pessimistic views, then as now, ithait sought to convince the Slovaks of the utter futility of seeking full self-government based on ,t he ridiculous premise that it is far more advantageous to be allied with others more experienced in the art of government ... which, in effect, meant that one should be willing to carry the burden of oppression if only his oppressors lighten the burden somewhat! To these people Husek had only one comment: 'Such rubbish! ' " (Jednota, December 30, 1908) . 26 SLOVAKIA Slovak League leaders and members scoffed at views that were designed to discourage the Slovak nation's aspiration to national freedom and self-government. They called for an all-out struggle for the attainment of all their rights to which they were entitled by nature. It was, indeed, in harmony with what a western Slovak song so aptly expressed: "We only want what is ours, nothing more, nothing less." Liberty is the natural heritage of every nation but no nation can enjoy freedom unless it has its own free, selfgoverning state. One of the greatest services performed by the Slovak League of America in the years when the struggle for the nation's freedom reached a low ebb in the Slovak's historic homeland was to hold high the banner of national freedom and personal liberty. American Slovak immigrants soon came to the conclusion that they, too, were able to conduct their own political affairs and like nations, they, too, had an equal right to their own independent state. Strange as it may seem, the idea of national freedom and independent statehood did not originate in Slovakia but in America where the Slovak pioneers compared themselves to their neighbors of various nationalities and saw that they were not at all an inferior people. On the contrary, they were equals among equals. This discovery encouraged them to adopt a program whose objective was the liberation of the Slovaks from alien domination. The ultimate goal was the establishment of their own free state. "Independent statehood for the Slovak nation must be uppermost in the minds of all Slovaks because the nations of the world, even the least advanced, are seeking independence. Consequently, the Slovaks must not be slaves to any nation." (Slovensky Dennik, Pittsburgh, Pa. , January 21, 1910). Again in the same newspaper of June 3, 1910, we read: "No one can degrade the ideal of freedom because it is won by the sacrifice of human blood and is, therefore, sacred. Moreover, it is founded on the principles of equality, truth and justice." This was the spirit of the founders of the Slovak League as expressed in America, far from the Slovaks' native homeland. It embodied the spirit of personal liberty, human dignity, democracy, national pride. It was based upon the SLOVAKIA 27 knowledge of God's laws as found in nature and it enkindled the spirit of free enterprise, cooperation and self-confidence. The inner strength of the Slovak nation assured the future national destiny of the Slovak people in their own free and independent state. Spontaneous and prophetic, this spirit inspired the Slovak nation to adopt a clear-cut program towards winning freedom, and if for a time the Slovak nation had been deprived of its freedom the words of I'..udovit stlir and Tholt Vel'kostiavnicky echoed and re-echoed the eternal message: "The ideal of Slovak freedom will never die. Traitors to the Slovak cause will perish but the movement to national freedom will live forever. " In this unique chapter of Slovak history, the Slovak League has a just and major portion because it inspired the struggle, maintained the fight in its day, and is still carrying on that fight because the Slovak nation has been enslaved in our times. Furdek presided at a meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on June 13, 1907. The discussions centered on the practical means of giving aid. A suggestion to issue stamps and a commemorative medal for a fund-raising campaign was approved and adopted. Soon a stamp was issued and a medal appeared with the inspiring motto, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu' (For our Slovak Heritage). The new stamp appeared on thousands of letters that circulated throughout the country, and the idea of Slovak freedom caught on everywhere. Some said (prophetically) that in the near future Slovakia would have its own postage stamps! A strong reaction set in overseas. Hungarian authorities returned letters by the thousands to their original mailing-points in America simply because alongside the regular postage stamp there appeared the special Slovak League stamp! They feared the danger of this propaganda medium, namely, the fear of an aroused Slovak public. In America the Slovak League fully exploited the ban by informing America Newspapers of this step. The Slovak League not only intensified its efforts towards national emancipation but gave invaluable aid to orphaned families. 28 SLOVAKLA Correspondence between Slovak political leaders at home and the American Slovaks reveals the solid strength of their fellow countrymen who had emigrated. Every appeal for help was answered. On their part, the American Slovaks were self-sufficient in that they needed no prodding to do what they deemed a sacred duty towards their embattled countrymen. When Count Albert Apponyi visited America in 1911, his mission was to convince the Americans that the Magyars were truly a bastion of democracy in Central Europe. The American Slovaks presented facts, based upon actual experience before they had left their homeland, which convinced the American public that in actuality the Magyars were tyrannical oppressors of the Slovak nation and other nations in Hungary. American census-takers for years had listed Slovaks as "Hungarians" but it was the Slovak League that intervened and set the records straight. From 1910 on, all Slovaks were listed as such officially. War clouds appeared in Europe. In 1914 Count Karolyi appeared suddenly in this country. He, too, had a mission, namely, to unite the nationality groups that had origins in Hungary. It soon became evident, however, that he found it an impossibility to inspire loyalty, for he represented the oppressor and they had been the oppressed. American Slovaks, who had got used to the idea of freedom, now envisioned national freedom and consequently complete separation from Hungary. Accordingly, they had the same reply for the liberal Karolyi as they had given only a short time before to the conservative Apponyi, ie., 'Nothing doing!' This occasion gave the Slovak League the opportunity to make a bold stand against amalgamation with the Magyars, or the Czechs later; under Mamatey's leadership the Slovak League asserted the right of the Slovak nation to determine its own destiny in a free, self-governing state. Count Karolyi's visit to America marked the end of an era, an era of oppression, and the political subjugation of the Slovaks. It was, moreover, the prelude to a new chapter in the Slovak nation's history at the very outbreak of World War I.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Beginnings of The Slovak League of America Description An account of the resource Constantine Čulen Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 18-28 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Čulen, Konštantín, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2c402ffb425450b873e1ac799e7f49be.pdf 6f28bbbb734e96f02c41e2505d11426d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it �2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- �SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- �4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same �SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here �6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. �SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. �8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. �SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and �SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the �SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. �12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. �SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. �14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of �SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired �16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they �SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it �2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- �SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- �4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same �SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here �6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. �SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. �8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. �SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and �SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the �SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. �12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. �SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. �14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of �SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired �16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they �SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. XVII 1967 NO. 40 SIXTY YEARS OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND SLOVAK LIFE By Dr. Francis Hrusovsky Living conditions and standards of Slovak emigrants changed radically in the new world. The temperament or character of the Slovak who had lived for centuries under Magyar rule was influenced to a large degree by his environment. His economic status in Slovakia was poor, hi~ social standing low, and as for political freedom and civil rights, these, for him, were non-existent. Everyday life for the average Slovak demanded the complete expenditure of his physical energy to eke out a livelihood. Poverty and misery were the common lot of the Slovak people. Thus, oppressed and overburdened, the Slovak, though perhaps seething within because of the intolerable conditions, was helpless not only because he lacked the courage but even the strength to throw off the shackles of servitude. He was, therefore, resigned to his sad fate and he became adjusted to conditions because there was no way out for him. Under these circumstances in which the Slovak people were forced to live and struggle for mere survival, it was difficult for the idea of Slovak national consciousness to take root and grow. Organized political action was an impossibility because he was caught and held fast in the web of feudal system which still existed in Hungary. The Slovak was quite aware of his nationality but the degree of his national pride was never high. It was merely a personal thing. The idea of national unity even if it 2 SLOVAKIA entered his mind was quickly dispelled by immediate necessities of his economic life. Obviously, under such adverse circumstances one cannot expect a simple peasant either to worry about national interests or grasp the idea of unified political action to achieve the aspiration of a whole people so that as a nation, organized and working in harmony, he and his fellow countrymen might win recog-nition of their just rights. Surprisingly, the Slovak people though suffering want and being subject to political oppression, did not become depressed in their hard surroundings. Somehow, the Slovaks worked out an amazing philosophy of life: they came to the conclusion that their privations and difficulties were inevitable consequences of an earthly existence . . . and hence they must bear up under their burdens patiently. And their enduring patience became a national virtue. Slovak immigrants in the new world found an entirely different atmosphere, particularly in democratic America. The first noticeable difference were seemingly endless opportunities for earning power. A typical immigrant from Slovakia was industrious because he had learned to work hard in the struggle for survival in his native homeland. At home his opportunities for work were, however, limited, and his chances for earning a little more money were poor. As a consequence, he was unable to improve his lot. This realization made him feel that he was doomed to remain poor all his life, as if it were a national inheritance down through the ages. Naturally, of course, in view of his abject poverty at home, the Slovak immigrant to America was primarily motivated by the desire to earn more money to assure him a brighter economic future . If he earned more money, he would be able to raise his standard of living and thus free himself from the curse of poverty. He did not shirk any work provided it meant higher wages and since jobs were plentiful, the newcomer found plenty of work. For that basic reason, the Slovak peasant, now an immigrant worker, willingly worked harder and longer hours so that he might improve the living conditions of his family across the sea. Most of the Slovak immigrants were workers and farm- SLOVAKIA 3 ers, who had no skill or special training. But a simple person with the courage to go out into the world in search of an occupation and with an innate desire to work could do wonders. Moreover he was endowed with a source of inner strength to grapple with all kinds of hardships and obstacles in the new world. Because he was uneducated he was greatly under-rated in his homeland. Nevertheless, he possessed unusual natural ability and endurance. He often excelled in good judgment and had the determination to succeed. In the multivaried life of America the new immigrants learned much. Many of them would have wasted their energies as farmers had they remained at home. However in America they soon discovered opportunities for their talents. Quite a few, on the strength of their native talents, rose to high levels in American society. This would have been impossible in their native homeland. But the democratic atmosphere in America presented them with the opportunity to develop their natural ability to the utmost. As soon as the Slovak immigrant overcame the first difficulties that he encountered in America, he quickly learned by experience and readily became accustomed to his new way of life. He was more than satisfied with the substantial increase of his earning power. He did not squander his hard-earned money but set aside a portion as savings. Seeing the tangible results of his industrious work, he acquired a new sense of importance and human dignity. From a beaten down and oppressed servile person, he changed gradually into a proud citizen of a democratic country. In comparing his position and achievements with the lot of his fellow countrymen back in Slovakia, he could not but be content for here he was an equal among equals with unlimited opportunities in an enterprising democratic land. True, this process of personal re-orientation and rehabilitation in the new world did not affect all immigrants in quite the same way. It did not bring the same results in every case. Among the Slovak immigrants there were many failures as many were swallowed up in the new world. But, in general, the great majority of the Slovak newcomers reacted favorably and successfully to the new circumstan- 4 SLOVAKIA ces. Too long had they breathed the oppresive air of oppression inside Hungary, now they reveled in breathing the invigorating atmosphere of American freedom and democracy. In life every man constantly encounters obstacles and is forced to overcome handicaps, endure hardships and struggle along the pathway to a definite goal. The Slovak, accustomed to meet challenges along his course through life, was not afraid of difficulties nor did he shrink from obstacles in his path. At home he had become disillusioned, for he had become quite conscious of his failure to rise above his station in life. He realized the hopelessness of his situation and he made the most of it. In America, it was quite different. Here nothing could stop him from im• proving his condition, for here he was a free man, and he had the will to get ahead. Each day that he worked with determination and endurance, the Slovak immigrant's appreciation of personal liberty and equality grew and his work was manifestly a labor of love and gratitude for the opportunity to fulfill his ambitions in a new world. As his appreciation of the new life increased, he began to get used to the idea of being a free man as a normal situation, and his desire to work and prosper, his initiative and his enjoyment of life increased proportionately. In the United States the Slovak immigrant became acquainted with native Americans as well as with immigrants from other lands. This influenced him twofold: 1) As a stranger among strangers and without much knowledge of the English language he shied away from all non-Slovaks. 2) He searched for fellow Slovaks with whom he could communicate. These he could understand, and they could understand him. This immediate need for friends drew the Slovaks together in a foreign country. All Slovak immigrants felt the practical impact of living among strangers in a strange environment. They soon knew they were somehow different and they drew apart seeking their own kind to whom they were drawn because they spoke the same language, and they shared the same SLOVAKIA 5 customs, traditions, ideals and experiences. Moreover, they all had come to America with the same goal: a better life. Loneliness drew the Slovak immigrants together. They felt insecure and unhappy in the strange world. It was only natural that they sought companionship among their own Slovak countrymen. Thus, drawn together by the magnet of kinship, the need for companionship and mutual understanding, wherever a group of Slovaks came together, there they organized societies, parishes and clubs. This common activity warded off their feelings of homesickness and nostalgia and helped them to overcome the longing for their homeland. Their organizations enabled them to protect their mutual interests and promote worthwhile social activities. The sudden realization that they were an island in a strange sea made the Slovaks aware of their national origin. They were not merely individuals now, but persons who belonged to a great unity: a nation. Their national consciousness was accentuated and their national pride increased as more and more societies sprang up. Their desire to unify their mutual interests was intensified. The ultimate attainment of their aspirations to national freedom was now visualized as they saw how the enjoyment of personal liberty could readily lead to the enjoyment of national freedom in their native homeland, if liberated from foreign domination. No doubt the example of the various nationality groups in America that had become strongly organized inspired the Slovak immigrants to imitate them so that they, too, could achieve greater progress and attain whatever goals they must reach in their lifetime. "What is perhaps a paradox is that in Slovakia, though the Slovaks were what they were and nothing else, they were not Slovaks in the sense that they could not publicly appear as themselves. They were subjects of Magyar overlords and, as such, feudal peasants who were officially listed as "Hungarian inhabitants". Their real national origin was to be denied and ultimately erased according to the designs of chauvinistic Magyar masters. No obstacles or limitations were placed upon American immigrants in the matter of their nationality. Here 6 SLOVAKIA a person could appear privately or publicly as a national, ie., he could freely manifest his national origin, speak his native language, organize freely and come and go freely without being subject to government interference, public insults or repression of any kind. As a matter of fact, he was treated with respect by native Americans and other nationality groups as a rule, and there were no restrictions placed upon an immigrant by a government agency or his employer. Slovaks who became citizens of the United States learned that even as full-fledged loyal citizens of their adopted country they did not loose their identity as native sons of Slovakia. Moreover, they could still actively help their fellow countrymen here and in their homeland. Not long after his coming to American shores of freedom, the Slovak immigrant noted that he could have his own convictions and opinions and express them freely in speach or writing. Slovak organizations that had the common interest of their fellow countrymen at heart provided their members with numerous occasions to appear in public. Slovak newspapers not only informed and instructed t heir readers but acted as bond of unity and communication for all the Slovaks in America. Slovak periodicals rendered a great service in that they were a forum for public opinion among the American Slovaks. The experiences, suggestions, advice, opinions, etc. of thousands of Slovaks found their way into the pages of daily and weekly publications. Thus, even the ordinary Slovak worker could publish his views, opinions and reactions on a multiplicity of topics. For many this opportunity gave them a postgraduate course in public expression. They often voiced their growing pride in their Slovak national ancestry. Every Slovak who was forced to migrate into far off foreign countries in search of a better living never lost his love for his native country ... it was an abiding love, sometimes sentimental perhaps, but nevertheless sincere and profound. This attachment from his youth was never quite lost; even after many years of absence from his native homeland he still could see the picture of his village home and the little white church with its cross on the steeple. SLOVAKIA 7 To him this memory would always be sacred for it symbolized the faith of his people down through centuries of time, a faith that had sustained them through the hardships, dangers, and sufferings of countless ages. Always, as long as he lived, the Slovak immigrant, no matter how far from the native village where the Church, though oftentimes small, was a symbol of the indestructible faith of his forefathers , would remember that his religion was his greatest asset in a world of struggle. Without a church, without a priest and without prayer, life in a Slovak village would have been infinitely sad. And for him, though far removed from his birthplace, this remained t rue in the country of his adoption. Prayer is for the pious Slovak today what it was for his predecessors for centuries: a solace in time of grief, a bulwark, a mighty fortress in time of peril. Church prayers and hymns in his native Slovak tongue were a balm to his soul, an inspiration to his spirit. So long as he stayed close to his Church he felt safe amidst the confusions and storms of foreign currents that sometimes terrified him, at other times made him feel uneasy and uncertain as he faced each day's struggle in strange surroundings. Slovak life in America followed a definite pattern where enough settlers came from Slovakia. Parish churches and schools were built and much of the immigrant's social life centered around these religious institutions. As a rule, the more vital parish life of a Slovak group became the more solid and permanent became the national and cultural development of Slovak immigrant units that clustered around their own parishes. Loyalty to the faith of their fathers in the midst of the hubub and maelstrom of the big new world became the source of fidelity to the Slovak family, the native mother tongue and the Slovak homeland. At the end of a week ( 6 days ) of hard labor, the Slovak immigrant invariably went to Church on Sunday. He prayed fervently, sang with enthusiasm, listened to the weekly sermon, all in his native tongue. His heart was touched, his love rekindled each week, and he kept alive love of his homeland and native hearth. 8 SLOVAKIA Unique in every respect are the Slovak churches, rectories, schools and convents in many parts of the United States, for they are living testimonials of the profound religious faith of the people from Slovakia. In Slovakia, there were not societies or organizations of their own. A few that were permitted to function were in the service directly or indirectly of anti-Slovak interests. This denationalization policy unfortunately not infrequently crossed the threshold of the church itself. On the other hand, in America Slovak societies, schools, and churches, besides fulfilling their religious, social and cultural role, were at the same time centers of the Slovak spirit and national life. This left a strong impression on the Slovak immigrant in America. He grasped the full significance of this new life of personal liberty and national freedom. The new atmosphere changed him into a true patriot who was proud equally of his new citizenship and his Slovak ancestry. The tempo of life in America was much faster and fuller then the development of the new national spirit in Slovakia where many obstacles still existed. The democratic spirit of America was vital and refreshing, whereas the feudal system of Hungary was depressing and lifeless. Hungary's 20th century feudalism was outmoded but it kept the Slovak nation, the oldest nation in the Carpathian basin of the upper Danube, in a state of political bondage and economic servitude. The result was that the mass of Slovaks was unable to rise from its plight and live a normal national life. Slovak poets and writers who felt the pain of this tragic debasement of their nation feared the future consequences of this situation. In vain, however, were their efforts to wake up the Slovak masses; the years of oppression had been too many. They had taken their toll. Hundreds of thousands remained spiritless and turned a deaf ear to their pleadings. Slovak patriots endeavored to alert the people to the danger of remaining inactive in the crisis that threatened their national extinction. They, too, failed to arouse the inert masses to action. Every attempt to put a program into action was foiled by subversive activity of the enemy. SLOVAKIA 9 Slovakia's national life, deprived of all vital sources by her oppressors, was all but dead. Her people lacked sufficient power and initiative for a flourishing national life and progress as a highly cultured and dynamic people. Stymied internally, therefore, the Slovak national organism which was physically healthy and vigorous, biologically sound, morally solid and potentially rich, needed an injection. And that is precisely what the Slovaks in America provided for the Slovak nation's life-an injection that thoroughly revitalized Slovakia's life as a nation in its historic homeland. We have no reliable statistics to show to what extent the influence of the American Slovak way of life was exerted in various parts of Slovakia. Perhaps at some future time this will become available. Only then shall we be able to get a precise, or at least a more accurate record of this impact of American democracy on the Slovaks' historic homeland in central Europe. Lacking statistics, we are still able, however, to indicate to some degree how American Slovaks after having acquired the new experience of a life of freedom affected the life of their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. A considerable number of Slovak emigrants who went to America in search of work and higher earning power returned to their native land. They had attained their goal, namely, the acquisition of a moderate fortune which enabled them to get a fresh start in life. Most of them, however, chose to make America their permanent home. Instances of individuals who lost all contact with their homeland and their fellow countrymen here are so few that they are negligible. Even those who elected to remain in America continued their interest in Slovak affairs and maintained a lively interest in their Slovak nation's destiny. In fact, many of them inspired their children and even their grandchildren to take an active part in Slovak life. In Slovakia the effect of the American way of life manifested itself in a number of ways but primarily in an economic sense, for the prime motive of Slovak emigration overseas was economic necessity. The returnees stimulated economic progress with their savings which were invested in the purchase of land, cattle, agricultural implements and SLOVAKIA new homes. The sum total of this new capital proved a vital factor in renewing Slovakia's national economy. At first glance, perhaps, the role of American capital in the hands of the Slovak emigrants who returned to their homeland may seem unimportant but it proved to be an essential factor in rebuilding their lives. They were able to acquire land with their savings and this, alone, strengthened their power through ownership. Under the feudal system much of the land had fallen into the hands of a foreign aristocracy for whom the Slovak peasant tilled the soil. The products of his labor were not his, the land belonged to aliens and both land and produce, as well as his daily labors, served alien and not his own interests. Vast estates, forests and fields were in the hands of an ancient Slovak nobility that either had alienated itself or was rapidly alienating itself from the people. The loss of their native Slovak national pride meant the loss of their lands to Slovakia. One of the most serious practices among small landowners was the breaking-up of the estates through inheritance. This process was the more alarming because the high birth-rate among the farming families often forced the small landowners to make loans that not only weighed heavily upon the individual land-owner but often plunged him heavily into debt. This, too often, forced him to sell some or all of his lands. Another factor that created a serious problem for the small land-owner was the reccurence of bad crops. This and the need for money to make repairs, buy equipment or make an expansion often resulted in a huge debt so that the poor man frequently could not even pay the interest on a loan. Eventually such heavily mortgaged properties ended up in the hands of strangers who held the mortgage. For the Slovak national cause such failures had a twofold effect: 1) They decreased the number of Slovak landowners and proportionately increased non-Slovak ownership of the land; 2) Loss of land meant that the Slovak peasant lost his attachment to the land of his forebears and with the loss he lost his national consciousness or pride when he migrated to the city where he got a job in the SLOVAKIA 11 factory. Second and third generations of these families generally lost their identity as Slovaks. Slovak land, the solid base of Slovak national life, was being lost to aliens and with each loss national unity and ancestral pride were weakened. Under such adverse conditions the Slovaks could make no progress and the economy of their country was weakened considerably because it was not serving the people but foreign landowners who exploited the native workers. An independent class of small land-owners had always been the backbone of the Slovak nation. It was, therefore, a vital necessity that this class be preserved, and even extended both for the welfare of the people and for the national interest. Above all, capital was needed in this crisis. At home there was none to be had. Accordingly, there was only one hope and that was America. In the years of migration money came back to the old country and this more than any one thing helped to preserve ancient lands intact. American capital in the form of savings of the immigrants saved Slovakia's lands for her people. In almost every Slovak village or town before and after World War I new homes, new ventures and developments were made possible through American dollars, savings of Slovak settlers in America. Slovak farmers were able tc:, purchase new agricultural equipment and increase their production on a modest scale. Their lands and confidence were restored, thanks to their American experience and their savings from honest toil in the land of opportunity. Emigration of Slovak landowners to America actually strengthened the small land-owning class in Slovakia and preserved the right of ownership of the entire Slovak nation to its own native soil. Tenant farmers who had left their native homeland for America, as well as many Slovak workers, frequently returned from America to swell the ranks of the new landowners. These paid ready cash for land and equipment as they proudly took ownership of their new properties in their native country. 12 SLOVAKIA Some Slovaks who returned with savings preferred to invest their modest wealth in various enterprises such as a small business, for example, a store, a tavern, a mill or lumber plant. These, too, greatly enhanced the economic growth of the country through their initiative and enterprise. Stiff competition for the new enterprises greeted their founders but this did not scare the Slovaks who had returned from America, for competition was what stimulated progress and was an added incentive to success. Against their non-Slovak competitors, therefore, the new business men succeeded in breaking up what was considered somewhat of a monopoly by the old owners and directors in various businesses. Their experience in America served them well as they met every challenge with confidence and generally with success. American capital undoubtedly helped to raise the living· standard of the Slovak people. The Slovaks remained what they had always been, a simple people with moderate wants and desires and tastes but it was imperative that this simplicity be not interpreted as a sign of backwardness. Their American experiences helped them to cope with this problem, too. Highly important for the development of Slovak national life was the education of the youth. High school and college training was necessary so that the Slovak nation could have a strong core of educated men and women. For the average Slovak family higher education had a high social value, too. Unfortunately, Slovak schools were directed by nonSlovak elements and the children were subject to a denationalization process whereby the Magyar language and the spirit of a Hungarian nationality were fostered exclusively. It was a foregone conclusion that this would result in a tremendous loss to the Slovak nation when its youth would be alienated in its formative years. Although many were lost to the Slovak cause, not every Slovak youth succumbed to the lure of promises for the future or was terrorized into submission, for in many homes the spirit of loyalty to the Slovak national culture was cherished. SLOVAKIA 13 Only a few Slovak youths were able to pursue higher studies in high school, college and university because their fathers who had gone to America encouraged their sons by ear-marking special funds for their education. These, as a rule, completed their studies and became loyal sons of their homeland. Their spirit of national pride inspired them to fight back at any attempt to rob them of their rightful Slovak birthright and national heritage. Such was the spirit of the American-Slovak families in Slovakia that their dynamic force and influence were invariably felt throughout the country. The sons, like their father, bore the unmistakable trade-mark of true patriotism. The printed word, either in the daily press, periodicals or in books, is an essential factor in the training of youth everywhere. It is the expression of the spirit and soul of a nation. In this respect, the situation was actually quite bad in Slovakia because there were only a few good Slovak newspapers and these, because of an extremely limited circulation, exerted little influence. Since the masses of common people had limited finances, they did not subscribe to newspapers or buy books. Most of them did not feel the urgency of supporting their own Slovak press. Most widespread of all printed matter was the religious prayerbook but its influence did not extend beyond religion. The Spolok sv. Vojtecha, a religious publication society, sought to supplement this by editing books from time to time. There were several religious periodicals, too, but these did not reach the realm of politics. Moreover, the average Slovak peasant or worker showed little or no concern for politics anyway. He had been conditioned to the idea that politics was an art in which the rich and the nobility had a natural monopoly. To use the current term, "brainwashed", would be appropriate. American Slovaks opened their eyes to the truth and they held a completely opposite view from their fellow countrymen. They soon adopted the idea that they had a right and a duty to mix in politics and they received full support for this practical view in their daily and weekly newspapers which they read regularly. 14 SLOVAKIA American Slovak newspapers were sent to Slovakia. Actually, in many villages for quite a while the only reading matter consisted of Slovak newspapers from America where one could freely write not only in his native Slovak language but give voice to his views, foster the Slovak national spirit, criticize the injustices inflicted upon their countrymen at home and register an open demand for the just rights that belonged to the Slovaks. These periodicals were almost exclusively the sole source of accurate information about what was really going on in their own country and they found out the truth by reading news that were sent to them all the way from America. When they returned to Slovakia, many American Slovak immigrants kept in touch with the organization in which they had membership. For years they proudly wore their membership emblems, subscribed to both local and American periodicals, engaged actively in public life and showed a keen interest in politics as they had become accustomed to do in America. No doubt the most valuable contributions to Slovakia by America were the Slovaks who returned home after living a year or more in a truly democratic country. These American Slovaks had had rich experiences abroad and they had developed a new outlook on life so that their presence had repercussions everywhere. A Slovak who had left his homeland, depressed and beaten down, returned from America a different man. He was full of life and energy, imbued with the spirit of national pride and fully convinced that he had a natural right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" according to the spirit and principles of American democracy. This new, optimistic attitude clarified and refreshed the atmosphere throughout the country. Gone forever was the inferiority complex which had customarily marked the Slovak emigrant. Here was a renovated man not afraid to speak his mind openly, anywhere, anytime. This was the happy result of being exposed, if only briefly, to democracy in the United States. As a respected and integral part of a great and powerful country, the Slovak grew accustomed to the idea of SLOVAKIA 15 his importance as an individual. As a member of various Slovak societies he learned to stand up for his own rights and to cooperate with others for the common welfare of all. He had fulfilled his obligations to his position in life as a free man and he knew what his rights were. This new sense of human dignity stemmed from his understanding of the genuine spirit of American democracy : every citizen worked freely for his welfare as well as for the common good in a spirit of freedom under law. Far removed from his homeland, the Slovak immigrant learned, too, how great was his innate love for his native heart and he felt a new kinship with his fellow countrymen whether they came from the east or west, the north or south of a common motherland. The horizon of his nationalism extended far beyond his native village and reached the Tatras in the north, the Danube in the south, the low Carpathians in the west and the high Carpathians in the east. A wider concept of his rightful place in the Slovak family was developed in the mind and soul of every immigrant in America. He was a member of the Slovak nation and a human person who belonged to the land that for centuries belonged to all the Slovaks for ages. This was their common national heritage. A golden chain, their common language, had bound all the Slovaks together for many centuries. The Slovak immigrant cherished this precious gift all the more after living in America. Upon returning home he became its greatest defender against detractors. He had seen it flourish in a far off and strange land and Slovak national life had taken on a new glow under its influence. Why couldn't this be realized in his home country? To this end united voices of the American Slovak returnees were heard from one end of the country to the other as they spoke up fearlessly for their natural right to develop and grow as a nation, to live as a free people in a self-governing democratic country. How did his fellow-countrymen look upon this new dynamic "American" who had come back home to Slovakia? Perhaps they envied him just a little because he could afford to live better than they, but they also greatly admired 16 SLOVAKIA him for his openmindeness, his outspoken views and his newly-acquired democratic manners. They were favorably impressed and imitated him. They, too, became self-confident and hopeful of the future as they discussed their problems and sought solutions for them in a democratic exchange of opinions. This new type of Slovak did not avoid public functions nor steer clear of political meetings. He was there in the midst of them and his frequent public appearances inspired others to follow his example so that a new generation of Slovaks sprung up as if by magic, and the new generation was as fearless and frank in the expression of its views and opinions as their leader. In these and other forms the currents of American Slovak life were transformed to Slovakia. The need arose for coordinating this mutual contact for the greatest possible benefit to all. Accordingly, plans were made and attempts at establishing a working basis for better cooperation were put into practical operation. In accord with the desire to establish closer contact with American Slovaks, a number of educated Slovaks went to America where they renewed old friendships, exchanged views and established channels of communication not only with the immigrant Slovaks but what surprised them was the opportunity to converse fluently with second generation American Slovaks who were vitally interested in the mother country of their fathers and willing to lend a helping hand. This was, indeed, a bonanza, a stroke of good fortune that was destined to be of invaluable aid to the Slovak nation. Many Slovak patriots in their homeland established a close relationship between Slovakia and the American Slovaks by contributing articles to Slovak newspapers, periodicals, annuals, almanacs, etc. A considerable number of these timely articles dealt with topics on American Slovak life, and this welcome and flattering move bound the American Slovaks closer together with their kin in the home country. There were magnanimous Slovaks who, because they SLOVAKIA 17 fully understood and wholeheartedly sympathized with the plight of the Slovak nation beneath the Tatras, willingly sacrificed much of their time and energy to the Slovak cause often to their great personal disadvantage and material loss. Nevertheless, they did not count the cost, for they were firmly convinced every sacrifice was worthwhile in behalf of the Slovak nation's struggle for the recognition of its just rights. They justified their countrymen's faith in them, namely, that they would not forget their native homeland and that in time of need they would come to their aid though living far from their homeland. No true Slovak, no matter how successful he became in a strange land, ever forgot his native homeland. When he heard the call for help, he did not turn a deaf ear to the cry but replied with ready assistance. Slovakia's economic, cultural and national progress in the past several decades is in large measure due to the American Slovaks because of timely assistance to their brethern in Slovakia. American Slovaks never failed to respond generously in a number of crises to help save the Slovak nation. They constantly defended the Slovaks' right to self-government in their own homeland. Gratitude, the Slovaks say, is a virtue and an obligation. The Slovak nation will ever be grateful to the American Slovaks for their great role in its struggle for liberty, a democratic way of life and a self-governing state. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation, whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the right of every nation to freely choose its own form of government and freely elect persons of its own choice by whom it shall be governed.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Democracy and Slovak Life Description An account of the resource Dr. Francis Hrušovský Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 1-17 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrušovský, František, 1903-1956 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/0b5d64855f73b86814c1701e758e50d5.pdf 3477b337422365a8252c90db4ec08f03 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. �154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of �SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make �156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in �SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all �158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 �SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak �160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. �154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of �SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make �156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in �SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all �158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 �SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak �160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 153 PROF. DR. F. DURcANSKY - POLITICIAN, SCHOLAR AND FIGHTER FOR SLOVAKIA'S INDEPENDENCE If one could say that Slovak politics were for a long time a domain of dedicated amateur politicians, in 1930' this period ended with the emergence of a new Slovak generation, educated at universities at home and abroad, who regarded politics not only as a patriotic duty towards their oppressed nation, but also as a profession requiring thorough preparation. One of the most prominent representatives of this new generation has been Prof. Ferdinand nurcansky, LL.D.,Dip.Sc.Pol., author of several scholarly writings and the first Foreign Minister of the Slovak Re-public, who was 60 years old on December 18, 1966. Whoever will write the history of Slovakia during the dramatic years 1938-1945, will be forced to come to grips with the impact this dynamic and highly educated personality left on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in the last year of the pre-war Czecho-Slovakia. And ~imilarly no honest historian can omit the dominant role which Dr. Durcansky played in the emergence of the Slovak Republic and in her domestic and foreign policy in 19391940. Unlike some other politicians of his generation, Prof. nurcansky did not come into politics from student's organizations-the general preparatory school for politicians in Central Europe-but from behind an university chair. The years which other students spent in academic associations and party politics, Dr. f>urcansky was dedicated to studies abroad and to the preparation for an university career, specializing in political science and international law. The University of Bratislava was, however, not only dominated by Czech professors and administrators, but her aim was also to serve the official policy of Prague, directed at the political and economic domination of Slovakia and assimilation of Slovaks. Coming from a family of well known fighters for Slovakia's autonomy (his father was a senator and his older brother was a publisher of the political periodical Ndstup) , Dr. nurcansky could not get his "veniam docendi" at such university and the scholar was plunged into politics during the crucial years of his country. 154 SLOVAKIA !.>urcansky's education in law and political science at The Hague and in Paris, his knowledge of foreign languages, his elan and inexhaustible energy were welcomed by the leaders of the Slovak autonomist movement and he became overnight, at the age of 32, one of the leading politicians in Slovakia, cabinet minister in the first Slovak autonomous government and one of the main promoters of the idea of Slovak independence. Actually he marked very strongly the whole autonomist movement in its last phase, not only because the proposal of autonomy, submitted to Prague by the Hlinka Populist Party in June 1938, was his work, but also because he influenced the movement in its attitude towards Prague in the fall of 1938, mainly through the political periodical Ndstup, around which the young educated generation was grouped. When on October 6th, 1938, the Prague Government finally agreed to grant Slovakia political autonomy, which was stipulated to Slovaks before they entered into the union with the Czechs in 1918, it was only natural that Durcansky would be called upon by the leaders of the autonomist movement to be a member of the first Slovak government. In fact, he became very soon one of the leading members, since the international situation, the territorial demands of Slovakia's neighbors and very soon also Prague's manoeuvres aiming at undoing what they granted Slovaks when they agreed to federalize Czecho-Slovakia, required a man of his knowledge of law, foreign languages and his self-confidence. Since Germany was given practically a free hand in Central Europe by the Agreement of Munich, sanctioned by all European Great Powers, it was to Berlin that the Slovaks had to turn either in their defence of their territory against unjust claims of their neighbors or when economically pressed by Prague. From these contacts it became clear to the Slovak politicians that the situation created in Munich was a temporary one and that the peoples of Central Europe had to "make the best terms they could with the triumphant Nazi Power" as Churchill expressed it in the British Parliament on September 1938. As a member of Slovak delegations which defended the territory of SLOVAKIA 155 Slovakia at the Vienna Conference or which looked for economic co-operation with Germany, :ourcansky naturally came in the forefront and, aware of the dangers faced by Slovaks if they remained inactive, became a staunch advocate of the idea of Slovakia's independence. As a result, the historical events which in March 1939 saved Slovakia from division among her neighbors and put it on the map of Europe as a Slovak Republic, are very hard to be dissociated from the foresight, courage and patriotism of Dr. :ourcansky. He also deserves credit as the first Minister of External Affairs for the rapid international recognition of the Slovak state by practically all European nations and the establishment of diplomatic relations, and, as Minister of interior, for peaceful transition to independence. An expert in international law and a patriot educated in the atmosphere of struggle for self-determination and self-government, :ourcansky understood, however, the notion of independence in its theoretical and legal connotations and inevitably came into conflict with the Government of the Third Reich from the beginning of the existence of the Slovak Republic. In 1940, not even a year and a half in his portfolio, nurcansky was forced to leave Slovak political life and, as prove the Documents on German Foreign Policy, published by the Government of the United States and England, it was for reasons of defending the Slovak interests, for trying to keep Slovakia neutral and for resisting introduction of Nazism in Slovakia. The wrath of Berlin against him was so intensive that the German Ambassador to Slovakia reported on August 19th, 1940: "the name t>urcansky and Kirschbaum should not appear anymore in any newspaper. If they do, I shall ask to forbid publication of the newspaper .. ." Ousted from politics, Dr. :ourcansky went back to the University, which at this time was in Slovak hands, and practiced law. At the end of the War he was, however, again on the political barricades and tried to save the Slovak Republic and Slovakia from catastrophy. Unwilling to make 156 SLOVAKIA deal with Moscow, he left for the West and for the past twenty years he was one of the anti-communist exiled leaders against whom the Communist regime in Prague organized the most vicious smear campaigns and on several occasions asked for his extradition. ~ Scholarly and Political Writings Originally set for a scholarly career, Dr. Durcansky used his education and knowledge for giving higher standards first to Slovak politics and later in exile to the struggle for Slovak independence. His book, Pohl'ad na slovensku minulost', ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) many memoranda, his huge White book (Buenos Aires, 1954) and dozens of shorter studies in foreign languages published during the War or in exile, are marked by his academic background and large intelectual horizons . Given more favourable circumstances, Dr. f>urcansky would have certainly been one of the first Slovak politicians and statesmen who had not only formal education for politics but also scores of books elevating Slovak politics from provincialism to European standards. His first book M edzindrodnd intervencia (The international Intervention, Bratislava, 1936) was actually his academic thesis on the basis of which he was supposed to obtain "veniam docendi" - his professorship at the Faculty of Law of the Commenius University in Bratislava. There was no doubt whatsoever, that the scientific work met the requirements, it was nevertheless rejected because of Durcansky's political views on the relations between Czechs and Slovaks in Czechoslovakia. The work was the result of Durcansky's studies at the Institut de Hautes Etcodes Internacionales in Paris as well as the Academy of International Law at the Hague. Submitted again for acceptance in 1938 it became the basis for his teaching position first as "Docent" (Associate professor) and from 1941 as full professor. The first political work by nurcansky was his Pohl'ad na slovensk1i, minulost' ( A Look on the Slovak Past, Bratislava, 1943) in which he presented not only a new interpretation of the history of Slovaks and Slovakia, but in SLOVAKIA 157 which was also searching for the meaning of various political actions of Slovak generations and found their logical culmination in the national independence. By its method, thorough knowledge of sources and literature and clear style the book deserves to be considered among the best political writings on Slovakia's past. An extensive summary in German made the book accesible also to scholars of other nationalities and there are references to it even now by foreign historians. Before the end of the War Durcansky published in English, French, Spanish and German several scholarly writings which aimed at acquainting the World with the Slovak problem and Slovakia's right to independence. Among them should be mentioned a historical study of the events which led to Slovakia's independence, The Way t o Slovak Freedom, published also in German as: Der Weg zur slowakischer Freiheit (Bratislava, 1944) and a political and juridicial essay on the right of small states to their existence: Die Existenzberechtigung der Kleinen Staaten (Bratislava, 1944) and a historical survey on Central Europe: Mitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Zukunft (Bratislava, 1944). The last one was published also in Spanish in Madrid and in French by the Revue de droit international in Geneva (Vol. XXII, 1944) under the title "£'Europe Centrale dans le passe at dans l'avenir". The author advocated in it the idea of federation in Central Europe and the right of Slovak's to political equality with other Central European peoples. Equally in French Durcansky denied in the same periodical any right to existence of Czechoslovakia in a well written article: Le probleme de l'existencie de la TchecoSlovaquie, ( The Problem of Czecho-Slovakia's Existence, Vol. XXI, 1944 ) . Writings Published in Exile Even though circumstances after the Second World War have been for Slovak political exiles the most unfavourable, Durcansky disregarded the difficulties and serious danger to his own safety and fought from the first moment for Slovakia's right to independence in post-war Europe. Believing in justice and later in a possible clash between the Western Powers and the Soviets, who in spite of all 158 SLOVAKIA assurances and solemn declarations were imposing their rule and Communist system on Eastern European nations, Durcansky organized from Austria Slovak political refugees and presented several memoranda to the Peace Conference in Paris in French and English advocating either the necessity of a treaty of Peace with Slovakia, or a plebiscite, or arguing against the "rationality of the existence of CzechoSlovakia (Rome, 1946). Considering the fact that the Government of Prague was organizing an international hunt for his capture, Durcansky undoubtedly displayed an uncommon courage when he went personally to Paris or when, believing in the right of political asylum in neutral countries, he made a dangerous journey through the Alps to Geneva, and from there to Rome. In Rome he tried to write various factions of Slovak refugees into one organized body, but circumstances were not only unfavourable for such an endeavor but also dangerous and therefore he left Europe in 1947 for Argentina with a group of Slovak intellectuals, with whom he created the Slovak Action Committee. There he continued to publish books and studies until 1952 when he returned to Germany. Among the books and studies which Durcansky wrote or prepared in exile for publication, the huge volume of documents (998 pages) called Prdvo Slovdkov na samostatnost' vo svetle dokumentov, Biela kniha, (The Right of Slovaks to Independence in the Light of Documents, or White Book; Buenos Aires, in April 1954), deserves special consideration. Even though his fighting temperament led him to disregard or to misrepresent the activities of other exiled Slovak organizations (such as the Slovak National Council Abroad) and even if a smaller volume in some foreign language might have been more useful, one has to recognize the assiduous work, patience and knowledge which were required for publication of this first and most camplete collection of documents on the Slovak question. The work was published thanks to the financial support of two outstanding Slovaks: Stephen B. Roman from Canada and Rev. John J . Lach, from Whiting, Ind., U.S.A. A shorter, concise study of the international aspect of the Slovak question was published by Durcansky in 1954 SLOVAKIA 159 in German, in 1955 in English and in 1957 in Spanish under the titles: Die Slovakische Frage als eine internationale Frage (Munich, 44 p.); The International Aspects of the Slovak Qu.estion (38 p.) and El aspecto internacional de la question eslovaca (Buenos Aires, 54 p.). As in all his writings nurcansky displayed in this booklet a thorough knowledge of political literature in several languages as well as his versatility in International Law. In addition to these publications Durcansky contributed from 1952, when he settled in Europe, to various leading political and scholarly periodicals, mostly German and Austrian, such as: Politische Studien (Munich), Donauraum (Vienna), Der Europiiische Osten (Munich) ect. All these contributions ( some 20 of them are listed in his bibliography) aim at explaining to the Western World basic Slovak political problems or defending Slovakia and Slovaks against the ruthless Czech and Communist propaganda. In style and contents they meet and sometimes even overpass the high standards of European political literature and the same can be said of the memoranda (15 altogether) which :ourcansky alone or in co-operation with others published in various foreign languages on the Slovak question. A Struggle Against Many Odds From the beginning of his political career Dr. :ourcansky was engaged in a struggle against many odds. Rarely in Slovak history any political leader faced so many times a serious danger to his own safety and hardly anyone's political conceptions were subject to such a barrage of lies and misrepresentations as it was the case of :ourcansky's fight for Slovakia's independence. He faced them all as a man and never failed to believe that Slovaks can achieve an equal status with other Central European nations if they fight and make sacrifices for it. By his own activities, courage and perseverance :ourcansky set an example which deserves recognition by everyone for whom freedom, justice and human progress have any value. History of Slovakia in the crucial years before and during the Second World War was shaped by him more than his friends or adversaries have been ready to admit. In the first Slovak 160 SLOVAKIA political exile he was undoubtedly spiritus moveus and at times regarded as the uncompromising leader if not by all, certainly by a great number of those who left Slovakia in 1945. If for some period of time his methods did not lead to the intergration of all Slovaks in the free world for a united action in favour of Slovakia's liberation, it would be unjust to put the blame on him alone. Exiled groups with greater political experience and waves of political emigrees before them, passed through the same phases of mutual struggles, distrust and disunity. Slovaks in the free world could not escape the special "climate" which the circumstances of the exile generate, but even in this regard, Slovaks achieved what no other exiled group achieved: intergration of both political Slovak representations in the free world into the Slovak Liberation Council, of which Dr. nurcansky became the first president of the Executive Committee. His sixtieth birthday finds Dr. nurcansky still in undiminished activity for the Slovak cause and with unbroken belief that the Slovak struggle - a struggle against many odds - will finally be victorious . We greet him in the same spirit and cordially wish him also on behalf of those who are silenced in Slovakia: Ad multos annos! J.M. Kirschbaum THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA condemns and unequivocally opposes all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. The Slovak League of America has always recognized the Godless philosophy of materialir.tic Communism for the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as the political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement and, therefore, has fought resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, is still determined to fight against it with all the means at its command until the dread plague of Communism is wiped off the face of the earth.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Prof. Dr. F. Ďurčansk - Politician, Scholar and Fighter for Slovakia’s Independence Description An account of the resource J.M. Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 153-160 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/69822d17319c605cbb8f0c1e6926b300.pdf 676f42f0048a797f1a5304b71c3525b7 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, �162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with �SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- �164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- �SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the �166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- �SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: �168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy �SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. �170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The �SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." �172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946. � SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, �162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with �SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- �164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- �SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the �166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- �SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: �168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy �SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. �170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The �SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." �172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 161 ANDREJ HLINKA By Maryagnes Krajsa "Hlinka was not satisfied with having his people faithful to their reli{ : n alone. He wanted his people to be independent economically; and for this reason, while planning missions for them , he began also to plan for their day-to-day material well-being." - Karol Sidor In the long historic process that determined the political destiny of Slovakia, Andrej Hlinka assumed a decisive r ole in directing the course of his country's development. The great Slovak patriot and political leader was fully conscious of his responsibility to the Slovak people. Hlinka devoted his life to one cause-that of the Christian faithful and the Slovak's fight for political equality. His intense love for the Slovak people had demanded the greatest personal sacrifices from him in a public life of almost fifty years. It was rewarded with as great a love on the part of the Slovak people as a whole. Slovak equality, Slovak autonomy-the long cherished hope of the Slovak people for national self-rule-he never lived to realize . Andrej Hlinka based his program and belief not on securing the favor of any incumbent political party, but on the solid foundation of a free , prosperous Slovak population. He realized that the fight for Slovak liberation would be a long and arduous struggle and that nothing short of an independent and self-sufficient Slovak population could bring it to a triumphant conclusion. The Slovaks have grown strong by hard work and struggle; and have acquired self-confidence and self-reliance, courage and endurance in the process .. . and, above all, they have an invincible faith in God. Such a man was Andrej Hlinka. Andrej Hlinka was born in 1864 of Slovak peasant stock in the village of c ernova. In the village public school, he showed superior talent, and upon the recommendation of the schoolmaster, his parents provided him with the opportunity for a higher education. His choice of the vocation of priest was made early. In the seminary his work was outstanding, as the records show. In the same records, however, appears the ominous, 162 SLOVAKIA notation, "Inclined to Slavism", -a charge bearing the most serious consequences for any Slovak student in the thoroughly Magyarized Hungary of 1887. A further notation emphasizing his "exceptional talent, modesty, and piety", probably accounts for his being permitted to go on. During these trying years in Slovakia, when it was necessary for Slovak theological students to fight for instruction in the Slovak language, which they would need in the pulpit and in public life, only his mother's affection and her great sacrifices and equally great expectations restrained Hlinka from action of any kind that might have incurred immediate dismissal. While he was still in the seminary, ,his father died. Soon after came the death of his mother, almost on the eve of his ordination, in 1889, a blow that seemed cruel and unjust to him, for the reason that his mother had looked forward to the day of his ordination as one that would be the happiest day of her life. Now that he was ordained, he was alone in the world, beginning the life of a priest with his love for his mother and father. A priest dedicated to his Church and Nation. Not only was Hlinka a faithful priest who performed his spiritual duties conscientiously, but he was a teacher, physician, and leader of his Slovak people. As a young priest, Hlinka lived close to his people so that he knew their conditions and studied the various influences that affected their lives. He always kept in mind that his main objective in life as a priest of God was to save immortal souls. He could not ignore the temporal affairs of his people though, because these are too often closely united with the spiritual needs of mankind. The Slovak nation was not only neglected but actually subjected to humiliation and tyranny. The arrogance of the non-Slovak higher classes went so far as to make disparaging references to that "lowly" Slovak and "that poor excuse for a man". This insult to his nation infuriated Hlinka. He felt its sting all the more because it was unChristian and inhuman. Upright in his concept of the dignity of his Slovak nation, Hlinka wanted to share that gift with all his fellow countrymen. This ideal was in accord with God's plan, with the teaching of the Church and with SLOVAKIA 163 the universal belief of mankind, namely, that "all men are born and created equal". The Slovaks did not deserve to be belittled in view of their rich contributions in all fields of endeavor despite the handicaps for social and economic misery and cultural neglect. The more insolent the attacks became from the Magyars, the greater was Hlinka's courage and determination to fight for the Slovak cause. Truth, Justice, Human Rights, and Religion were the ideals that inspired Hlinka to carry on the struggle in behalf of the Slovak nation. He was convinced that truth and justice must triumph ultimately against the evil forces of untruth and injustice. The important aspect was though that truth and justice were on his side. Hlinka was appointed to his own parish in 1895 and it was then that he became interested in the popular political movement in Slovakia represented by the People's Party. Two years later he became editor of the Eudove Noviny and began vigorously opposing the Magyarization of the Slovaks. His power within the party continued to grow and by 1905, he became pastor of the large parish at Ruzomherok-the city that was to remain the center for most of his activity until the day of his death at the age of seventyfour . Father Hlinka and Francis Skycak formed their own Slovak People's Party on December 5, 1905. This party after World War I, became known as Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, the name it retained until 1945 when it was dissolved by the Prague Government. In 1906, two Slovak deputies were elected to the Diet. Under the leadership of Hlinka and others, the Slovaks increased their representation to seven. All of these men believed in the same truths as Hlinka, namely: linguistic and cultural autonomy for the Slovaks. Their campaign motto was, "For Our Slovak Language". The Magyars blamed Hlinka for the success of the· campaign because of the persuasiveness of his written and . spoken messages to the Slovaks. The Magyars applied pressure on Hlinka's ecclesiastical superiors that he might be suspended from his pastoral duties on charges of si- 164 SLOVAKIA mony. His bishop, Alexander Parvy of Spis, bowed to Magyar pressure. Hlinka, along with fifteen other Slovaks, was arrested on charges for "action against the Magyar nationality. " The t rial was held in Ruzomberok. It was indeed a trumped-up farce. Hlinka's young counsel was warned by the court not to let his defense make him an accomplice to Hlinka's guilt. Hlinka continued to stand his ground. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years in prison. When leaving the courtroom, he added that upon his return he would continue to struggle for Slovak liberty. For this he was sentenced to an additional eighteen months imprisonment . For years Hlinka had wished to build a church in his native Cernova. After years of toil and deprivation- for Cernova was a poor community-the church was completed. The people wanted Hlinka to bless the church. On October 27, 1907, when the Cernovans saw the Magyar magistrate and priest coming, they blocked the way, seized the horses and shouted again for a postponement of the dedication. The Magyar magistrate ordered the gendarmes to open fire on the people of Cernova, and 15 were shot. This was known as the "Cernova Massacre. " This massacre focused the world's attention upon the Magyar tyranny more than any other single event. The events at Cernova also sparked the interest of impartial European scholars who soon thereafter became champions of the Slovak cause. Hlinka was lecturing in Bohemia when the tragedy occured at his birthplace. He spoke in numerous other cities for the cause of his people. His audiences hailed him as the great champion and martyr for Slovak freedom. On November 30, 1907, Hlinka began serving his sentence in Szeged. He once again declared his innocence of any wrong actions . His belief was molding firmer that the liberation of the Slovaks was inevitable. "Truth has never suffered in vain, so even Slovak truth shall not suffer," were his words to the Slovak people as the Magyar jail closed behind him. In May, 1908, he was sentenced to another eighteen months in jail for his newspaper articles. Even while in jail Hlinka continued to work. He translated the Holy Writ into Slovak. Rome found Hlinka in- SLOVAKIA 165 nocent and on February 23, 1910, justification came to Hlinka. In the winter of 1910 Hlinka returned to his parish in Ruzomberok. By re-emphasizing his belief in Slovak freedom, Hlinka declared war on Magyar Chauvinism by demanding that the Slovaks be permitted to have the language taught in all the schools of the city. Most of Slovakia followed in suit. Slovak national life had continued to feel the pressure of Magyarization. In the election of 1910, only three Slovak deputies were elected. Slovaks continued to be divided into two different groups, one which favored complete Slovak autonomy and ultimate independence as a sovereign nation, and the other advocating a federated republic of Slovak and Czech peoples. The assasination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand on the streets of Sarajevo, plunged the world into the first war of the 20th century. This catastrophe also began tolling the watch for Austro-Magyar domination of Central Europe. On May 24, 1918, Hlinka took the lead for the creation of a new state, comprising Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, and Silesia. He drew up a program which stood for the creation of Czecho-Slovakia. "Let us welcome every Czech who is willing to help us," he preached. The followers of s tur, Radlinsky and Vajansky up to 1918 expressed themselves moderately in form, but convincingly in substance. When it came to the breaking of bread in 1918, however, Andrej Hlinka, leader of his party, proclaimed at Turciansky Svaty Martin, "The 1,000 year-old marriage with the Magyars was a failure. We must part." The policy of forcible Magyarization of the Slovaks was undoubtedly the greatest reason for Slovak immigration into America. The Slovaks in America were always mindful of the injustices that had driven them out of the land of their birth, their fatherland. The people were stirred up when they heard the news of the continuous persecution in Slovakia. The Hungarian government still wanted the immigrated Slovaks to feel the pressures of Magyarization but the Slovaks in America could no longer be controlled by forces across the ocean. They continued to make known in America and throughout the rest of the 166 SLOVAKIA world the persecution and injustice that the Slovaks were suffering. The Slovaks were suffering on account of the Magyars and the Czechs, at the hands of the Austrians. The Czechs and Slovaks lived apart. When the Czechs and Slovaks immigrated to this country, they continued to live and to develop here as two separate nations. The Czechs and Slovaks are the two closest Slovanic brothers, but each retained its own separate and definite identity. One of the most stirring incidents that finally completely awakened the Slovaks in America was the massacre in cernova. The founding of the Slovak League of America was the result of the persecution of Andrej Hlinka. The aim of this organization was: "That the Slovak nation may take its place among the other nations as an equal among equals." The Slovaks in America became unified. Meetings were called and the final conclusion was that they had to come to the rescue of their brethren in Slovakia. The Slovaks in America had prepared a Memorandum for all the parliaments of the United States. The Memorandum mainly stated that: "The Slovaks in Hungary should obtain their natural privileges of life, freedom and pursuit of happiness, which they have been deprived of by the dynasty; that the Slovaks be given an opportunity to develop their national spirit, their abilities, and the natural resources of their native land; that the Slovaks be guaranteed the realization of their national ideals and efforts, w hich have been mercilessly trodden by the tyrannical Hungarian Government." The more progressive portion of the Slovak nation was found here in America, and this portion had a full privilege, moral and financial, to speak in behalf of the entire nation. The Cleveland Agreement in 1915 was a fore-runner of the Pittsburgh Pact. The Czech National Alliance officially invited the Slovak League of America to a meeting-the purpose of which was to be: "That we could unite for combined political work." The Czechs soon after already tried to squeeze the Slovaks out. To a proclamation issued in Paris, was signed: "The Foreign Czech Committee" and not a Czecho-Slovak Committee. The difficulties of the co- SLOVAKIA 167 operation with the Czechs became quite plain to the Slovaks. The Slovaks wanted to be with the Czechs and not under the Czechs. In 1918, the Slovaks' efforts seemed to be leading to success. Their goal-the liberation of Slovakia, and the founding of the Czecho-Slovak state. Small, but significant jncidents kept unfolding in which the Czechs proved to be not fully sincere with the Slovaks. The Slovaks tried to overlook all these though. Even write-ups in the Czech newspapers, such as the arrival of T. G. Masaryk only mentioned facts pertaining to the Czechs. The JEDNOTA-the official weekly of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest and one of the oldest Slovak fraternal organizations in America-acted quickly. The paper criticized Masaryk about never mentioning Slovakia-he completely ignored the Slovak participation in the struggle. The JEDNOT A printed, as it has continued to down through the years, the truth and that was, the Slovaks were gradually becoming subordinate to the Czechs. Masaryk arrived in Pittsburgh on May 30, 1918, where he was received most graciously by our Slovaks. Everything seemed to be ironed out. Masaryk ended his speech by saying, "Everyone shall have his personal liberty guaranteed." That same night Masaryk had a conference with representatives of the Slovaks in the Moose Temple on Pennsylvania Avenue. Many matters were presented which Masaryk answered to the satisfaction of all present. On May 31 , 1918, the representatives of the American Slovaks and Czechs met again. The report states that: "Professor Masaryk performed an act which shall always have historical significance in the history of the Czechs and Slovaks." This act consisted of a new agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks. Professor Masaryk wrote the new agreement himself, and it established the relations between the two nations. According to this agreement: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States- the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance , and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the Czecho-Slovak question and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved as follows: 168 SLOVAKIA We fa vor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and r egulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. All matters seemed to be settled now--even the JEDNOT A was satisfied. As we shall see, however, the Pact was not kept. Yes, on May 31, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact was drawn up and signed by Czech and Slovak representatives-as well as by T. G. Masaryk, the future President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to this document, Slo• vakia was guaranteed its autonomy, with its own assembly, administration, and department of justice. Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak People's Party incorporated the Pittsburgh Pact in their national party platform. When the Czecho-Slovak State was established, the Slovaks, including Hlinka, had no clear conception of what the new state would be like. It was agreed upon that the new state would be run in the spirit of equality of both nations . The Slovaks would run their country, while the Czechs would be masters of their own household ; if the Slovaks needed help, the Czechs would help, but the quantity and quality of such help would be decided by the Slovaks, not the Czechs. The Czechs agreed with this in principle. Things didn't go according to the Pact though. The narrow political attitude of the Prague government toward the Slovaks as early as 1919 aroused Hlinka and many of the Slovak leaders. The progress of political events from within supported a fanatical centralizing of power at Prague in control largely of certain Czech leaders, which openly transgressed the rights guaranteed by the Pact. When Hlinka arrived in Prague he was welcomed not as the greatest friend of the Czechs, but as the worst enemy SLOVAKIA 169 of the new state. The Czech section of the government was against him. The attack on Hlinka was continued for the three years that he was serving his term in office. This was a struggle which in the end meant the collapse of Czechoslovakia, the end of Slovak-Czech collaboration for any sort of common political state. On January 23, 1919, the Prague parliament was the scene of the wildest attacks against Hlinka. Hlinka practically stood alone in the defense of the interests of his Slovak people in 1919. He still had a great following in Slovakia. Hlinka became in Slovakia the very symbol of resistance to Prague's domination. Promises had been made to the Slovaks before they decided to join the Czechs to form a joint political state and those promises should have been kept. The Czech "progressives" even had an editorial in the LIDOVE NOV/NY (People's News) that read: "It will take only a few years and things will be the same in Slovakia as they are in the Czech lands." On January 30, 1919, Hlinka returned to Prague and read the records of the parliamentary sessions to learn what was said about him in his absence. In October, 1919, Hlinka left secretly for Paris, determined that the Slovaks would be heard at the Peace Conference which was then in session. Knowing that he would probably not be permitted a Czecho-Slovak passport to go to Paris, Hlinka turned to the Polish authorities for help, and then by way of Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Italy, and Switzerland he reached Paris. He asked for the Slovaks the rights of administering their affairs in Slovakia, stating that the Slovaks were not to be regarded as Czechs. He said, "The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovaks, but Slovaks who intend to remain Slovaks." He was ordered to leave at the instigation of the Czech delegates. When he returned to Slovakia, on October 12, 1919, he was seized at night and carted out of Slovakia on the charge of passport irregularity and later on for treason to the Republic. A local revolt broke out as a result of this. He was imprisoned for a period of six months awaiting trial. Meanwhile, on February 29, 1920, the final wording of the Constitution was discussed in the Prague Parliament. 170 SLOVAKIA The Slovak representativ es put a motion before the Constitutional Committee which stated that the vote for such a constitution would not prevent them from persevering in their struggle for autonomy and a legislature for Slovakia. The fundamental act of the Czecho-Slova k State was thereafter voted on February 29, 1920 not by a Constituent Assembly freely elected by the people, but by a revolutionary one. A constitution vote took place and voted on a united "Czechoslova k" nation; this deprived the Slovak nation more of its political and judical individuality and assured the Czechs of the exclusive direction of the State. Thus, the Slovak nation was once again deprived of its right which had been clearly guaranteed by international treaties. On April 18, 1920, Hlinka was elected to the CzechoSlovak Parliament. The authorities were compelled to release him. Hlinka fought now with all his energy and zeal. As the leader of the Autonomists, he fought the Centralists as hard as he had fought the Magyars. The official spelling of the name "Czecho-Slov akia," as found in the treaties at the time of the creation of the new Republic, was now changed to "Czechoslova kia." Instead of fusing the Czechs and Slovaks into a solid Czech whole, this change in the name of the State succeeded in accentuating the differences between them and in rekindling the fight of the Slovaks against denationaliza tion. Hlinka spent the best part of his life in this vital crusade for his beloved people. As an orator and debater, Hlinka was unequalled. As the political controversy grew stronger, so did his fight for the principles of his program. From 1925 on, Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was the most powerful single political party in Slovakia. In order to raise funds to carry on this fight, Hlinka turned to America in 1926 and appealed to the Slovaks here for aid. The welcome to Hlinka and the response to his appeal was more than generous. To write about Hlinka's triumphal tour of the United States is a chapter that deserves a separate presentation. In 1932, the Slovak People's Party and the non-Catholic Slovak National Party, under the leadership of Rev. Martin Razus joined forces and issued a joint declaration: "The SLOVAKIA 171 individuality of the Slovak nation, which we shall not renounce even at the cost of the Republic, demands the recognition of sovereign rights and therefore a responsive form of political life. The only form, regarded as such by the Slovaks, is the immediate result of Slovak political tradition and agreements concluded during the action of liberation between the Czechs and Slovaks ... " Hlinka, by 1933, had become the most important national figure in Slovakia. That same year the ancient historical city of Nitra observed the eleventh centenary of the founding of the first Christian Church in Slovakia. More than 100,000 patriotic Slovaks gathered there to help celebrate the occasion. It turned out to be a major demonstration for Slovak autonomy. On June 5, 1938, over 100,00 national-minded Slovaks turned out in Bratislava-the capital of Slovakia-to manifest their fidelity to Hlinka's political program for autonomy. This date also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact. The observance was attended by enthusiastic representatives from the whole nation and was visited by a special delegation that brought the original document of that historic agreement direct from America. This memorable occasion was a distinct proof that the Slovak nation had grown to national maturity in its struggle for autonomy. This was to be Hlinka's last public appearance and address to any type of formal assembly. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka saw his goal in sight. Slovakia was on the threshold of self-government. In the years of 1938 and 1939, when the international situation weakened the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak republic, the Slovak nation got the opportunity to take hold of the helm of its own state government. The Slovaks declared independence and were given back their just national freedom just shortly after Hlinka died. The Rt. Rev. Msgr. Andrej Hlinka, the Father of the Slovak Nation, met his everlasting peace on August 16, 1938. His funeral on August 21, 1938 was a national event of respect the likes of which was never seen in the shadow of the Tatra Mountains. Four bishops, over 1,000 prelates and priests, and over 120,000 Slovaks came to pay respect to their "father." 172 SLOVAKIA On October 6, 1938, shortly after Hlinka's death, Slovakia declared its right to self-government. The Slovak Parliament declared its country's independence and established the Slovak State on March 14, 1939. Although Hlinka did not live to see the successful outcome of his life-long struggle, he had prepared the waythe way of truth which did not succumb to all else in the end. Will truth again prevail? As of today, the Slovak nation has never renounced its independence and has never recognized the existence of the " Czechoslovak" nation. There is no such nation! There is a Czech nation and a Slovak nation; and so likewise, there is no "Czechoslovak" language, but there is a Czech language and a Slovak language. The cultural oppression of the Slovak people has an economic background for the benefit of the Czech people. The religious, political, economic and social well-being of the Slovaks is in grave danger. We are now living in the same atmosphere as did Andrej Hlinka. Hlinka, the Father of-the Fighter for-and the Light of the Slovak Nation has gone from this world in bodily appearance. Does his spirit live on? Yes!-in the souls and hearts of "true" Slovaks in America, in the rest of the free world, and those who are suffering in Slovakia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Culen, Constantine. "Andrej Hlinka and Prague", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1958. Glaser, Kurt. Czecho-Slovakia, A Critical History, Caldwell, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, 1961. Kirschbaum, Joseph. "The Politics of Hlinka's Party in the Slovak Republic". Slovakia. Middletown, Pa. : The Slovak League of America, 1951. Mikus, Joseph A. Slovakia, A Political History, 1918-1950. Milwaukee: The Marquette University Press, 1963. Oddo, Gilbert L.O. Slovakia And Its People. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty ( 75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union) . Middletown, Pa.: The Jednota Press, 1965. Sidor, Karl. "The Slovak Republic-Fruit of Hlinka's Struggle", Slovakia. Middletown, Pa.: The Slovak League of America, 1951. Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks, Their History And Traditi ons. Whiting, Ind., 1946.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Andrej Hlinka Description An account of the resource Maryagnes Krajsa Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 161-172 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krajsa, Maryagnes A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/464320d721fd4e1726f6e1a34dd49137.pdf 8726645fda2d11f5c3fd66e29386b1ec PDF Text Text 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in 106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the 108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the 110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. 112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the 114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. 116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, 116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is 120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak 122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained 124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of 126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: 128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: 130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was 132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years 134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United 136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Under Dynamic Leadership Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 104-136 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/71bae34ca2b742eed470f4012733733b.pdf 76e73a01850f8e5783386081724e75f0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and �174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office �SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members �176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the �SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 173 THE SLOVAKS IN AMERICA P. V. Rovnianek (This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slov ak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok. It appeared in "Charities" in 1904. - Ed.) Slovak immigration to this country may be said to have come exclusively from the agricultural class, a class which includes a very large part of the Slovak population of Hungary. Previous to 1882 the immigration has been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them, where for many miles on every side the land is entirely in their possession. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centers. Owing to the political persecutions from which they suffered at home, the Slovaks had little opportunity for acquiring education and knowledge of the ways of civilization. Since they began coming to this country in large numbers their advancement in these respects has been no less remarkable than the improvement in their material condition. This is due largely to the intense religious spirit which prevails among the Slavic people, and to the fact that here they have been able to combine schools with their churches. In every community in which they have settled in considerable numbers, they have started their church congregation and founded their church school where their children are being educated in the English and 174 SLOVAKIA Slovak languages. In Pennsylvania there are now from 120 to 130 Slovak congregations, some of them very large and of considerable wealth. The people are divided in religious affiliation among four principal denominations: the Roman Catholic, the Greek Catholic, (by which is meant that portion of the Greek Catholic Church which is united with the Roman Catholic church, but preserves its own liturgy and customs), the Russian Orthodox, and the Lutheran. About one-half the total number of congregations, and perhaps somewhat more than this proportion of the total number of communicants are Roman Catholics. The Russian and the Lutheran churches have each about ten congregations and the others are Greek Catholics. The missionaries of the Russian church have been very active and considerable numbers have left the Greek to join the Orthodox church. Of late years, too, the Presbyterian and Congregational denominations have been working among the people with churches and missions. Scarcely second to the influences of the churches has been the influence of the newspapers in the elevation of the condition of the Slovaks in their new homes. It required considerable audacity to begin the publication of the first newspaper for circulation among the people in this country. In Hungary they had never read newspapers. They were taught by the Magyar government that newspapers were for the official class only; that the peasants had no business with them. And the government has had means of enforcing its opinion on the subject. So well is it enforced and so well on the other hand do the Slovaks appreciate the priviledge they have in America which is not accorded them at home that after less than twenty years of the experiment there are nearly as many newspapers in the Slovak language published in the United States as in Hungary, while the combined circulation of those published there nowhere nearly approaches the total circulation of those in this country. The first Slovak newspaper published in America, the Amerikansko Slovenske Noviny (American Slavonic Gazet- te) was founded in Pittsburgh in 1886 by Jan Slovensky, a teacher in his native country - here a clerk in the office SLOVAKIA 175 of the Austro-Hungarian Consul. Associated with him was Julius J. Wolf, also a teacher. Mr. Slovensky retired in 1892 and the writer became associated with Mr. Wolf in the publishing business. We still conduct the paper founded by Mr. Slovensky and also the only Slovak daily paper published in the world. The Slovak Daily is well sustained and is making rapid progress, good evidence that the Slovaks are rapidly attaining a high standard of American citizenship. There are a dozen or more other Slovak weekly and monthly newspapers thriving in various parts of the country. They have been instrumental to no small extent in causing the establishment of a variety of industrial and business enterprises in the Slovak communities through capital stored up by the Slovaks while in the employment of the various concerns. The small mercantile establishments among them are almost numberless. They have their butchers and grocers, their clothing stores, their drug stores, and in fact are equipped throughout for supplying their needs from establishments which they can call their own. In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country, also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have attained a very high position in the markets. Organization among Slovaks has played an important role, despite the fact that at home the government had not permitted any form of Slovak organization whatever. Here, again, the results of efforts in this direction were most gratifying. In 1890 the writer instituted the National Slovak Society, the first organization among them, with a membership of 250. It has now over 20,000 active members and 512 lodges. It is primarily a beneficial organization, but it has besides done a work in the education of its members 176 SLOVAKIA and in inducing them and those who come under their influence to become American citizens. As previously stated, the Slovaks who come to America do not as a rule return to their native country. The society requires its members to obtain naturalization papers after a reasonable time, and through the influence of the membership thousands of others, not members, have become citizens. Other societies have made this a feature of their work, so that directly and indirectly the work of the National Slovak Society in making American citizens has been a notable one. Since its organization, the society has paid out nearly a million dollars in benefits on account of the death or injury of members, or the death of members' wives. Besides this the local associations have paid out a total of much more than a million dollars in sick benefits. Further, the society has kept the Slovak spirit alive among immigrants. It is always the first to contribute to Slovak national purposes. It has helped hundreds of Slovak students, both here and in Hungary, giving them allowances sufficient to support them while they were obtaining their education, and has given, also, liberally to the support of national literary and patriotic workers. It has come to the rescue of Slavs in Hungary, who are persecuted by the government on account of their national sentiments, providing the money for the defense at their trials and in cases where they are convicted and imprisoned supporting their families until released. With this National Slovak Society as a root, there have originated many other societies, among them the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Greek Catholic Union, the Evangelical Union, the Pennsylvania Roman and Greek Catholic Union, the zivena (Ladies' Association), the Presbyterian Calvinistic Union, the First Catholic Slovak Ladies' Union, the Sokol (Gymnastic Association), and hundreds of literary, benevolent and political clubs, so that there are now between 100,000 and 125,000 organized Slovaks in the United States. Finally, these societies have sources of moral benefits, almost incalculable. They have given courage and spread the idea of American liberty many years in advance of the SLOVAKIA 177 time when they could have been obtained by other means. When a Slovak now returns to his native country he does not go to cringe to the official classes; usually he becomes a center of independent spirit from whom ideas of liberty reach the minds of many of his down-trodden countrymen. Sometimes he gets into trouble by reason of his independence, but even the persecutions with which the government officials visit him serve to scatter the seeds of liberty which are bound sooner or later to work a great improvement in the condition of the entire Slav population of Hungary. It is in this respect that the influence of the Slavs in this country upon those at home has been most important. They have even financed the industries of their country in some degree compensating it in a material sense for the withdrawal of their own labor from its agriculture. Counterparts of the organizations among the Slovaks have been formed among the Slavs of almost every nationality that has representatives in this country - the Poles, R.ussians, Bohemians, Slovenians (Wends), Croatians, Serbians, and others. Relations of the utmost cordiality exist among them and they are frequently found working together for their mutual improvement and advantage. The Slovaks in this country have been to some extent hindered in their progress by misunderstandings in the minds of Americans which are gradually being replaced by feelings of friendly interest. The army of the United States contains hundreds of young Slovaks. So also do the higher educational institutions of the country. The immigration is as yet too young to have produced an educated class of professional men in this country, but that condition of things is coming fast. It will be here in a few years and will have arrived much sooner than it did in the case of the Irish or of the Germans, or of any other class of immigrants. Then, the part which the Slovaks are playing, and are to play, in the making of this country will be made to appear in its true light; and their fellow citizens will be ashamed that they have believed them the savages the sensational press has often pictured them.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks in America Description An account of the resource P. V. Rovnianek Editor’s Note: "This was the first English article about the Slovak people in America. It was written by Peter Rovnianek, editor of the Slovak Daily in Pittsburgh and founder of the Národný Slovenský Spolok. It appeared in 'Charities' in 1904." Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 173-177 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rovnianek-Rovinov, Peter V. (Peter Vitʹazoslav), 1867-1933 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/63749f7745c997602cee8d3af04af090.pdf e98eafb5dfbacbd626c3e9146b470a02 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of �30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in �SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had �32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." �SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on �34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for �SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: �36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for �SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: �38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- �SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- �4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- �SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): �SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off �SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- �44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet �SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: �46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights �SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the �SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! �SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the �50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of �SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and �52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- �SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on �54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National �SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of �56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had �SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. �58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen �SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which �60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it �SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign �62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. � SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of �30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in �SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had �32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." �SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on �34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for �SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: �36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for �SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: �38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- �SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- �4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- �SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): �SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off �SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- �44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet �SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: �46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights �SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the �SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! �SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the �50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of �SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and �52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- �SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on �54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National �SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of �56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had �SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. �58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen �SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which �60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it �SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign �62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 29 THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND THE SLOVAK NATION'S STRUGGLE FOR AUTONOMY By Karoi Sidor I have selected the quarter of a century of history of the Slovak League of America (1914-1939 ) as my topic for r eview and analysis in order to show its influence on the future destiny of the Slovak nation in its historic homeland. My work " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji" (The Slovaks ±n the Struggle Abroad ), 264 pp., which was published in 1928 in Bratislava, serves me well in the present instance. My book, as I noted in the preface, proves that liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule was not the work of the Czechs, nor was it a gift from them, but the main work in Slovakia's liberation in the first World War ( 19141918 ) was accomplished by the Slovaks under the auspices of the Slovak League of America. "It is impossible to evaluate the participation of the Slovaks in the fight for freedom in Czecho-Slovakia", I wrote in the preface, " without delving into the history of the Slovak League of America. During the war the Slovak League influenced the great majority of our emigrant Slovaks in America through membership, and its influence extended to other parts of the world wherever Slovaks had settled. For that reason I chose this title for my book to include all emigrant Slovaks instead of limiting it to t he Slovaks in America and their role in our fight for freedom. Nonetheless, it was the American Slovaks who were actually our liberators - without their assistance the claim that others gave the Slovak nation freedom on a silver platter would have been well founded on reality." The Slovaks in America were the real liberators of their fellow countrymen from Magyar oppression in their homeland beneath the Tatras. They formulated the modern political program for their fellow Slovaks in Cleveland (1915 ) and later in Pittsburgh (1918 ) . For two decades after World War I the Slovaks struggled for recognition of this program drawn up in America and they ultimately won their struggle with the moral and financial help of 30 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks in 1938. Slovakia finally had its own parliament, its own government, courts, and schools. This phase of Slovak political activity is a bright chapter in the Slovak nation's history, and all those who were engaged in the movement, either directly or indirectly, are fortunate indeed to have been a part of the nationwide struggle for liberty. Memorandum of 1914-1915 No Slovak can remain unmoved as he reads the 'Slovak League Memorandum in behalf of the Slovaks of Hungary 1914-1915' in the name of the American Slovaks. It is truly an amazing political document which shows the vision, foresight and profound thinking of its authors. It placed the Slovak cause in the forefront of world politics and progress. Essentially, this historic memorandum demands "complete self-government and free self-determination in the political field , as well as in the cultural and economic spheres, with the Slovak nation as a legal and equal partner among all nations of the world." These identical ideas were adopted somewhat later in the official documents and statements of world statesmen who determined the destiny of the countries of the world. It is thrilling for us Slovaks to realize that fully three years elapsed before the ideas of self-determination, equality of nations, the right to self-government (as enunciated originally in this Slovak Memorandum) were at last accepted and repeated by world diplomats and statesmen until they became integral parts of a new political world order after World War I. Note the timing of the Slovak Memorandum. World War I had just begun and the roar of guns on the western and eastern fronts signalled initial German and AustroHungarian victories. There was not as yet an organized liberating force among the American Slovaks. America was flooded with favorable German propaganda, and it even penetrated into official circles. But the 'word' was already out at the outset of World War I. The Slovak statement "the right of self-determination for nations" was destined to play an important role in SLOVAKIA 31 the development of the idea and its official expression in America. In full support of this 'word' (self-determination) the organized strength of the American Slovaks was arrayed behind the unified leadership of the Slovak League of America. All the Slovak organizations, both Catholic and nonCatholic, followed the lead of the Slovak League. All periodicals, weeklies and monthlies, were at its service and willingly propagated the 'word' and greatly influenced public opinion throughout the country. Rev. Anton Filkorn, a Catholic priest, was the president and Ivan Daxner, a prominent Lutheran member of the Slovak dynasty of national leaders, was the secretary of the Slovak League at this time. Six Slovak dailies currently indicate how vigorous and dynamic was Slovak Life in America. In Slovakia there was not one daily in 1914 or 1915. (In Budapest, however, the Hungarian government subsidized the Slovenske Noviny for its own propaganda purposes). In New York City the Slovdlc v Amerike daily was directed by an impressive editorial staff of Orbach, stiasny, Baran and Molitoris, in Chicago the Ndrodny Slovensky Dennik was in the capable hands of Editor Marsal-Petrovsky, Krizan, Laucik and Bzduch, in Pittsburgh the Ndrodny Dennik was edited by P . Kompis, Ignac Gessay and Jan culen were the editors of the Newyorksky Slovensky Dennik, Jan Kadlecik edited the Slovensky Dennik, while J. E. Chudatsik and Grigl'ak were at the helm of the Eudovy Dennik, the sixth Slovak Daily in America. These half-dozen Slovak dailies and a host of weeklies, particularly, the Jednota, the Ndrodne Noviny, Katolicky Sokol, Bratstvo, Slovenskd Obrana and many monthly publications kept the Slovaks in America well informed about political developments and helped to unite them around the central idea of the right to self-determination of the Slovak nation Jiving beneath the Tatras - in actual fact these were the spokesmen for the Slovak people who were silenced in their own native land. Only two Slovaks represented their nation in the Hungarian parliament at Budapest: Dr. Ferko Skycak, who had 32 SLOVAKIA been elected in his native Bobrov (Orava district), surrendered his mandate on the eve of World War I to Baron Ghillany, a Magyar. Dr. Ferdis Juriga and Dr. Pavol Blaha, however, courageously kept their seats in the Magyar diet in the capital city of Hungary, Budapest. It was perfectly clear that the Slovaks inside Hungary could not decide their future political destiny. Under such circumstances, it is evident that American Slovaks, well organized and having reached high political status in world opinion, must of necessity assume the responsibility of making their ideas of political liberty a reality. Albert Mamatej succeeded Father Filkorn as president of the Slovak League at the end of 1914. There were no changes, however, in the political ideology of the Slovak League . In December, 1914, Mamatej wrote to the Czechs in Paris : We seek self-government for Slovakia not as an individual state, but as a political administrati \'e unit without regards to what greater state is created provided it is assigned to it as a co-partner at the council table of diplomats and statesmen. Emphasis is unquestionably on the status of self-government for Slovakia as 'a special and integral part of an administrative whole' leaving to future developments ostensibly the unsolved questions of both what type and to what state-creation Slovakia would be attached in the immediate future. The Cleveland Agreement Later it became increasingly imperative that Mamatej's "zvlastny administrativno-politicky celok" (a special administrative-political whole ) be spelled out in detail. This was fully and clearly set forth in the Cleveland Agreement. This mutual agreement was made between the Czech National Alliance in America which represented the American Czechs and the Slovak League of America as the representative of the American Slovaks in political affairs. According to the testimony of Emanuel Vos, one of the Czech representatives said at the memorable meeting: "The text of this agreement is known to Professor Masaryk, president of the national council, and he agrees with it." SLOVAKIA 33 Masaryk at that very moment represented the entire Czech emigration in Europe, even though the Allied powers did not recognize him as such. What was, in substance, the agreement between the American Slovaks and Czechs and the Czechs in Europe headed by T. G. Masaryk? On two points the two groups agreed as registered in the Cleveland Agreement of October 25, 1915: 1) Self-government of Czech lands and Slovakia. 2) Union of Czech and Slovak nations in a federation of states with full national autonomy for Slovakia, i.e., the country was to have its own parliament, its own state administrative system, complete cultural freedom with the exclusive use of the Slovak language offically in the Slovak schools, courts, etc., a separate financial and political administration with Slovak as the official language of the country. Again we are confronted with the question of what was meant by the term, "in a federative union of states." There are only two interpretations possible: 1) A federation of Slovak, Czech, Polish, perhaps Austrian, Magyar and Croatian states. 2) A federation of the Slovak and Czech states. It soon becomes clear that in both cases the creators and signers of the Cleveland Agreement had in mind the type of unity we have in the federal union of the American states, i.e., the U.S. For a union of states, therefore; there could not be the union of one state! It requires two or more to create a union. There remains no doubt whatsoever that they did not in any manner or form intend to create the state of Czecho-Slovakia to be centralized in one parliament in Prague and operate as a monopoly from the Czech capital. A parliament of its own, a state administration, complete cultural freedom , its own finances and its own official Slovak language - all these articles as incorporated in the Cleveland Agreement leave no alternative! It meant one thing and one thing only, namely, a self-governing Slovak state. This had been the goal of all Slovak fighters for freedom and it still remained an objective to be attained on 34 SLOVAKIA the basis of the agreement above. The means to the goal was the cooperation of the Slovaks and Czechs in America, and with the Czech emigrants in Europe led by T. G. Masaryk. Cooperation, not subjugation; equality of partnership, equality of rights, even as expressed so aptly in the financial field, a '50-50 proposition!' Exclusively with the Czechs The scintillating fact that the Slovaks in America drew up this agreement with the Czechs alone indicates rather ostensibly that they voluntarily renounced advantages that other nations, and nationality forces, fighting for the liberation of their fellow countrymen in Europe might have offered the Slovaks. I refer to the Poles, Croatians, Slovenians, Serbs, Ukrainians and Sub-Carpathian Rusenes, or Ruthenians. If the Slovaks in America at that moment had united their efforts with those of other Slavic nationality groups, the Slovak cause would certainly have increased its potentialities for a more complete development of its future destiny; in a word, it would not have become so enmeshed in the Czechoslovak maze. On the part of the other Slav groups, there was a real desire for cooperation with the Slovaks, especially on the part of the Poles. The "Polonia w Ameryce" newspaper favored a union of Poles and Slovaks: "The spirit of both nations is the same, the languages not much different. That would, indeed, be the most natural union we can imagine." And the influential "Tygodnik Polski" declared: "Polak Wenger two brothers? 0, what irony! Away from this so-called mad brother, Magyar! Brother Slovak is much closer to us than that so-called brother!" Aside from the religious motif, there existed, too, the mistaken notion of the Slavic ideal, which eventually nullified cooperation between the Slovaks and Poles. It was the attitude toward Czarist Russia. Czarism, orthodoxy and imperialism - those were the underlying causes of so many Polish sufferings and obstacles to Polish freedom . Among the Slovaks there was a feeling of affection for SLOVAKlA 35 the 'bat'uska car' (a genial uncle), the father of all Slavdom and holy Russia. These would bring freedom to the Slovak nation. The Russian nation would be the liberator. Albert Mamatej, president of the Slovak League of America, under the obvious influence of this complex, made an indignant attack on the Poles at an All Slav conference jn Cleveland. That incident closed the doors to probably close friendship with the Poles and forever destroyed the possibility of an advantageous understanding between the Slovaks and Poles. Mamatej's statement was triggered by uncomplimentary remarks about the Russians, the Czar, etc. by a number of Polish leaders at the conference. It was this refusal to work with the Poles that narrowed the path that led straight into the Czech camp. This pathway was a dangerous one, for it gave the Czechs the upperhand and they took full advantage of it by assuming sole leadership, by the isolation of Slovak spokesmen, by intentionally and maliciously misrepresenting the Slovak political concept as set forth in the text of the Cleveland Agreement. Kosik and Osusky in Europe Two delegates with a precise program were authorized to go to Europe by the Congress of the Slovak League of America. The Congress selected Gustav Kosik, editor of the Katolicky Sokol weekly, and Dr. Stefan Osusky, a lawyer and Lutheran Minister. The purpose of the mission was expressed in the program thus: "To inform the civilized world about the demands of the Slovak nation and to secure positive aid for the realization of these demands." First, their journey led to London and then on to Paris in June, 1916. T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Eduard Benes, both Czech emigrants, were in Paris. "Their work" - as Dr. Lev Borsky, an emigrant, too, writes in his book, "Znovudobyti samostatnosti" (Winning Independence Again): "consisted of drawing up memoranda, writing articles and local news. As yet, they had not made any impact on the world nor had they penetrated the influential circles to present the Czech cause." Dr. Borsky writes further: 36 SLOVAKIA It was only when Milan Rastislav Stefanik ente.red the picture that their action took the first semblance of political leadership. It was through Stefanik's influence that members of the National Council got into prominent political circles. Stefanik's ability and influence 5 ot them both a hearing in high government circles and helped them a<:quire necessary experience in the delicate game of international r;olitics and diplomacy. stefanik's coming to the scene among Czech emigrants gave Masaryk's and Benes's memoranda, articles and news a certain importance. Out of ordinary propaganda efforts in which Masaryk and Benes had been engaged a serious form of political action now began taking shape. This was the logical development because the Slovak scientist was not a political emigrant but a French citizen, known in various diplomatic and international circles where diplomats, politicians, scientists and the elite met quite frequently. Stefanik had entre to the highest French circles. He moved in high society. He was well acquainted, highly respected and admired for his scientific achievements in astronomy. The cause which he represented gained tremendous prestige precisely because of his name. It is baffling to the human mind why Kosik and Osusky - later is still living in America and could tell us sincerely why they as delegates of the American Slovaks did not establish a closer relationship with M. R. Stefanik, a fellow Slovak countryman. At first they wanted to work jndependen\ly. T. G. Masaryk in a letter to the Czech National Alliance in America complained that neither Kosik nor Osusky would take orders from him: "They refused to work for me in London." He had been told by the American Czechs that the American Slovaks were sending him r Slovak secretary! Mamatej made a public statement that appeared in the newspapers during the month of August, 1916: This seemed rather strange to me. At the Congress of the Slovak League in Chicago , we American Slovaks at a united conference on April 12, 19il6, resolved to send two of our American Slovaks to Europe not as secretaries to Professor Masaryk but as our representatives who were assigned to go to England, France and especially to Russia to work for our cause in the spirit of our Cleveland Agreement and, therefore, in behalf of our common goal. How Professor Masaryk got the impression that we were forwarding him a Slovak secretary, I simply do not know. At the end, Gustav Kosik, who, together with Stef~nik went to Russia in August, 1916, accepted and signed the Kiev Agreement for SLOVAKIA the Slovak League of America by which the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris (and dent) as the sole responsible and competent tion that was to cooperate with the official P owers and their associates. 37 League recognized the T. G. Masaryk as presirepresentative organizaagencies of the Allied Thus a delegate of the Slovak League of America formally confirmed the leading position to T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes and empowered the Czechs to meet directly "with the official agencies of the Allied Powers." In effect the American Slovaks in deference to the Czecho-Slovak National Council surrendered their right to meet directly with the rest of the nations and their spokesmen. From the contents of the Kiev Agreement (Kijevsky zapis-Kiev document) of August 16-19, 1916, the Czechoslovak nation is mentioned: The Czechs and Slovaks . . . wish to establish a united political and indivisible free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a four-power pact. Almost immediately Gustav Kosik became the prime target of the American Slovak press for having made this unilateral agreement. Cleveland's Denny Hlas asked: We would like to know who ordered our delegate to sign such a manifesto when we already have a complete and concise agreement that we are in no way working for a Czechoslovak nation but for the Czech and Slovak nations. We call attention to the fact that nowhere in the manifesto are the Slovaks mentioned. There is only the union with the Czechs. How is that? The Ndrodne Noviny observed: In the Cleveland Agreement there was talk of two nations, not of a united nation, an indivisible nation. We do not want to be hoodwinked by anyone. Our delegates in Europe were not admitted to the source of the right information by the 'b rother Czechs who are having conferences with high authorities and speak in our name while completely ignoring the cardinal points of our mutual Cleveland Agreement. We are aware of this, too, in our meetings with them. Our delegates remain outside of closed doors while inside unauthorized persons speak in our name. After a year in Europe, G. Kosik returned to America on May 13, 1917. Upon being asked whether he signed the Kiev Agreement, he answered that both he and Stefanik had signed it. Then he proceeded to explain his action as follows: 38 SLOVAKIA We have long observed in your newspapers the attacks on the point in the Kiev document, namely, that "The Czechs and Slovaks wish to develop into a united political, indivisible and free Czechoslovak nation under the standard and protection of a fourspower pact." Now, to this very day some of our radicals are disgruntled because Kosik signed that agreement. What if he did? By signing it did Stefanik and Kosik abandon anything from the Slovak program? It is necessary only to change the one word, "narod-nation," to "§tat-state" and everything will quiet down. From now on after the public announcement of the Agreement this may be re-written. Then, it was not expedient because we could not anticipate the development of present circumstances and that particular word, may I add, required hard work of both our diplomats and the Czechoslovak military forces. Kosik's explanation satisfied the majority of the American Slovaks, perhaps chiefly because it was Kosik who said it and reassured them, Kosik's reputation and personal integrity, as well as his Slovak patriotism were unquestioned. Essentially, however, there still remained the suspicion that while the Slovaks actually thought the word, "narod", was merely to be interpreted in the sense of "stat" ie., state, the Czechs really and secretly adhered to the literal meaning, ie., in fact it was to be a Czechoslovak nation, and not merely a Czechoslovak state! Dr. Stefan Osusky, the other delegate of the Slovak League, at first known to hold the line precisely to the Slovak national idea, did not return to America nor did he send any further reports to the American Slovaks who had paid his trip to Europe. In a formal sense Osusky was right. The head of the entire movement for the liberation of the Slovaks from the rule of Hungary became the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris with the agreement of the delegates of the Slovak League. Osusky made his reports to the Council and from now on followed its orders. He was no longer in the service of the Slovak League but of the Council in Paris. Milan R. Stefanik in America Freedom for the Slovaks and liberation was not possible without the destruction of Austro-Hungary. This monarchy had many influential friends not only in France, England and America but also at the imperial Czar's court in Russia. Economic conditions, as well as centuries-old diplo- SLOVAKIA 39 matic, political, personal and family connections were on the side of retaining the empire, and it appeared that there were sufficient guarantees for its future existence after the war came to an end. Memorandas, articles and news bulletins of Czech and Slovak emigrants in opposition to this monarchial state would have remained worthless scraps of paper had not the war ended in victory over Austro-Hungary. This was the prelude to a radical turn-over of events. Only war could change an institution that had been created and buttressed by a series of wars. At the opening of the year, 1917, Russia dropped out of the war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. An internal revolution rocked the country and weakened the military resources of Russia, thereby, conveniently removing a formidable foe of Germany and the Central Powers. Accordingly, the Russians made a separate treaty with Germany. The Slovaks lost an ally upon whom they had counted on so heavily. Imperial Russia, the Czar and the army vanished as if in thin air. The Slovaks who had pinned all their hopes on this great power were suddenly disillusioned. They had never thought liberation and freedom could be won without the aid of Russia. For the moment they were stunned and did not know where to turn for much needed help in their struggle. America declared war on Germany on April 2, 1917, and began sending supplies and soldiers to the western front. This coincided with the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The balance of power was more than restored. It was now only a matter of time until one or the other side would triumph. Entry of the United States into the conflict was enthusiastically hailed by the Slovak League of America. President Wilson now replaced the fallen Czar as the Slovak nation's hope for the winning of freedom. M. R. Stefanik came to America in June, 1917, just as the U.S. began sending its military forces in strength to Europe. He came primarily to seek permission to enroll Slovak and Czech volunteers (legionaires) to fight along- 4-0 SLOVAKIA side the allies on the western front. At a meeting in New York City on September 17, 1917, he said: "Our struggle against Austria-Hungary will end only when both of our brother nations, the Czechs and Slovaks, united in an independent state will be rid of MagyarGerman rule." Stefanik succeeded in achieving his purpose of uniting the Slovaks in the final surge to victory. A group of Slovak Catholic priests who met with Stefanik at the Hotel Plaza in New York City on September 20, 1917, accepted a resolution in which they promised to work for the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and that "they would cooperate with the Slovak League, and the program of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, our supreme political institution." The Slovak League of America ceased to be "the supreme political institution for the Slovak nation", instead the national council of Masaryk, Stefanik and Benes was now the supreme political institution in Paris. And what was disastrous was the fact that its program did not include the concept of a free and individual Slovak nation but a Czechoslovak nation in a Czechoslovak state! Military Assistance and Support Incredible as it may seem, this is precisely the way the Slovak League of America came under the political control of the Czech and Slovak emigrants in Paris. Its executive power was usurped and it was exploited for conscription of volunteers and enlistments of Slovak legionaires for the Czechoslovak armed forces . Moreover, the Slovak League was used for raising funds for carrying on the international work of the council in Paris. To fight and pay the bills - that was the ultimate role of the Slovak League of America. It had been pushed aside from political leadership. American Slovaks answered the call to arms in great numbers. They willingly wanted to fight for the freedom of the Slovak nation. Milan Getting who had little faith in the resources of the Slovaks said on this occasion: Taking everything into consider ation, American Slovaks are surprising everybody by their r esponse. Our nation grasps the great im- SLOVAKIA 41 portance of a corps of fighting men and has shown greater faith in the future destiny of the Slovaks than its leaders. So far, we have more than matched the number of Czech recruits. Each enlistment has brought in at least a half or more than half of Slovak young men ready to fight. Among these volunteers are many of our most respected and beloved young men in various Slovak communities. These are on their way to fight on the battlefields of France. In France, however, the officers' corps was limited to a very small Slovak minority. Father Slavo Moravek volunteered for military duty to serve with his fellow Slovak legionaires. Dr. Eduard Benes, the secretary of the CzechoSlovak National Council, replied from Paris : "I guess our army has no need for a priest." Slovak women in America, either in their own organizations or as members of the 'Vcielky' or 'Priadky' groups carried on a nation-wide campaign for supplies. Jano Jancek, Slovak emigrant soldier who was released from a Russian military camp, came to America and was elected Secretary of the Slovak League. He credited these women with a total amount of goods valued at more than a half-million dollars that was distributed to the armed forces overseas . Both the military and material ai_d by the Slovaks exceeded all expectations. The Million Dollar Campaign War funds were established in every Slovak organization which taxed males 10 cents and females 5 cents each month. A special committee of nine members: 3 Catholic priests, 3 Protestant ministers and 3 civilian leaders were named in the fall of 1917 to raise a million dollars for the financial support of political action in international affairs . Enthusiasm ran high: Two Catholic clergymen, Father Joseph Murgas and Father John Martvon, launched the campaign by each contributing $2,000 and Michael Bosak added his pledge of $5,000. This initial good example followed until approximately $1,000,000 was collected from Slovaks from all walks of life throughout America. This money was allocated by the Slovak League as follows (as Peter P. Jurcak, president of the Slovak League in 1946 records it in his, "The Slovaks", pp. 190-191): SLOVAKIA 42 Year 1916 1917 1917 1918 1918 1918 1918 1919 1919 1919 1919 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1921 Name Amount Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Paris . $ 5,000.00 20,000 .00 ditto in Russia .......... . ....... .. 10,000.00 . ....... .......... ditto in America 120,000.00 .. Council Nat. T. G. Masaryk, Pres. C.S. 36,000.00 Czecho-Slo vak Council in America .... . 3,184.00 Slav Press Bureau .......... ......... . 19,631.00 Expenses of delegation to Slovakia .... . 55,000.00 Dr. Eduard Benes .......... . . ....... . 5,194.00 For Magyar Counter-Pr opaganda in U.S . . 44,500.00 Czecho-Slo vak Nat. Council in America .. Dr. Vavro srobar for propagand a publi10,000.00 cations ... . . . . . . . .... . ...... . ........ . vak Czecho-Slo for Hurban Col. Vladimir 25,000.00 Legionaire s returning from Russia .. .. . Czechothe of T. G. Masaryk, President Slovak Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000.00 Dr. Alice Masaryk, for Czecho-Slo vak Red 25,000.00 Cross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relief sent to Czecho-Slo vakia . . . . . . . . . . 126,000.00 For print. presses, etc., for Slovak Ministry 68,000.00 5,000.00 Bratislava University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For counteract ing Magyar propagand a and helping secure loan for Czecho-Slo 9,500.00 vak Republic . .... . .......... ... . . . . . . .00 4,572 Aid to disabled Czecho-Slo vak Veterans . 4,000.00 For High School in Petrovec . ........ . Czecho-Slo vak National Council in Amer5,000.00 ica .......... .......... .......... .... . Total ....... ... .......... . .... . ....... . $800,911.00 It is significant to note that not one dollar was given to M. R. Stefanik! Everything went to T . G. Masaryk, to his daughter or followers, Benes and srobar. The expenses of G. Kosik's and st. Osusky's trip to Europe are not listed. Nothing is recorded as aid to Slovak prisoners of war in Russia. This and other expenses for publicity in America, the pay of employees , press, etc., must have added up to an additional tidy sum. As the war came to an end there is a marked drop-off SLOVAKIA 43 in donations, as also seen in the above report. This was quite in evidence in the political field, too. The Pittsburgh Pact Note that the United States, which declared war on Germany in April, 1917, did not declare hostilities upon Austria-Hungary. But the Slovaks in America from 1914 on openly declared themselves hostile to a monarchy that deprived the Slovaks of their freedom in their European homeland. The moment of decision for the Slovaks was based on their convictions, not on a calculated risk, as was the case of many American Czechs who could not be persuaded to accept the possibility of the destruction of the ancient Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even after the outbreak of war between America and Germany the position of Austria-Hungary in America was not hopeless. Defenders of the old Empire had high hopes of saving it. But these hopes were somewhat dimmed by President Wilson's recommendation to Congress on December 4, 1917, to declare war on Austria-Hungary. Yet, this act did not doom the Hapsburg Empire, for there was not any plan at the time to break up the ancient imperial state. Wilson, himself, on December 4, 1917, and on January 8, 1918, in his 14 points did not recommend the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In fact, he said: "We do not wish to weaken or reorganize the Austro-Hungarian Empire." Reaction of the allied powers to Wilson's speech in January, 1918, was of a general nature. Liberation on the Slovaks and Czechs from foreign rule did not necessarily mean the disintegration of the old empire and much less the creation of a new state of Czecho-Slovakia. Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by the U.S. changed the situation quite radically, however. Demands for the break-up of the Hapsburg empire became more insistent. Foremost among the new states proposed was Czecho-Slovakia. As the movement for liberation became more certain, the more vociferously did the adherents of Czechoslovak- 44 SLOVAKIA ism push the Slovak League into Czech clutches. Accordingly, on February 9, 1918, in Chicago representatives of the Slovaks and Czechs organized a branch of the CzechoSlovak National Council in which eight Slovaks from the Slovak League and eight Czechs from the Bohemian National Alliance were enrolled. This eventually resulted in unity of action and organization, and in effect was a virtual recognition by the Slovak League that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris was now the supreme agency for the struggle for freedom. T. G. Masaryk had waited for this development. He immediately announced that he would come to America. In six weeks he was here to lead the Czechs and Slovaks to victory . . . a triumph of his Czechoslovak ideology of a 'Czechoslovak nation' in a united Czechoslovak state! At first Masaryk was welcomed with great enthusiasm but this was short-lived. Jednota (May 22, 1918) had these comments: This activity, as Masaryk understands it, is only for the benefit of the Czechs, with the Slovaks helping, of course. If we are fighting and working for a Greater Bohemia, we are not fighting or working for our own interests but only for the Czechs. The struggle for a Greater Czechia is not worth one Slovak cent, nor one drop of Slovak blood. We want pure wine. We want to know whether we are fighting for a Greater Czechia or for a free, self-governing Slovakia and for a free, self-governing Czechia. T . G. Masaryk was informed of this challenge. In his subsequent remarks - as a wily tactician - he directed a few inane statements for the benefit of the Slovaks. These, oddly enough, inspired the Slovak League's press bureau to hail him as 'the greatest living Slovak' and as 'our great father and leader'! Moreover, all the Slovak newspapers got into the spirit of the moment and out did each other in an outburst of superlatives, expressing their affection, loyalty and trust in the hero of the moment, Masaryk himself. Nevertheless, the bulk of the American Slovaks was not taken in by this synthetic expression of admiration for Masaryk. What he said so nicely and smoothly they wanted down on paper, black on white, so to speak. Finally, on May 30, 1918, T. G. Masaryk picked up a copy of the Cleveland Agreement, read it, took a sheet SLOVAKIA 45 of paper and wrote down in pencil a personal draft to be proposed as an "Agreement or Contract." Masaryk's original copy, announced the press bureau of the Slovak League of America, "firmly establishes the relationship between the two branches." (Not nations, as it stood properly in the Cleveland Agreement-my comment) . "One copy of this agreement," reported the bureau, "will be forwarded to Albert Mamatej , president of the Slovak League, who will officially make it public shortly. Professor Masaryk thus has completed his mission among the Slovaks with whom he met in a conference in Pittsburgh." Thomas Masaryk's agreement written and signed by him is called the Pittsburgh Pact, therefore as of May 30, 1918. Its main articles are these : Slovakia will have its own administration, its own parliament, its own courts. Slovak will be the official language in the schools, in the administration and in public life. Did Masaryk intend to abide by the agreement when he drew it up and personally signed it? This question was intriguing until he clarified it in his book, "World Revolution-Svetova revolucia," 1925, p. 262: "I signed the agreement," writes the author, "which was an agreement between American Slovaks and American Czechs. This was done to satisfy a small Slovak faction which dreamed of God knows what kind of independent Slovakia . . . the agreement was a local one . . . among the Czechs and Slovaks of America." According to Masaryk's testimony, therefore, the agreement was not between the Slovak and Czech nations, not even between a group of Slovak and Czech representatives of their respective societies in this country, but an ordinary local expedient agreement "to satisfy a small Slovak faction." Obviously, it was never meant to be considered in the planning of the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak state either by Masaryk or the Czechs themselves. Masaryk brushed aside the Slovaks rudely by this action, broke his word of honor and proclaimed his signature genuine but worthless, and in the same work (World Revolution-Svetova revolucia, 1925, page 105) he discounted the financial aid of the Slovaks as insignificant: 46 SLOVAKIA While I was in Russia. Dr. Benes received money in Paris. I estimate the amount at about $300,000. The cost of our activity did not reach the sum of a million Dollars. The money came from Czech sources. During the war Slovak contributions were very small. As president, after the war I received $200,000 but in this was included money from my personal American friends. What these 'very small' contributions actually were we have noted above in Jurcak's official report, as contained in his book, "The Slovaks". The fact is they were not 'very small' and the payment each time in sums of several hundred thousands dollars during and after the war to Masaryk directly or indirectly ( to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris) were ear-marked from the Slovaks in America, and not from the Czechs. Masaryk's career as a statesman and his enduring fame would have been crowned by an aura of glory instead of being clouded by suspicion and disillusionment had he, as a man of honor, kept his word and publicly recognized the genuine contributions of the American Slovaks to the building of the Czecho-Slovak state. Delegates of the Slovak League in Slovakia Czecho-Slovakia as a free and independent republic was not proclaimed by the National Council in Paris but in the United States, and that by its branch, the CzechoSlovak National Council in America. It was on October 18, 1918, in Washington, D.C. in the form of a proclamation by Thomas G. Masaryk, provisional president, and for Dr. Milan R. Stefanik, minister of national defense, and Dr. Eduard Benes, minister of internal and foreign affairs. Neither Stefanik nor Benes were present but Masaryk signed for them by proxy. Thomas G. Masaryk compiled the proclamation but, as he writes later, he first submitted it to the scrutiny of American legal advisers. Then he presented a handwritten document to the State Department and the White House. "I presented the proclamation to the Secretary of State, Lansing, so that I would be assured of the approval of the American government," Masaryk explained in his memoirs. Official reference to the Slovaks in this historical document was unfortunate. indeed. He wrote: "The rights SLOVAKIA 47 of the Czechs may be united with their Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part of our (Czech) state .. ." In effect, this meant that Slovakia was being re-united with the Czech state to which it had at one time been united as r. part of a whole. Not historically true at all. An agreement between the Czechs and Slovaks had been made as a 50-50 proposition but Masaryk ignored it completely. The new state was to be organized on his own terms. The Slovaks understood their fight was for their freedom but now Masaryk was saying they were shedding their blood for the right of the Czechs to rule the Slovaks. In one official declaration Masaryk had erased the rights of the Slovaks to their national freedom, the right of selfdetermination of the Slovak nation, the right to a federal union of states ( Slovakia and Bohemia in Czecho-Slovakia, a united state), the right to a Slovak law-making body in the Slovak capital, the right to Slovak schools and courts, the right to a Slovak political administration. ~tefanik was understandably displeased with the proclamation to which Masaryk appended his name by proxy. In his book, "My Role in the Czecho-Slovak Fiiht for Freedom," General Janin, who was in Russia with ~tefanik at the time, writes: Stefanik was greatly disturbed, he was indignant that the proclamation had been made under his name when he was not even informed of its contents. He showed me a long telegram addressed to Masaryk and Benes concerning the proclamation of October 18, 1918. Meanwhile, T . G. Masaryk after agreement with Benes and Kramat ( who was in Switzerland) became provisional president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. As such, he signed the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement on November 18, 1918, which Albert Mamatej presented to him for his signature before Masaryk returned to Paris. In his farewell message, Masaryk said: "America will have a place of honor in the history of the liberation movement in behalf of Czecho-Slovakia." Unfortunately, we have already seen above what 'place of honor' Masaryk reserved for the American Slovaks who did so much meritorious work in the struggle, but received little credit for it. Masaryk left the U.S. as provisional president of the SLOVAKIA proposed Czecho-Slovak Republic.. Soon afterwards reports from Slovakia came to America. American Slovaks were very much disturbed by the reports coming from post-war Slovakia. Slovak Catholic priests were especially aroused by news of Czech indignities against religion in Slovakia. They grasped now in what spirit the international policy of the Czecho-Slovak National Council had been inspired and they sensed what grave consequences it had brought in the Slovaks' homeland. Rev. Jan Liscinsky characterized the entire situation: "The Slovaks freed themselves from Magyar oppression only to be enslaved under a Czech banner." Father Dianiska, after studying the post-war situation carefully, wrote that srobar selected only as associates and delegates who had been educated and trained in Praha, hence the entire personnel was Czechophile and uncertain in matters of religion. Dr. Dianiska concluded rightfully that 'a period of misfortune was in store for the Slovak nation, both politically and religiously.' First-hand information was necessary. Accordingly, the Slovak League hastened to send a number of observers to Slovakia. A five-man delegation was designated, namely, Jozef Rusek, Dr. M. Francisci, Edo Kovach, M. Getting and J. Matloch. They left America on March 7, 1919, and Rev. Pavol Siska, a representative of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union) accompanied them. Later Ignac Gessay joined the delegation. The mission was to investigate conditions and report to their Slovak League colleagues and the American Slovaks who had subscribed to the Pittsburgh Agreement, a photostatic copy of which they carried to 'liberated Slovakia.' Immediately upon their arrival in Slovakia in the spring of 1919, they sensed that the Slovak nation was in the thick of a struggle for its rights. But there was much confusion and they, too, were confused by the swift rush of events. The longer they stayed, however, the clearer insight they got into the real situation. Nevertheless, even Jozef Rusek was baffled for a time so that he leaned towards the corps of slick-talking Czechoslovak politicians who assured him they were doing the right thing for Slovakia! SLOVAKIA 49 At the Scranton (Pa.) Congress of the Slovak League on May 29, 1919, Husek reported: The government people in Bratislava oppose autonomy, they favor instead a central parliament, a central government and they hold that the Czechs and Slovaks constitute one nation, the Slovak language being only a Czech dialect! Autonomy would prevent a lingiustic union with the Czechs. That is why we were not well received in Bratislava, nor was our Pittsburgh Agreement agreeable to them. We were received with joy in Ruzomberok, Hlinka's kingdom. So was our Pittsburgh document. Some of Hlinka's views I do not like, particularly his vociferous agitation against Dr. Srobar, a minister. And it is a fact that Magyar renegades are filtering into Hlinka's party. The Magyars praise Hlinka as a fine man because he demands autonomy for Slovakia, and because he is in opposition to the Czechs. Some of Husek's observations were true to the facts. It is true that Hlinka stood firmly behind the demand for autonomy for an independent Slovak nation while srobar advocated Czechoslovakism, amalgamation with the Czechs. srobar was against the Pittsburgh Agreement, Hlinka was for it. Husek was wrong, however, in claiming that Magyar elements joined Hlinka's party exclusively. As a matter of record, the 1920 parliamentary elections proved that the majority of Magyars were in parties led by Ivan Derer and srobar. This was acclaimed as a virtue if the 'mad'ar6ni' (Magyar sympathizers) belonged to their political parties, but a vice if they returned as prodigal sons to Hlinka's party. What policy did Husek advocate as a policy for the Slovak League of America? The less we speak of autonomy, the better for Slovakia and the new republic at this time. There is no need to be fearful. Autonomy will not vanish in thin air. To declare opposition now would be aiding the Magyar cause. When Slovakia becomes of age, it will take what rightfully belongs to it. And autonomy belongs by natural right to Siovakia. A reasonable statement of policy. Self-government or autonomy would not disappear. Slovakia would get it sometime in the future ... and it did, but only after a bitter struggle that lasted a full score years (1919-1938) ! Why, then, was it necessary to get the Slovaks to agree on a 50-50 proposition with the Czechs in the first place? What good were the Memorandum, the Cleveland Agreement and the Pittsburgh Pact? For what purpose did so many American Slovaks pour out their lifeblood on the 50 SLOVAKIA battlefield of France? Why was it necessary for the Slovak nation to carry on a 20-yr. struggle for the incorporation of the principles of the Pittsburgh Pact into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia when the American Slovaks could have readily put it into the Constitution, and even into the peace treaty as did the American Ruthenians ( Carpathian Rusins) under the leadership of zatkovic? And the Ruthenians were far from being as politically mature or developed as the Slovaks. From the very beginning the Slovak struggle abroad might well have been successfully completed if the American Slovaks had been allowed to incorporate their principles in the Constitution so that the Slovak nation would have had a constitutional right to self-rule in its own autonomous state, and their needless fight for autonomy would have been avoided. Moreover, there would have been an international basis and guarantee for their just rights, and the Slovak people would have had self-rule in their historic homeland. If American Slovaks had intervened in Washington and later had presented their case to the American delegation at the peace conference in Paris, it is certain that the right of the Slovaks to autonomy in Slovakia would have been seriously considered and debated as an international problem, and the outcome would surely have been the same as that of the Rusins whose demand for autonomy was officially registered in the Peace Treaty of St. Germaine, on September 10, 1919. But foes of Slovak freedom and Hlinka's party saw to it that every possible means was used to divide the Slovak League and Andrej Hlinka. Gradually the Slovak League began leaning to the view that Hlinka's fight in behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact was a cover-up for his personal feud with Srobar. It was becoming more and more apparent that strong pressure of Czechoslovak groups both in Slovakia and America was being applied to the Slovak League. Matters involved in this struggle became even more confusing when Milan Getting, a Slovak League delegate in Bratislava, persuaded the organization to finance a propaganda or press bureau in Bratislava to the tune of SLOVAKIA 51 $68,000. srobar managed to buy a printing establishment in the Slovak capital for these funds and happily set up a propaganda center to fight Hlinka and oppose all autonomists in the country. Assuredly, this development did not bring Andrej Hlinka and the Slovak League of America to any mutual understanding or a friendly relationship. Andrej Hlinka's Delegates in America In memoirs, Z<ipisky z Mirova, Bratislava, 1941, Andrej Hlinka is quoted on page 31: I know the Slovak people, for I am one of their sons. All my life I have kept my finger on the Slovak nation's pulse. I have heard every beat of the Slovak heart. I aroused the Slovak people to action and I gave them hope. I sowed an idea in their minds. The people accepted all of my ideas but they did not relish the Czechoslovak idea of brotherhood. I did not sleep or rest. The idea troubled me. But for the sake of preserving the Slovak nation, I argued, I must give the people this bitter pill, yet in a sugar-coated form . It is better to live with somebody, I assured my troubled conscience, than to die alone. The people found it hard to swallow the bitter pill. Their natural instincts rebelled against it. It seems these were much wiser and stronger than my way of thinking. And so I find myself regretting a blunder committed against the primitive natural instincts of my own people. All I can pray and hope for is the chance to correct this grave error and redeem myself. If I fail in this, I feel certain the people will forgive me and will not hold it against me. A year ago I sinned because I was not sufficiently cautious or zealous enough in the struggle for the Slovak nation's right to liberty. I failed the people in a historical moment in the midst of my struggle ti) which I have devoted almost a lifetime of energy and sacrifice. First, I faltered because I went to Martin on October 30, 1918. Had I not gone there that day, I would not be conscience-stricken today. (This Hlinka wrote while held in prison by the Czechs in Mirov, October 16, 1919). Mistakes are made, even in politics. What is important is to realize one's erring ways and correct them in time. Andrej Hlinka, therefore, went to repair the damage by setting out for the peace conference in Paris during the month of August, 1919. His intention was to incorporate a guarantee of the Slovak nation's right to autonomy in the peace treaty. Hlinka's journey to Paris was in vain. The Slovak leader's venture would have been successful, perhaps, had the Slovak delegation joined him and 52 SLOVAKIA through the American representatives in Paris presented Hlinka's request at the peace conference. Paris was the logical place for the fusion of Hlinka's domestic program with the Slovak League's proposals and the official presentation of the united program at the Peace Conference. Instead, Andrej Hlinka, armed only with the Memorandum, and alone, sought entry to the Peace parley in Paris. This was not a vain gesture of an obscure adventurer seeking cheap publicity. There was history behind him. He was a prominent Slovak political leader at 55, his was a distinguished record as a patriotic leader with three years of prison because of his defense of the Slovak nation. The cernova affair that had taken the lives of 15 of his fellow countrymen was known all over the world. Thousands of articles in Slovak periodicals at home and in America alone made him famous. As founder of many societies and organizations he was a popular figure at home . . . and in the background he had the good will of eminent Polish leaders who were sympathetic to the Slovak cause. In Slovak history it remains a sad and regrettable fact that Hlinka and the Slovak League delegation did not join forces in Paris. They lacked mutual understanding of each other personally. This was the cockle that had been sown by Derer and srobar. The Slovak League confined its activity to writing memoranda for the Prague government. Here on October 24, 1919, its representatives did, however, express the desire for the gradual introduction of autonomy in Slovakia "according to the circumstances and possibilities," and they requested further "a guarantee for the incorporation of self-government into the basic state laws, namely, in the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, and along the lines drawn up in the Agreement between Masaryk and ourselves." In reality it was merely a paper request. Moreover, it was presented as a plea with the added proviso, "self-government need not be established or introduced immediately, there is no urgency for such action, however." Neither srobar nor his Czechoslovak associates paid any attention to so woefully weak a request. To achieve results at the time it was absolutely neces- SLOVAKIA 53 sary for the personal appearance of Andrej Hlinka at the Paris Conference, but with the full backing of the moral and material resources of the Slovaks at home and abroad on the solid platform of Slovak autonomy. The time for mere Memoranda had passed. The time for dynamic action had arrived. Unfortunately, Andrej Hlinka found himself alone in Paris. He knew he had no official support, but somehow he kept faith and hoped for a miracle in the impending crisis. No miracle occured to save the situation. Hlinka, disappointed and defeated, returned home where he was immediately arrested and taken to prison by the Czechs because he had dared to go to Paris to re• present the Slovak nation personally. But he had not for. gotten the American Slovaks. While still in Paris, he dis• patched two emissaries to America, namely, Dr. Jozef Rudinsky and Jozef Kubala. Passports and visas for these two men were given by the Poles who had previously furnished Hlinka with a Polish passport to go to Paris. Precisely on October 13, 1919, when Hlinka was seized and taken to the Mirov prison by his Czech captors, the emissaries (Father Rudinsky and Kubala) arrived in America. On October 24, 1919, they addressed an extraordinary meeting of the executive council of the Slovak League in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Jozef Rudinsky visualized clearly the aim of Slovak policy as the gradual realization of the Slovak nation's natural rights as guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Pact. The minutes of this special session reveal what Rudinsky said of Hlinka's party, namely, that 'the party wanted a gradual introduction of self-rule but demanded that this autonomy, ie., the agreement, be registered immediately in Paris.' After a long discussion at this executive meeting, nothing definite was decided upon. The Slovak League was still overshadowed by the Rusek report, ie., too much emphasis on autonomy at the time would only profit the Magyar side . This was contrary to the mission of Hlinka's emissaries who had been sent to America for the primary purpose of winning the American Slovaks to Andrej Hlinka and his party's policy of concentrating all their efforts on 54 SLOVAKIA winning autonomy as soon as possible, or at least have the guarantee approved and registered at the Peace Conference in Paris. Outcome of the meetings and subsequent conferences was the 'Statement and Public Testimony of the Slovak League' in which the League's spokesmen explained their negative stand in regards to the delegates sent to them by Andrej Hlinka. Three reasons were given for their attitude: 1) The delegates had sounded a discordant note in the existing harmony betw~en the Czechs and Slovaks abroad, as well as at home, by their publicized views. 2) They lacked a Czecho-Slovak passport; they had passports furnished by the Polish government in Paris. 3) Andrej Hlinka, the head of the Slovak People's Party (Slovenska 13udova Strana) had gone to Paris with a Polish passport and visa, not one from Czecho-Slovakia. Misunderstanding only widened the gulf between the real fighters for the Pittsburgh Pact: Hlinka's party in Slovakia and the Slovak League in America. This served only one purpose, ie., the prolonging of the struggle by 20 years until the common goal of Slovak freedom and selfrule was reached in 1938. Intervention i n behalf of the Pittsburgh Pact in vain Despite the manifest refusal to Andrej Hlinka's invitation to join him and the Slovak People's Party in the struggle for autonomy ( the Slovak League's brain-child) the Slovak League could not renounce the Pittsburgh Pact. Though publicly disavowing collaboration with Andrej Hlinka, the League on its own initiative began taking steps to put the Pittsburgh Agreement into actual practice in Slovakia. This gesture, though somewhat shaky and lacking the early confidence that had been solidly based on conviction, was made in the right direction, however. As late as 1919 a branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council was still operating in America. On November 7, 1919, it announced that "the approved representatives of the American Slovaks requested that the Pittsburgh Agreement be considered for incorporation by the National SLOVAKIA 55 Assembly in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." Armed with this request and with a resolution of the Slovak League in his pocket, Albert Mamatej, the president of the Slovak League, went to Czecho-Slovakia. He presented the Pittsburgh Agreement to srobar and Hodza, both of whom declared it was both bad and unnecessary. Milan Hodza openly stated: "Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Magyar politicians. Slovak autonomy - that is the motto of Polish politicias. And that for us is a significant warning." That autonomy for Slovakia was the fulfillment of Slovak aspirations in America, as well as a good motto, and that the same program inspired Hlinka's policy in Slovakia designed for the Slovak nation's destiny as a selfgoverning state, did not occur either to Mamatej or his Slovak associates. srobar and Hodza simply refused to take cognizance of this reality. Mamatej returned to America with the resolution of srobar and Hodza, rejecting autonomy for Slovakia. He also brought the declaration of the Slovak representatives (Srobar's) at the Revolutionary National Assembly in Prague. They declared on February 6, 1920: "Autonomy would place an enormous financial burden on the Slovak nation but everything that is essentially in the Pittsburgh Agreement has been incorporated into the Constitution except a separate parliament, which under present circumstances, would be detrimental to Slovakia." Albert Mamatej was taken in. He believed all this and acted accordingly. Hence, he recommended what he was told in Praha, ie., the best future for the Slovak nation was to accept the status of 'Czechoslovakism' as part of a train pulled on the Czech main track and run by a Czech engineer . . . of course, the fireman was naturally a Slovak .. . and this, explained Mamatej naively, was in full accord with the Pittsburgh Pact! On the otherhand, it seemed that Mamatej feared that the Pittsburgh Pact would be exploited by the Magyars or Poles, nor did he have trust in the Czechoslovak group of 56 SLOVAKIA the Slovak ongm in Prague. Therefore, he felt that the Agreement was to be entrusted to Andrej Hlinka although the Slovak leader was still in prison at Mirov in Moravia. Ultimately, the Pittsburgh Agreement was to be incorporated in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Such was the assurance given Mamatej by the Prague politicians. Yet, when the Constitution was approved by the national assembly on February 29, 1920, there was no reference to Slovak autonomy or self-government in Slovakia, and there was .no distinction made on the question of the 'Individuality of the Slovak nation'! To offset the success of the mission of Dr. Rudinsky and Kubala in America, the Prague government hastily sent its agents to this country. Rev. Ladislav Moys and Jan Pocisk, a Social Democratic leader, arrived in America on March 2, 1920. Father Liscinsky declared frankly that Father Moys, an old Slovak but totally unqualified in the game of political legerdemain, was 'a disgrace to the Slovak Catholics.' Moys' first report to his masters in Prague was that aside from a small faction, American Slovaks were "anti-autonomistic." . This statement was labelled publicly by the · Slovak Catholic Federation as a fabrication and a fable. The executive committee of the federation on October 12, 1920, made this declaration: We resent Rev. Moys' insinuation with abhorrence, and we reassure our brethren beneath the Tatras in Slovakia that American Slovaks now more than ever before adhere to the Pittsburgh Agreement because during the visit of Rev. Moys and Mr. Pocisk they had ample opportunity to become convinced that the foes of this documentary agreement consider every reasonable basis for mutual understanding presented by the Slovaks as useless. Unfortunately, Albert Mamatej, having been named a consul of Czecho-Slovakia in Pittsburgh, joined the Czechoslovak camp. In his letters, addressed to his chief, Benes in Prague, who was minister of foreign affairs, Mamatej attacked autonomism and its adherents and turned against the ideals he had represented so ably and so well during the war. He died suddenly, disillusioned and alone. His widow and three children received a monthly pension of $15.00 . Thus did Prague value a man who had SLOVAKIA 57 carried out its wishes and had performed services contrary to his personal convictions and his fine wartime record in behalf of the Slovak cause of freedom. Mamatej, president of the Slovak League, was dead. But the ideal which had been the essence of Slovak political policy at home and in America was very much alive. Alongside the Slovak Catholic Federation the idea of an autonomous Slovakia took hold once again in the Slovak League of America, which after Mamatej's demise was directed by prominent American Slovaks who gave it the leadership it deserved. Wh~ the presidents were unable to devote full time to the Slovak League, it was that gallant secretary, Jan Kocur, who performed all necessary tasks with devotion and ability and kept the embers glowing in the old glorious tradition of self-government or autonomy for Slovakia. Andrej Blinka in America Slovak life in America slowly began losing its onetime vitality and ardor. It always happens that way ... in the lives of individuals and in the history of organizations. There is a time of development and progress followed by eclipse and eventual decline. Circumstances were unfavorable and decline was inevitable. Slovak daily newspapers in America suffered a sudden recession while many periodicals simply vanished. Old workers grew old or died, and aid from the old country was cut off as the energy of the Slovaks was directed to the defense of the Slovak nation's right to national survival. American Slovaks were in need of moral support at this time, for the new generation, though often possessing the Slovak spirit of its forebears, discovered it was far easier and more advantageous to speak English rather than the Slovak language of their parents. Nonetheless, even under increasing unfavorable circumstances, there were frequent instances of an unusual vital interest in the Slovak League and in the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom in its historic homeland. 58 SLOVAKIA By far, the majority of American Slovaks remained staunchly loyal to their ancient heritage and their ideals as expressed in the Pittsburgh Agreement to which they manifestly showed a deep attachment. A Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom sprang up to keep alive the spirit of dedication to the Slovak cause. Contributions, moral, financial and cultural, of existing organizations throughout America did not cease completely. Undoubtedly the great event of this era in the midtwenties was the visit of Andrej Hlinka to America. The occasion was the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. The heroic warrior came accompanied by Dr. Jozef Buday on June 5, 1926, and his visit lasted until October 13, ... a four months' stay among his fellow countrymen in America. Hlinka came to America in answer to the invitation of the Committee of Friends of Slovak Freedom, headed by .Jozef Husek, and the Slovak League, whose president was Ivan Bielek. Anticipated with great joy throughout America where Slovaks lived, Hlinka's visit was heralded by Jozef Husek's letter of April 25, 1926, assuring the Slovak leader of a warm welcome: You will not run into any trouble here, as there is only a handful of Czechoslovaks here and they are incapable of organizing any serious protest meeting. I personally guarantee your visit will be a great success. The people idolize you and your visit will fulfill their great desire to see you personally and welcome you. Ivan Bielek, president of the Slovak League, wrote in the American press that Hlinka was invited everywhere for a Sunday appearance. "Consider," reported Bielek, "that to date we have a total of 136 requests for a Sunday date. This means if we want to satisfy everyone, our distinguished guest, Andrej Hlinka, will have to remain here with us for more than two years ." Overflow crowds welcomed Andrej Hlinka and listened avidly to his addresses from the Atlantic to the midwest throughout the summer on weekends. In his final farewell to his fellow Slovak countrymen SLOVAKIA 59 in America on October 11, 1926, Hlinka made this public statement: You received me as a national hero. I do not deserve this great honor. But if I have not as yet attained that eminent status, your affection and generosity have insipired me to aspire to rise to such noble stature. I am leaving you. I bid you farewell but not in tears or sorrow. Your success and happiness here fill me with national pride. I take with me your message in the words of the immortal Furdek: "O, thou blue Tatra . .. We, your children, have wandered far from thee. Weep not! Your clan even beyond the great ocean remains loyal to thee." God bless you, God keep you, God strengthen you. Do not forget that your cradle stood beneaith the Tatras, your beloved Motherland, our sorely-tried and suffering Slovakia. Goodbye my Slovak nation . . . Goodbye my fellow Slovak countrymen in America. The Slovak League Delegation in Slovakia Autonomy Achieved There had been a number of smaller or larger delegations sent from America to Slovakia and vice versa_ Among these were those sent by the Spolok sv. Vojtecha from Trnava and the Matica Slovenska from Turciansky Sv. Martin. Neither was the occasion for a mutual cultural exchange. The American Slovaks were on the receiving end on both occasions, they were passive recipients. They received a large number of Slovak works in literature, in return they were able to offer some two or three of their own books. Consequently, Slovak books from Slovakia found a ready market in America. But there were political delegations from America. One of these came to Trencin to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Ag-reement. It joined Hlinka for the celebration. Perhaps the most important visit to America in 1937 was that of the Spolok sv. Vojtecha (among the delegates was Msgr. Jozef Tiso) that followed the earlier visit of a Matica Slovenska delegation. Of supreme importance politically was the visit of the Slovak League delegation to Slovakia in May, 1938. Members comprising the group were Dr. Peter P. Hletko, president, Josef Husek, one of the original signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, Dominik Sloboda, Michal Sincak and Rev. Jozef Rolik. The delegation brought with it the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement to the celebration which 60 SLOVAKIA was held on June 4, 1938, in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the signing of the historic document in Pittsburgh, Pa. (May 30, 1918). As a symbolic act the first official visit of the Slovak League delegation in Czecho-Slovakia was to Andrej Hlinka ... symbolic in the sense of the mutual unity of ideals and purpose between the American Slovaks and their fellow countrymen in Slovakia. The Slovak League delegation, therefore, did not present itself with the Pittsburgh Agreement to its Slovak and Czech opponents in Bratislava or Prague, but went directly first to its great friend, champion and foremost associate, Andrej Hlinka, in Ruzomberok. This deliberate act manifestly emphasized the unity of thought and purpose of the Slovaks at home and in America. Thus, as the First Slovak League delegation which had brought the Pittsburgh Agreement to Czecho-Slovakia at the birth of that republic, so now, it was the last Slovak League delegation that had come with the self-same historic document at the eleventh hour to persuade the leaders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic to accept and put into practical operation the principles enunciated in the Pittsburgh Agreement. In vain had been the attempt of the first Slovak League delegation, and even more of a failure was the coming of the Slovak League delegation from America as far as the centralists in Prague or Bratislava were concerned. Though the Republic was threatened by foreign powers on every side, these stubbornly refused to accept the Pittsburgh Agreement as the basis for a mutual understanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs. At least this situation set the stage for the fulfillment of Husek's prophecy uttered at a meeting of the Slovak League in America upon his return from Slovakia in May, 1919: No need to be afraid. Autonomy will not run away. When Slovakia will grow up to maturity, it will take what rightfully belongs to the Slovak nation ... and autonomy belongs to it! As a matter of fact, autonomy did not run away in those 20 years. How could it? Andrej Hlinka had held it SLOVAKIA 61 firmly in his noble and strong hands. It was his blood and his whole life. Hlinka, whom Martin Razus, a Protestant poet, patriot and clergyman, joined, made Slovakia his country. Hlinka and Razus in mind and heart by their work, industry and devotion nourished the spirit of Slovakia so that it grew out of its infancy, became strong and reached maturity. Prematurely, Martin Razus died in 1937; and Andrej Hlinka followed , though at the age of 74, in 1938, less than t wo months before Slovakia in October really took unto herself what had always been hers by natural right, and guaranteed by the Pittsburgh Agreement in 1918. The glorious day of self-government, or autonomy, for the Slovak nation dawned in the early fall of 1938 but neither was present to celebrate this long-awaited victory and hardwon triumph inside the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Hlinka died on August 15, 1938; and a member of the Slovak League delegation, Dominik Slaboda, bade farewell to the reverend warrior at his grave . Slaboda took up a handful of Slovak earth from Hlinka's graveside and carried it to America as a memento of the great Slovak leader and fighter for the sacred principles of the Pittsburgh Pact. Slovakia seised autonomy because in the year, 1938, it had grown out of childhood into adulthood, and autonomy rightfully belonged to her as a natural right. No one can deny that it was truly a crime to be attributed to the Czech, the Slovak, and Czechoslovak opponents of the Pittsburgh Pact that they blocked the incorporation of the articles of self-government for Slovakia in the Constitution of the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia until Martin Razus and Andrej Hlinka passed on into eternity. Upon opening page 1,161 of the 1938 annual "Sbirky zakonu a natizeni statu Cesko-Slovenskeh o" ( Collection of the laws and regulations of the Czecho-Slovak State) I read: Constitutional L aw of November 22, 1938 on the Autonomy for Slovakia The National Assembly on the premise that the Czecho-Slovak Republic was form ed on the basis of the agreement of the sovereign 62 SLOVAKIA will of two equal nations, that in the Pittsburgh Agreement the Slovak nation was promised complete autonomy, and motivated by the desire to bring the Slovak and Czech nations into a friendly relationship in the spirit of the 2ilina Agreement, approves the following law: (Then follow several paragraphs of this Constitutional Law) Paragraph after paragraph follow, the same as weeks and months and days, and years, that were spent in a prolonged, self-sacrificing struggle for the recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact so that finally, the words, "Pittsburghska dohoda," might be inserted in the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic! And the word, 'Autonomy,' became an actual fact: The word became flesh! Appreciation is due to the Slovak League of America for creating the Pittsburgh Pact and thanks to its staunch defender, Andrej Hlinka, who together with the Slovak League saw eye to eye in the matter so that eventually the Slovak nation was granted what was a natural right from the very beginning of time. As a final happy conclusion to a mutual understanding and a united effort in the struggle for the Slovak nation's freedom and self-government, the outcome was a triumph that marked a new phase in the history of the Slovak people in central Europe. The Slovak nation emerged victoriously as a self-governing, united people whose national destiny in the heart of Europe was assured because the Slovaks in their homeland and abroad had been willing to make sacrifices for their ideals, had cooperated with their leaders and had persevered in the struggle until final victory. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the largest Slovak fraternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy Description An account of the resource Karol Sidor Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 29-62 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/21b94f30889d6c1fd49952f3b57d9503.pdf 83c0b89e2c828868c96df4cd561c93ba PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same �64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- �SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava �65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to �SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: �68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted �SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- �70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." �SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. �72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). �SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. �74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- �SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- �?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech �SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza �78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. �SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. �8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council �SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly �82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of �SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of �84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked �BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and �SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false �88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication �SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the �90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum �SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United �92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League �SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life �94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in �SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any �ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- �SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not �98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. �SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize �100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. �SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases �l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they �SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND INDEPENDENT SLOVAKIA By Mikulds Sprinc On October 6, 1938, when the Slovaks attained autonomy and the Pittsburgh Agreement was incorporated into the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia, the Slovak League in America had a great and unquestioned share in the great event. In the days that followed there was an outburst of fresh enthusiasm. The Slovaks were beginning to build their own new national home on the pattern of the Pittsburgh Agreement. Slovakia fully appreciated the support which had been given the country by the Slovak League in America for the attainment of its self-government. The Slovak nation immediately wanted to know about the life of the American Slovaks because a mutual affection and friendship develops through knowledge and understanding. Konstantin Culen, a dynamic writer and ace newspaperman, was sent by Karol Sidor and the Slovak autonomous government to the U.S. His chief role was to establish closer cultural ties with the American Slovaks and to write a history of the Slovaks in America, - and as a secondary purpose, to act as a life-line between the Slovaks in their homeland and their fellow countrymen overseas; also, to maintain communication between the American Slovak organizations and the Slovaks at home. What the attitude of the Slovak League was towards the new form of Slovak national life in the old country was at this time we readily deduce from the special meeting of the executive committee of the Slovak League on March 2-3, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa. We read the following minutes : "President Rusek warmly welcomed the distinguished guest, Konstantin Culen, from Slovakia. The Slovak emissary thanked him sincerely and in his brief response expressed his feelings and extended the greetings of the Slovak government and parliament to all the American Slovaks. The applause was spontaneous and enthusiastic." In another section of the above minutes of the same 64 SLOVAKIA meeting, culen's impressions of the public reaction in Slovakia to the first session of the Slovak parliament in Bratislava are recorded as follows: "We were indeed sorry that there were no American Slovaks present at the opening session of the first Slovak parliament in history. The places reserved for you were vacant. But since you were absent from this historic session, I feel sure you will be represented at the next session, the second one, at which the Slovak parliament will discuss the Constitution. You must come, and others, too, from all over America." How vitally interested. the Slovak League of America was in the matter of Slovak autonomy in 1939 is evident from the same special executive meeting, for a nominating committee was named to select a delegation to visit Slovakia. This committee immediately chose the following: Ivan Bielek, J . A. Kocur, Jozef Rusek, Mrs. Gabriela Vavrek r.nd Dr. Peter P . Hletko, alternates were P . Jamriska, Rev. Klemo Hrtanek. Rev. Florian Billy, Andrej Suroviak and Michal Sincak. Jozef Rusek, the president, was designated to head the special delegation, which received unanimous approval. It was decided at the meeting that the Slovak League delegation should take the original Pittsburgh Agreement document and present it to the Slovak nation 'with due ceremonies' - and added remark in the minutes. The executive committee of the Slovak League made this decision on the basis of the previous Congress of the Slovak League which had approved the proposal to surrender the original draft of the Pittsburgh Agreement, a precious historical document, and present it officially to the Slovak parliament as soon as the political requirements guaranteed to the Slovak nation were fulfilled and carried out as outlined .3pecifically in the pact. A fund raising campaign to help Slovakia was organized, which again shows the enthusiastic support in behalf of the freedom of Slovakia by the Slovak League of America. This received the unanimous approval of all present because they realized how important it was to lend a helping hand at this particular time of the Slovak nation's history. Practically everybody pledged his aid. Mr. Kridlo res- SLOVAKIA 65 ponded first. His organization ( the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union) voted $150 and promised to contact all of its branches for donations. Virostek, Jamriska, Dlhos, Salva and Kostolnik spoke approvingly - Kostolnik presented a check from the Federation of Slovak Societies in Detroit and later sent in the sum of $270 which he had personally collected for aid to Slovakia. Good will and generosity were in evidence everywhere for this good and worthy cause. The Slovak League records show the magnanimity of our people on this occasion. One feels anew the spirit of the times of Furdek and the first campaign of the American Slovaks during World War I. It is no wonder that the Slovak League rejoiced, for this was the first time since the fall of its kingdom of Moravia (at the beginning· of the 10th century) that the Slovaks had their own national parliament and were assured self-government. The Slovak State and the Slovak League of America Slovakia's struggle of two decades ended on a triumphant note of victory and the Slovak League had had a major share in the winning of national autonomy. But Divine Providence decreed that the Slovak nation should have not only self-government but an independent Slovak state. From October, 1938, to March, 1939, the Slovak spirit of national pride reached its highest point of development and it became increasingly clear that Slovakia was ripe not only for autonomy but for a complete, self-governing state. Meantime, Slovakia was ridding itself of Czechs whom the Slovak autonomous government sent home to Prague. Treaty-breaking Czechs who bitterly assailed the emergence of a new Slovakia and plotted to take autonomy away from the Slovak nation by force of arms, even though the Constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic solemnly guaranteed it. Under the heavy pressure of the European political situation and subject to aggression by Germany, the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia fell apart at the seams. At the same time the Slovaks who were united under their own . national parliament and government in Bratislava 65 SLOVAKIA cheered the unanimous decision of the parliament to declare the Slovak nation's independence and the establishment of an independent Slovak state, the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. These events in the history of the Slovak nation are m omentous and unforgettable. No one pressurized the Slovak parliament on March 14, 1939, to its unanimous declaration to organize its own, free self-governing and sovereign state. If the idea of Slovak statehood had not been ripe, and if the legally constituted body of Slovak representatives had not grasped that this was the final phase of the Slovak struggle for self-government, if they had not realized that their unanimous vote for independence was in harmony with the will of the vast majority of the Slovak people, they would have timidly surrendered to the tragic circumstances of having their country torn asunder by neighbors who had never been true friends but covetous foes of the 8.lovak nation. Fully conscious of their opportunity, responsibility and dangers ahead, they decided to go forward as a free nation towards its destiny. Germany's hand of friendship was extended, it had not been solicited, but now that it was given, it was accepted because a refusal would have not only been inexpedient but perhaps suicidal in view of the political tension of the times. No one can justly blame the Slovaks for the acceptance cf German support. They could not know in advance that in the future their self-proclaimed champion would become barbaric and inhumane, nor could they foresee future developments when actually on March 14, 1939, the Germans solemnly announced that they had no territorial demands other than the Sudeten lands . From every angle the Slovak state was to become in reality what the Slovak nation dreamed about and fought ior through the centuries, namely, the highest development of a nation's genius as the result of the embodiment of Slovak rights to freedom and independent progress, a renewal of the glorious and triumphant tradition of Slovak princes and rulers, the fulfillment of the aspirations of all Slovak generations, the actualization of the right to SLOVAKIA 67 regulate their own affairs by themselves, and for themselves, and for their own Slovak welfare and happiness in building and maintaining their own free, national state. This was their golden destiny. At no time had the renaissance of the Slovak national spirit soared to such heights of glory as during the Slovak Republic. Never before had the country's administration been in the hands of native Slovaks and never before had the Slovaks worked so hard and so willingly, or paid their taxes so readily as then. Slovak lands for the first time in history produced everything in abundance for the benefit of the Slovaks who finally ruled and governed themselves, and were masters of their national destiny. As nothing but destruction and ruin met the eye beyond the borders of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia enjoyed a period of phenomenal growth and prosperity. The Slovaks gave their Republic a democratic Constitution while totalitarianism and dictatorship surrounded them on every side. Slovak statesmen constructed their political edifice on the foundations of God's law and providence at a time when everywhere in Europe Christian morality was being almost universally supplanted by the savage cult of force and a new pagan philosophy. Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko recalled the universal acclamation that had greeted the founding of the Slovak Republic and he spoke of the Slovak state openly at the procommunistic trial held in Bratislava after the war. His testimony clearly indicates that the declaration of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939, was the occasion for a spontaneous celebration throughout Slovakia. Catholics and Protestants rejoiced alike . Every true Slovak was genuinely pleased and happy at the turn of events that brought the Slovak nation its own free, independent state. Moreover, he began to appreciate more and more the many opportunities to develop his native talents for his individual welfare, as well as for the benefit of his own country. For too long he had been denied these opportunities because of alien rule. Slovak League archives contain the following text of a letter from a Protestant school inspector in Slovakia: 68 SLOVAKIA It was adressed to Jozef Rusek, President, Slovak League of America, Pittsburgh, Pa. The text of the letter: Teachers of the Slovak school inspectors' committee in Trencin who have taken the oath of loyalty to the Slovak state, gratefully recall your vigorous fight for the recognition of the independence of our Slovak nation. In this free Slovak state we will work with might and main, God helping us, for the spiritual and material welfare of our nation and state. We respectfully request your aid, Mr. President, so that we may succeed in our common endeavor. With the approval of the teachers I send you sincere greetings from the 'old country.' With sentiments of profound esteem, Na straz! - On Guard, Michal Balafovic, School Inspector in Trencin, Slovakia This is only one of many expressions of hope, confidence and joy that greeted the founding of the free, Slovak state, and as usual, was accompanied by a message of gratitude addressed to the Slovak League of America. Not even for a moment did the Slovak League hesitate to take its proper stand on the question of the newly-created Slovak state. Accordingly, at an executive meeting on May l 2, 1939, in Pittsburgh, Pa., the officers formulated the official reaction on the basis of the recommendations made by the president, Jozef Rusek, namely: 1) Establish a special committee to draw up a Memorandum to 1e addressed to the governments of the U.S., Britain and France in the interests of and for the recognition of the Slovak state, a revision of the boundaries, and a provision to guarantee the cultural rights of 700,000 Slovaks residing inside Hungary. 2) Designate a reporter from the Slovak League and dispatch him to Slovakia to determine the situation there and investigate the exact conditions under which the Slovaks decided to terminate their alliance with the Czechs. After discussing the matter, the members at the meeting agreed to authorize the Slovak League executive officers: 1) To name the necessary committees. 2) To establish an information bureau in Washington, D.C. in order to counteract false , deceitful and slanted anti-Slovak news in the American press and furnish the American press instead with information founded on facts and the truth. 3) To edit English memoranda and pamphlets in the int.erest of the Slovak nati.on and its officially constituted SLOVAKIA 69 free state, the Slovak Republic. 4) To take the necessary steps for a hearing in the State Department in the nation's capital in order to obtair, U.S. recognition of the Slovak Republic. All these fo:re-going resolutions are duly registered and taken verbatim from the minutes of the above meeting of the Slovak League's executive committee, May 12, 1939. They prove that the Slovak League gave prompt approval to the Slovak state. and, as always, sought to lend a helping hand by seeking to obtain the diplomatic and official recognition of the Slovak state by the United States government in Washington, D.C. On the otherhand, the Slovak state was not un-mindful of the Slovak League of America. The first president of the Slovak Republic sent a greeting by cablegram addressed directly to the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. The minutes of the Congress refer to this as follows: The president announced that Dr. Jozef Tiso, the president of the Slovak Republic, sent his greetings to the Congress and he asked Dr. Peter Hletko, honorary president of the Slovak League, to read the message. Whereupon, Dr. Hletko read the cablegram informing the American Slovaks of the warmth and loyalty prevailing everywhere throughout the country to the new Slovak state. The message also indicated the immediate necessity of defending the young Republic against enemy aggression and the happy outcome of events in perilous and challenging times. Moreover, there was a note of assurance anct hope for the future destiny of the Slovak nation. Prolonged applause followed the reading of the cablegram from President Tiso. This Congress of the Slovak League in Cleveland directed the administration of the League to reply with a cablegram to Dr. Jozef Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic. (Minutes of the 22nd Congress of the Slovak League of America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 12-14, 1939). Czechoslovakia on the Horizon While the Slovaks in their free Slovak Republic rolled up their sleeves and went to work in full strength to build their Slovak state, and while the Slovak League took the first step to secure recognition for the newly-formed Slovak Republic by the government of the United States, the defeated, cowardly ex-president of the Czecho-Slovak Re- 70 SLOVAKIA public, Dr. Benes, appeared on the scene here with his entire entourage. History repeats itself - as in World War I his gaze was directed again towards the American Slovaks who de facto had set up the Czecho-Slovak Republic financially, so now Dr. Benes sought the sympathy and support of the Slovak League of America. He did not approach the League personally but sent his faithful servant, Dr. Juraj Slavik. Dr. Slavik therefore, appeared on May 12, 1939, at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. Slavik's visit is described in the minutes of the meeting as follows: Then President Josef Husek introduced Dr. Slavik, former minister in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and requested him to state the nature of his mission. The guest speaker extended his greetings and then proceeded to explain what had happened in Slovakia, especially how the Slovak state had been created, how much of his property had been confiscated by the Slovak government, and his reasons for cooperation with Dr. Benes for the re-establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He further stated that it was Professor Tuka, Sano Mach, chief of propaganda, Karol Murgas, head of he Hlinka Guards (Militia) , and Dr. Ferdinand !>urcansky who were the instigators of a plot that enabled Hitler to destroy the Czecho-Slovak Republic. He referred to Sidor, a member of parliament, and declared that Sidor had been opposed to Slovak independence and for that reason the Hlinka party dismissed him from the Slovak government. Mr. Husek interrupted the Benes emissary and gave him a letter from Sidor who explained the events in an entirely different vein ; and even his account of why he was dropped from the formation of the new Slovak government differed substantially from Slavik's report. Reaction to Sidor's letter was simply a smile on Slavik's face when he returned the letter to Husek without comment. Various questions touching on discrimination, persecution and imprisonments to which loyal Slovaks were subjected at the hands of the central regime in Prague were directed at the visitor. Whereupon, Slavik made only feeble attempts to exonerate his Czechoslovak and Czech colleagues - and these, of course, were all in vain. His hearers remained unimpressed. Dr. Slavik's sweet talk did not win the Slovak League because now as never before it stood solidly behind the idea and reality of the free Slovak state. The official reply was clear as implied in the recommendation at the meeting: "To draw up a resolution that would concisely and clearly express the Slovak League's reasons to oppose Dr. Eduard Benes's program and leadership which were designed for the renewal of the old Czecho-Slovakia." SLOVAKIA 71 That was a genuinely Slovak reply of the Slovak League. Dr. Slavik's visit was merely the first of several attempts to derail the Slovak League so that the people, led by Dr. Benes, might once more get the League into their clutches. Although the Slovak League remained firm, Benes did not cease his machinatio ns. Rocky Path for the Slovak League of America In the interim, the most dreadful of wars had spread throughou t Europe. All communic ations between Slovakia and the Slovak League of America was suddenly cut off. Against its will Slovakia was dragged into the conflict. As the bitter aftermath of Dr. Benes's failure to lure the Slovak League into a position of unqualified support of the Czechoslov ak camp against the Slovak state, the Czechoslovak governmen t-in-exile simply began a campaign of revenge against the League. A nationwide Czechoslov ak apparatus hit the Slovak League with a ferocious propagand a barrage. It was the intention of Benes to destroy the League by discreditin g it in Washingto n in a vicious smear campaign that sought to put the stamp of nazism on the organizatio n, labeling the Slovak League maliciously as a loyal Hitler ally, and therefore, an enemy of the U.S. and the United Nations . Against this web of lies circulated by the Czechoslov ak propagand a agency here against the Slovak League, naturally, the latter had great difficulties in meeting charges that were made arbitrarily but which could not be adequately answered because the Slovak League lacked necessary informatio n from Slovakia to refute the malicious propagand a. With no communic ation because of the war, it seemed that the Slovak League was completely at the mercy of the merciless foes of Slovak freedom who attempted to cut the vital roots of the organizatio n and destroy it forever . In fact, matters went so far that officers in the Slovak League were subjected to federal investigation on charges of being dangerous to the national interests of the U.S. as subversive elements. The Czechs had their allies in Washingto n and they were not particular about the methods and means to be used to attain their mad objective of destroying the Slovak League. 72 SLOVAKIA This was an unequal and bitterly fought contest. Benes and his informants were the sources of information of the highest military propaganda bureaus in Washington. Jozef Rusek as president of the Slovak League had presented a Memorandum in Washington, D.C. asking for U.S. recognition of the Slovak state. It was ignored. Meanwhile, reports (false) were circulated that Slovakia got involved in the war by declaring hostilities on the U.S. There was no way for the Slovak League to verify or deny these reports . . the line of communication with Slovakia was closed tightly. If the Slovak League, in 1943, had only known one salient fact , namely, that the so-called war-declaration on the U.S. was not a legally declared state of war because neither the Slovak parliament nor President Tiso had given their assent to such a grave act, and that in actuality the reported 'state of war' between Slovakia and this country was an illegal proclamation of one man, Dr. Vojtech Tuka, who. without any authority what-so-ever simply declared war on the U.S. Extreme determination to destroy the Slovak Republic motivated Dr. Benes in his policy. Consequently, this declaration of war was utilized to the utmost in distorted form by the resigned second president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. It served Benes well to emphasize this status of an 'official act of hostility' presumably on the part of the Slovak nation, which actually was against such n declaration, as was the Slovak government with its parliament and President Tiso . Indisputably, on the face of it, without explaining the circumstances of the reported declaration of war on the U.S. by Slovakia, this was a great opportunity for Dr . Benes to exploit the occasion and he did, to the hilt. His intrigues for the despicable objective of the destruction of the Slovak nation's own free state knew no bounds. Monsignor Francis Dubosh, wartime president of the Slovak League of America, was shouldered with the heavy responsibility of defending the organization against · vilification by its enemies. Slovak League archives of 1943 contain a complete record of correspondence between Msgr. Dubosh and the OWI (Office of War Information). SLOVAKIA 73 Faced by an endless series of barefaced lies that poured into Washington from the sworn foes of Slovak freed.om, the Slovak League stood fast in its defense of the truth and freedom for Slovakia. Moreover, there was nothing to hide, for the Slovak League membership, its president and executive officers were men of personal integrity and loyal citizens of the United States. They met the challenge without flinching and withstood the test with courage and dignity. Some timid souls, it is unfortunately true, became terrorized by this vicious attack of the enemy but the leadership of such stalwart men as Monsignor Dubosh rallied the faithful under the unsullied banner of the Slovak League of America. In the end they prevailed in the fight for Slovak freedom , self-government and free statehood. Now that they sensed the type of opposition they had to contend with, they became determined to maintain the struggle until final victory over the evil forces arrayed against the gallant men they were associated with in the Slovak League . Many resolutions and statements on behalf of the Slovak nation were formulated and proclaimed by the Slovak League despite the bitter attacks levelled against its daring leaders and resolute program. Dr. Benes and his paid propagandists spent several million dollars but all their fiery and venomous darts failed to pierce the stout armor of the American Slovak champion who defended the great citadel of freedom for Slovakia, namely, the Slovak League of America. Though under tremendous tension and pressure in this struggle, the Slovak League did not falter. Its leaders addressed new resolutions that reached the highest government circles in Washington. The historic 'Memorandum', which was entitled, "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood", was sent directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Signed by Msgr. Dubosh and Jan A. Kocur, this wartime document was a review of the struggle of the Slovaks through the centuries for their national freedom and their right to determine their own national destiny on the fundamental democratic principle and tradition of self-determination. 74 SLOVAKIA Whether the Slovaks should have their own independent state, or whether they should belong to the CzechoSlovak Republic, the Slovak League, being deprived of factual news from Slovakia, did not presume to be a competent judge - and hence, it merely wished to re-emphasize President Roosevelt's proclamation and democratic creed that "every nation, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood." American statesmen are formally addressed in the prophetic and fearless appeal which deals fundamentally with the Slovak problem: We Americans of Slovak ancestry who make sacrifices and fight side by side with other nations, and have dedicated our lives to the cause of freedom, appeal to our leaders in this momentous struggle and ask them especially to have the destiny of Slovakia in mind lest the foes of Slovak rights to freedom and nationhood deceive them in an unguarded moment, we further respectfully request them to bear in mind the sacred right of the Slovak nation to its own national selfgoverning state, which, as a matter of history, the Slovak nation established after many centuries of struggle against oppression and tyranny; and finally, we ask that liberty, self-determination and the means to a democratic way of life be guaranteed to the Slovaks in the same full measure as will be guaranteed all other nations in the world. This memorable document explains quite extensively 2nd manifestly Czech treacheries aimed against the Slovaks and takes a firm, uncompromising stand against Dr. Benes and his Slovak and Czechoslovak janizaries. It remains a historic testimony that not all Slovak emigrants were on the side of Dr. Benes. The examples of Dr. Osusky and Dr. Hodfa are cited because their political programs coincided essentially with the articles of the Pittsburgh Agreement (Pact) . Remarkable in many respects, but especially amazing is the fact that the Slovak League's life and death struggle was carried on despite an empty treasury against the millions of dollars expended by Benes and his anti-Slovak confederates! Dr. Milan Hodza and the Slovak League of America Dr. Milan Hodfa was invited to be a guest speaker at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League of America. Hodfa, an emigrant political leader from Slovakia, ex- SLOVAKIA 75 pressed his regrets but sent in an extensive letter or message dated April 9, 1943, and addressed to Msgr. Dubosh, President, in which he explains, in detail, his stand on the Slovak problem and outlines his suggestions and proposals to the Slovak League which was involved vitally in the struggle for Slovakia's rights to national freedom and statehood. About American Slovaks Dr. Hodza has this opinion: First, I highly esteem the Slovak League as an institution of the American Slovaks, one that has done meritorious work in behalf of the Slovak nation and its native homeland. Hodza pays tribute to Furdek, the founder of the Slovak League, and reviews the currents of Slovak political action. He has words of praise for Slovak patriotism and pride that was inspired by the Slovak League, the great champion of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom. On the subject of World War II , he expressed his understanding of the perilous times: Everyone who knows anything of Slovak loyalty could never have any shadow of doubt about the allegiance of American Slovaks to American democracy or deny their wholehearted dedication to the ideals of freedom and democracy - for America and Slovakia. But someone rashly has said that the majority of American Slovaks have 'fascist leanings.' To that unfounded charge I reply: When it became necessary to defend their country and the highest moral values of mankind, the American Slovaks proved themselves by their deeds and sacrifices. They purchased bonds and bombers, joined the military forces in large numbers, with their young men and women enrolling in all the services-hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom now are wounded or dead on battlefields in every corner of the globe . .. suffering death or wounds in defense of American democracy, security and freedom. Such are Slovak 'fascists.' This moving testimonial to the Slovak League's program by a leading Slovak politician and statesman excels anything that might be added on the subject. It is an honest, heartfelt evaluation of the work of the Slovak League based on firsthand observation and information. Moreover, Hodza, as he notes in his long letter to the Slovak League, considered it his solemn duty to inform the Slovaks of America of the events that occurred up to the year, 1938, in Czecho-Slovakia. He recalls the visit of the Slovak League delegation in Praha. Upon being approached to support the Pittsburgh Agreement, he ob- ?(, SLOVAKIA served that he had already drawn up his own draft for Slovak rights, which, in his personal opinion, he deemed substantially even better and proposed it as a substitute. Hodza explains that his political views were based on the fact that both economically and financially Slovakia was very weak at the conclusion of World War I. He goes on record: In a public statement of May 17, 1938, I spoke about the Pittsburgh Agreement, and in the discussion I urged that the time for criticizing it was long past. Now was the time to actualize it in reality, I said. Finally, at the end of June or the beginning of July, 1938, I succeeded in securing a virtual promise of the government to recognize it and put it into effect, namely, the official extension of self government and the establishment of a parliament in Bratislava for Slovakia. Subsequent remarks by Hodza emphasized his advocating the international political continuity of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and the self-same continuity of the internal political policies and acts of the Republic. Since the legality of the Zilina Agreement was nullified on the grounds that it had been drawn up a week after Munich, the legality of the decisions of the constitutional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in June and July, 1938, could not be questioned, and therefore he favored guarantees for self-rule and the rights of the Slovak nation in their native home country. Under all circumstances Hodza stood his ground in this manifest policy. He added: What type of federal or political system we will decide upon, that will be our domestic problem. But to be specific: No longer shall we tolerate the machinery of the Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Prague to dominate by its majority vote. Why not? Because in a total of some 300 members the Czechs have approximately 150 votes, the Slovaks scarcely 60. Thus a 2/3 or a 3/ 5 majority vote would automatically determine Slovak policy with or without a small Slovak minority. No longer can we allow this government monopoly by a Czech regime in Praha. The new reorganization of the state must take into consideration a constitutional measure respecting a Slovak national majority as well as a Czech national majority correspondingly in their own national assembly or parliament. This is the principle and policy that was enunciated and approved by the Czecho-Slovak National Committee on January 1, 1940. In the future, Hodza believed, that the vast majority of the Czechs would abandon centralism as a national policy and accept the new effective policy of mutual Czech SLOVAKIA 77 and Slovak cooperation through proper Slovak representation on the basis of a federative status of national equality. "I am continuing my efforts in behalf of Slovakia today on the basis of international law," Dr. Hodza declared, "and in accord with England which in March, 1939, of its own volition, and on the basis of fundamental reasons, refused to recognize German dis-memberm ent of the Czecho-Slova k Republic." Both the U.S and the Soviet Union, according to Hodza, adhered to this view of continuity, and he, therefore, thought this was the only sure foundation for future action in behalf of Slovakia. Peace in Europe Hodza envisioned as the development of an intimate association of America, England and Russia and the creation of a central European federation to which Yugoslavia and Romania should belong also. This federation, he believed, would be an effective defensive bloc against any possible future German aggression. "Slavonic democracy' --, in Hodza's opinion, "in which the Slovaks must have a role, must guarantee both national and religious freedom, human dignity, the rights of the individual, provide social and economic security, preserve representativ e government that is based on the free expression of each nation's will." American Slovaks, through its Slovak League, demanded all the guarantees of democratic freedom and the free exercise of natural rights for the Slovak nation on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, namely, the Four Freedoms, self-determin ation and the right to choose their own national destiny. Conclusion of Dr. Hodza's message reads: "Continue as you have begun. You are on the right road." All Slovaks with few exceptions at home and abroad Hnanimously agree that the Slovaks are entitled as a nation to the rights of freedom and self-determin ation, the cardinal principles of the victorious united nations of World War II. There were no substantial differences between his political doctrine and the Slovak League's program, Hodza 78 SLOVAKIA contended. Nevertheless, there was one difference, and it was that the Slovak League of America maintained the belief that it is the Slovak nation's prerogative to decide whether it wants to rejoin the Czechs in a newly-recreated Czecho-Slovakia, or remain in its own separate independent state. As a matter of fact, Hodza, at one time a centralist, could not free himself from the personal conviction that the Czechs and Slova,ks belong indubitably in a united state. Hodza lacked the experience and enlightenment of being a citizen in his own native Slovak political state. Very interesting, indeed, would have been Hodza's views, and relationship with the Slovak League, after Benes' treasonable act in Moscow (1943) and the aftermath of the 'paper agreement' in Kosice with the Slovak national council (1945). We can presume, in view of the sad events in the second Czecho-Slovak Republic, that the Slovak political leader would have followed the leadership of the Slovak League and the vast majority of the Slovaks in their home country in demanding a plebiscite in postwar Slovakia to determine: 1) Whether the Slovak nation wanted to be an integral part of Czecho-Slovakia. 2) Or whether it wanted to be an independent state. 3) Or whether it wanted to join a federation. Death ended any further speculation, and because of the situation in Czecho-Slovakia after the war, the Prague regime refused to grant permission to the Hodza family tc have the body of an eminent Slovak political figure to be returned to his native Slovakia for burial. A Final Break with Benes Intrigues and slanders, coarse and cynical comments marked the careers and attitudes of Dr. Benes and his colleagues. As immediate consequences of their ignoble activities there was a complete disregard of Slovak rights in U.S. State Department circles that determined our international policy while a cloud of dark suspicion hovered over the Slovak League. Refusal to bow down under the crushing pressure exerted by Benes and his clique maddened the Czech plotter and his slanderous propagandists. All of their plans to destroy the Slovak League of America failed miserably. SLOVAKIA 79 After reviewing the activities of Dr. Benes in World War I and World War II, the Slovak League of America went on record as being irrevocably opposed to Dr. Benes and his ideology. Monsignor Dubosh, the president, declared publicly in his report at the 25th Congress of the Slovak League in October, 1943: I have explained the situation of the Slovak League in relationship to Dr. Benes and his intrigues. Now, where shall we go? What should we do ? Well, Dr. Benes, acknowledged as a skillful diplomat, has refused to negotiate with us. He seems to think that if he looks down upon us with disdain, we 'stupid Slovaks' will shake with trepidation and run to him seeking his help. It is unfortunate that he, a diplomat and political leader, never learned to know the Slovaks better. Perhaps the Slovaks were somewhat naive for tolerating him so long. He forgets that in America, the sons of Slovak immigrants who escaped to America had the opportunity for an education. One of the lessons they learned well was not to take abuse from anybody. He acts as if the Slovaks had no rights whatsoever, not even the right to speak up and say whether they want to live with the Czechs or not. Dr. Benes is sadly mistaken if he thinks the Slovaks were given to the Czechs by divine decree. The Slovaks voluntarily entered into partnership with the Czechs, and they can voluntarily dissolve that partnership. If this is not true, then the Slovaks are not human beings, but slaves, even worse, for then they are but mere animals. That we refuse to accept. We will never allow the Slovaks to be treated as brutes, not even for the price of a million Beneses! Msgr. Dubosh concluded his statement: Truly wise would Benes have been had he and his disciples finally realized that they cannot act as if the Slovaks had no rights at all, that they cannot destroy the Slovak nation which has survived so many centuries, that the Slovak was, is, and will always remain a Slovak, that there will be no peace between the Czechs and Slovaks until justice and equality are established between the two, that nobody will ever convince the Slovak he is anything than what he is: a Slovak. A number of renegades among the Slovaks may be found, as in the case of the Magyar era, and these will agree with Benes and propagate his ideas. But the vast majority of the Slovaks here and in their historic homeland have remained unmoved and unconvinced because they know the true history of the Slovak nation. This is a clear-cut view and a definite stand. Andrej Hlinka would have spoken the same way - and every loyal Slovak agrees with this unqualified view that refuses to surrender the rights of the Slovak nation to freedom and nationhood. The year, 1943, definitely witnessed another resurgence of dynamic and invincible spirit of Slovak national pride in the Slovak League of America. 8Li SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America and the Slovak National Council in Slovakia War was slowly coming to an end and it was clear who would win by this time. For the Slovak League serious problems and grave responsibilities were anticipated. At the beginning of autum, 1944, the first news from Slovakia reported a revolt. The information was incomplete, distorted, and, therefore, confusing and unreliable. As might be expected the Slovak Republic was presented in a bad light by hostile propaganda forces. There was no direct connection with Slovakia to counteract the highly distorted image of the Slovaks who deserved a better fate. Moreover, the Slovak League was not aware of the many instances of official and unofficial opposition to German policies in Slovakia. Awaiting the outcome of the war and hoping for reliable reports from Slovakia, the Slovak League, meanwhile, had to ward off the Benes propagandists. Laboring under a terrible disadvantage, the Slovak League president, Msgr. Dubosh, told the Slovak League Congress on October 18-19, 1944, that "we have assured the state department in Washington the Slovaks will be heard from as soon as they get the opportunity. Our hope has not been in vain as current events prove. The Slovaks, we are told, have revolted . . .but not the Czechs ... and they are now fighting the Germans . How fortunate I am to be able to report that en my last visit to the state department in Washington I pointed out this latest development. Moreover, we had the happy occasion of launching a new warship, the General Milan R. Stefanik, at the time." Such was the first reaction to the report of the socalled Slovak revolt in the early days of September 1944. But it is interesting to note that during the 26th Congress resolutions were adopted against the Slovak national council and its self-assumed program. In this instance, again, sound Slovak instinct guided the Slovak League leadership. A special proclamation on Slovakia was issued, to wit, With great caution and intense interest we have followed and are following progress of events in Slovakia day by day. We have read a declaration, greetings, etc. from the so-called Slovak national council SLOVAK!.'. 81 which under its own authority has assumed or rather usurped the exclusive right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation and seeks to take over the legislative and executive power into its hands for the complete control of Slovakia. We replied that the Slovak League could hardly be expected to decide what position to take in this matter when there was doubt about the background to the so-called Slovak uprising since the sources of information were not checked out but appeared unreliable because they were inaccurate and incomplete. What made the American Slovaks suspicious from the start was t.lle declaration of the Slovak national council that seemed at first ~o defend the sovereignity of the Slovak nation but later to have tipped its hand by extending greetings to the Benes government in exile . . . and the greetings ended with a promise of loyalty and aid to the Czechoslovak resistance movement - to all intents and purposes an indication of the ultimate return of Slovakia to re-union with the Czechs in a new, reconstructed postwar Czechoslovakia! Without consulting the will of the Slovak nation the so-called Slovak national council placed the country into a definite state organization, thereby denying the Slovak nation the right of self-determination for which we are fighting and presumed to associate the Slovak nation with actions to which we American Slovaks have no sympathy, and to which we are not at all attracted, and which we believe to be completely unfavorable to the Slovaks in their own historic homeland. All these circumstances prompt us to maintain the utmost reserve towards the activity of the so-called national council because we fear that this activity instead of helping to liberate the Slovak nation leads to disruption, disintegration and ultimately to the weakening of the Slovak cause. Neither the leadership nor the aims of the Slovak national council, combined with the names of those who are cooperating with it, give us any assurance that the interests of Slovakia are in capable hands since the so-called Slovak uprising. People whose names we have noted are connected with the national council so-called, as well as in association with the so-called Slovak revolt, do not have our confidence er trust, and for those reasons we must proceed with caution if not entirely in opposition to these so-called representatives of the Slovak nation. Finally, it is quite obvious that the Slovak national council does not represent all classes of Slovak society. It does not represent either the .democratic or progressive elements in the Slovak nation, and hence, in our opinion, the council is not a qualified representative body of the Slovak people in whose name it presumes to speak, has taken over all law-enforcement agencies and assumed executive authority, and even has already decided arbitrarily that the Slovaks must give their allegiance to a pre-determined state re-organization, namely, Czechoslovakia again. Clear and concise was this formulation of official Slovak League policy in this situation, and it coincides with the refusal of the Slovak government and its president to join the revolt for precisely the same reasons. This judgment will always remain the true analysis of the will of the Slovak nation and its duly-constituted government of the Slovak Republic as opposed to the so-called national council. The latter's blunders and many crimes will one day be justly 82 SLOVAKIA attributed to its personnel when the genuinely true history of Slovakia may once again be written in freedom when a new era of truth, justice and peace will prevail. Zeroing in the Slovak nation as a victim to be re-assigned to a postwar re-creation of Czechoslovakia was a colossal historic blunder and crime of the so-called Slovak national council against the sovereignity of the Slovak nation, against its just rights to freedom, self-determination and democracy, and against truth and justice. The 1945 Washington Resolution of the Slovak League of America During the last months of the war from October, 1944, to April, 1945, the situation changed rapidly and essentially. The Russians had captured Bratislava and the war in Europe was just about ended. Sources of information for the Slovak League at this time were controlled completely by the U.S. Office of War Information agencies. And these were under the full censorship of Benes and his staff that had succeeded in winning the Slovak national council, so-called, to their side. Naturally, all information from them was favorable to the council . . . another Czechoslovak agency. What made the Slovak League officials anxious to get in contact with the Slovaks overseas was their desire to help them get on their feet after the most devastating of wars ... and since this was the only source of news available, they were forced to rely on it with reservations, however. These first news indicated that the Slovak national council had persuaded Benes ( who was in Moscow at the time ) to recognize the individuality of the Slovak nation and to grant extensive self-government to the Slovak nation in a new post-war Czecho-Slovakia. At first glance this program of the Slovak national council so-called ran parallel with the objectives of the Slovak League of America. That is what prompted the Slovak League to express its desire to get in touch with the council ... this fact enemies of both the Slovak nation and its champion, the Slovak League of America, take delight in citing when explaining their own policies. Before condemning this resolution it is well to take into consideration all the circumstances in which it was made and then study its contents. The entire first half of the resolution deals with the program and aspirations of SLOVAKIA 83 the Slovak League designed to guarantee the Slovak nation the absolute right of self-determination. Then follows this controversial paragraph: Let it be further resolved that to realize these aforementioned objectives, the Slovak League in America is willing to establish communication with the Slovak national council for the purpose of cooperating in matters that would benefit the Slovak nation and actualize the above program. Other 'insurance clauses' are also incorporated in the message in order to be on the safe side when dealing with the Slovak national council. In no manner was this a de facto recognition of the Slovak national council by the Slovak League but merely a statement of willingness to discuss mutually all phases of the Slovak problem, one may speak with someone without adopting his views or accepting his proposals, and in this case it was an expression of mere willingness to sit down and discuss the Slovak nation's problems of the present and map the future destiny of Slovakia. Personally, Msgr. Dubosh, the president of the Slovak League, described the entire affair as a resolution declaring a willingness to discuss the matter, nothing less, nothing more. Confirmation of the motives and genuine approach to the problem by the Slovak League of America on this occasion is made on the basis of the fact that as soon as the Slovak League administration got the record straight from Slovakia and diagnosed the case correctly, the Slovak League did not make any further attempts to get in touch officially with the so-called Slovak national council. Among the Slovaks in America this episode caused a. great deal of excitement and the Slovak League had to issue a public statement to clarify the matter. In its public statement, the Slovak League declared the Slovak national council guilty of deceit, and since it showed no inclination of guaranteeing freedom for the Slovak nation for which the League had always fought and would continue to fight, the traditional position of the Slovak League was emphatically repeated, namely, that the platform adopted at the 26th Congress of the Slovak League was still the guideline for the future policy of the League. A policy of 84 SLOVAKIA 'watchful waiting' would be pursued and the League officers would be more than wary where the Slovak national council was concerned. American Activity of the Slovak League The Slovak League of America is an organization of American citizens of Slovak ancestry. Consequently , it invariably coordinates its program and activities with the program and political policy of the United States. Beginning in 1907 and continuing up to now, the Slovak League, uesides its avowed program for the welfare of the Slovak nation in its homeland, was always actively engaged in work that was exclusively designed for the benefit and national interests of America. What was true in World War I, as far as the activity of the Slovak League was concerned, was more than doubly true in World War II. Perhaps Dr. Hodza's description of this united program suffices (as quoted above) to prove this. His words of commendatio n in the message to the Slovak League Congress constitute a remarkable testimony of its manifold contributions . Loyalty and fidelity, Hodza listed as among the foremost virtues of the American Slovaks because his fellow countrymen always felt that their faithfulness to the U.S., their adopted country, must ever be profound and complete. When, therefore, this country became involved in the war against nazism, the Slovak League joined America with all its resources for the strife. Never has the Slovak League boasted of this American activity. Actually it was a duty to be performed and no need to publicize it. But Benes and his alien propagandists incessantly attacked the Slovak League in American circles and assailed it as a nazi agency, and therefore, an enemy to the national interests of America, and even contrary to the Slovak League's program in behalf of Slovakia! Monsignor Dubosh, who had to combat the malicious propaganda levelled at the Slovak League of America, had to swallow many a bitter pill on this account, and only because of his devotion to America - and his love for the Slovak nation . Undoubtedly, the best argument in favor of the Slovak SLOVAKIA 85 League was its activity for the welfare of America. This action included the following: 1) The Slovak League Campaign for U.S. War Bonds Merely to have a birds-eye view of the gigantic patriotic efforts of the Slovak League in behalf of the U.S., it is sufficient to cite a few facts and figures. Under the dynamic leadership of the patriotic Father John J. Lach the Slovak League gave full support to a war-bond campaign. From the report by Father Lach at the Slovak League executive meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa. on October 17-18, 1944, we learn that under Slovak League sponsorship approximately 53 million dollars' worth of bonds were purchased during World War II. This and similar cases attest to the loyalty of Slovak individuals and their societies throughout the country. Who can doubt the sincere patriotism of the American Slovaks or deny their loyalty? 2) Airplanes War bonds were not the only means by which American Slovaks supported the war effort. One of its activities was the purchase of airplanes for the U.S. Airforce. First, the Slovensk<i Obrana, edited and published by Michael Bosak, Jr., Scranton, Pa., opened the campaign for three airplanes. Chicago's Osadne Hlasy weekly joined the campaign. The fund brought in $31,000. The ceremony of presenting a trio of training planes to the U.S. armed forces occured at the Cleveland airport on May 29, 1943. Each plane bore the slogan, "Spirit of the Slovak League of America," but even on this occasion the Czech propagandists tried to reap undeserved honors by claiming this act to be a part of their program. Monsignor Dubosh reported to the 25th Congress of the Slovak League: This was a capital idea, which, naturally, our Czechoslovak 'friends' tried to exploit for their benefit just as they tried to do last year when the Slovaks in Pittsburgh and Cleveland purchased war bonds. Their propaganda machine gave credit to 'Czechs' and Czechoslovaks. Such are our so-called brothers . . . everything we have they consider their very own. 3) Warships Liberty ships, three of them, bore the names submitted by the Slovak League in recognition of its highly successful war-bond campaign. Elaborate ceremonies marked BG SLOVAKIA the launching of the "Stephen Furdek," "Sgt. Matej Kocak," and the "General Milan R. Stefanik." Altogether this variety of activity brought the Slovak League and the American Slovaks widespread publicity and recognition. They were the most telling arguments to refute libelous propaganda aimed at the Slovak League which was unjustly smeared by its foes as anti-American and pro-nazi. The patriotic acts by the Slovak League completely vindicated the honor of the American Slovaks, and the press in America recorded them with great admiration and enthusiasm. 4) Social Action of the Slovak League Increased social and charitable deeds of the Slovak League in wartime belong to a special phase of the history of the times because this was a new form of action that vvas directly under the sponsorship of a new organizational branch, namely, the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, officially known as "Slovenske Vcielky" - Slovak bees. At an executive meeting of the Slovak League on August 23, 1941, a definite plan was formulated to organize the "Slovak bees" under the leadership of Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, vice-president of the League. Accordingly, she became the president of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Slovak League, the official title of the 'Vcielky' group. Slovak women from all parts of America enrolled as members in the new auxiliary, which cooperated closely with the work of the Red Cross. By their unselfish service, social action and samaritan-like deeds, the American Slovak women contributed invaluable service to their country and enhanced the good name of the Slovak League and the Slovaks in America generally. Details of some of the work accomplished by the Slovak ladies auxiliary were reported at the 24th Congress of the Slovak League on February 25-26, 1943. They constitute a glorious record of achievements in the history of the American Slovaks. In one cell, alone, in Chicago more t.han 300 women were enrolled. These women presented the Red Cross with 66,900 surgical dressings, 2,246 suits of clothing for refugees ( for children and adults), 717 knitted sweaters, caps, shawls, gloves, etc. for soldiers; and SLOVAKIA 87 455 hospital gowns. Blood was donated by 214 cells. More than 200 cells completed first-aid courses and 36 were trained in home-care of the sick. A total of 630 shipments were sent to American soldiers of Slovak ancestry. These are only a sample of the type of activities performed by the Ladies Auxiliary cells throughout the country. As soon as the war €nded, pleas for help came from Slovakia. The Ladies Auxiliary cells were the first to respond. Shipments of canned goods and clothing were immediately dispatched to the war-torn areas of Slovakia. Slovak emigrants fleeing from their war-devastated homeland were given emergency aid by the auxiliary. Value in dollars to cover this essential aid exceeds tens of thousands of American dollars that were given freely and generously for a worthy cause in the name of the Slovak League through the charitable agency of the Ladies Auxiliary of the League. This added a new chapter of charitable action to the history of the Slovak League of America. A special postwar campaign for funds under the traditional slogan, 'Za tu nasu slovencinu,' - for our Slovak mother-language-was inaugurated in the very first months after the war. This netted thousands of dollars for much needed help to the Slovaks in their home country, and to those in exile because these had lost all their worldly possessions in the war. No less important in its salutary effects, aside from the continued struggle for Slovakia's national freedom, was this social work which had as its primary source a deep American sense of patriotism and a profound Slovak and Christian philosophy of life to be of service to one's fellow man, and particularly to one's Slovak countrymen. Cultural Program of the Slovak League Versatility has marked the activity of the Slovak League of America. The cultural aspect was not neglected despite the pressure of the needs of the immediate present. In this respect a need was perceived to reach the Englishreading public for two reasons: 1) To combat the false 88 SLOVAKIA propaganda of anti-Slovak groups. 2) To furnish genuine information about the Slovak nation's history, the Slovaks in America, the Slovak League, etc. Too often, well-disposed Americans in high governmental positions were misled as to the real purpose of the Slovak League simply because they were uninformed or misinformed. The information had to be in the English language. Proposals to publish a Slovak League informational publication in English were made and approved at an executive meeting of the Slovak League on Nov. 13, 1942. It was designed both for the general American public and the young Slovak generations that no longer understood the language of their parents or grandparents. This was necessary to win the sympathy of the American public by Ehowing how important had been, and still was, the role of the Slovaks in mankind's struggle for liberty, human dignity and peace. An immediate result of this conference was the " Slovak Record " which began publication under the capable editorship of Joseph G. Prusa. The first issue appeared precisely on the 28th anniversary of the death of ~tefan Furdek, founder of the Slovak League of America. This wartime " Slovak Record" quarterly was well edited. It presented u true and clear picture of American Slovak life and thought that was reflected from its pages as if from a wellpolished mirror. The Record was listed officially as quarterly review of the Slovak League of America. Any future historian will find a wealth of material on Slovak history and the life of American Slovaks in the comparatively few issues that were published during World War II. The Slovak Record was an informative and cultural periodical, which for the first time presented a great many literary and political facts to the American public. Moreover, it acquainted many readers with the history, culture and aspirations of the Slovak nation. Congressmen and high officials in our government received the Slovak Record. So did American radio stati ons, newspaper offices and libraries. In a word, it was distributed where it would do the most good for the Slovak cause. Unfortunately, the Slovak Record ceased publication SLOVAKIA 89 after two and a half years. But the year after its demise, ie., in 1946, the Slovak Review, a political magazine, and the Slovak Digest, a cultural quarterly, made their appearance. These, too, had a brief existence. Never-the-less, they did their work well while they lasted. Among other cultural projects inaugurated by the Slovak League was an American-Slovak museum. This was the work of the cultural committee which met in Cleveland in the spring of 1945. Benedictine High School was designated as the temporary center where Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S .B., a young, talented American-Slovak historian and journalist, had already established an extensive Slovak library under the auspices of St. Andrew's Abbey. As director of the newly-established Slovak museum, Father Pir obtained permission from Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S .B. to have a special room as the cultural center for Slovak books , historical records, museum articles, etc. at the Abbey in Cleveland. This later was destined to become the Slovak Institute established in 1952 by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S .B. who named Dr. Francis Hrusovsky as the first director. On a high cultural level were all the memoranda and other publications of the Slovak League of America; all issued in behalf of Slovak national freedom and sent to the highest American political quarters. The most important of these perhaps was "The Slovaks and their Rights to Nationhood" in 1943. Representatives of the Slovak League at the International Conference in San Francisco 1945 This historic conference of allied nations was called to decide the national destinies of peoples all over the world, but particularly in Europe The fate of the Slovaks was also to be determined there. Never amiss where the welfare of the Slovak nation was concerned, the Slovak League was anxious to present the Slovak problem and all its ramifications at this world parley. It particularly wanted to present the just right of the Slovak nation. Although the Slovak League had the right to seek and obtain representation officially at the 90 SLOVAKIA conference, its delegates were denied entry because the Czechoslovaks usurped this right by securing official admittance as the spokesmen for Slovakia. Ironically, Jan Masaryk, one of the most prominent Czechs, was registered as a Slovak! Failure to secure official recognition for its representatives prompted the executive council of the Slovak League to send an observer. As an observer, Rev. John J. Lach of Whiting, Indiana, was selected to represent the Slovak League at the San Francisco conference. He remained there in that capacity from April 25 to June 21. Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic accompanied him. It was difficult for them even to obtain entry, and impossible for a pass to attend some of the meetings . In fact, Jan Masaryk's Czechoslovak delegation sought to have them excluded entirely. Nevertheless, Father Lach ~ucceeded by skillful maneuvering to outwit his opponents. He got a registration card with full credentials as an official observer for the proceedings. Since Father Lach was not permitted a voice at the conference, he visited delegations of a number of nationality groups and informed them of the Slovak cause, stressing especially the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and nationhood. Although it did not have any influence on Jan Masaryk, Father Lach's visit to his office at least emphasized the fact that the Slovaks had their rights and that the Slovak League of America stood foursquare behind them in their struggle for freedom and nationhood. Upon his return from San Francisco, Father Lach reported the outcome of his presence at the International Conference as follows: In conclusion, I want to say that always and everywhere I emphasized the good work of the Slovak League and I explained its program as a noble and worthy endeavor that is nothing more or less than a program for the welfare of the American Slovaks and the Slovak nation's destiny as a free people in their historic homeland. I told them of my conviction that the Slovaks as a nation with an individual entity and a glorious history must have a place of honor among the nations of the world , a place that the United Nations must one day officially assign to them in the family of nations. One must not under-estimate the importance of this attempt for world recognition at an international forum SLOVAKIA 91 by a Slovak League delegate. Had there been direct communication with Slovakia instead of being forced to rely on Jan Masaryk, self-appointed as he was to represent the Slovaks, things might have worked out differently. Yet, the fact remains the Slovak League tried, and the attempt, though unsuccessful, was, none-the-less, a noble if futile gesture in behalf of a down-trodden Slovak nation. The battle in San Francisco with the Czechoslovak faction led by Dr. Benes and Jan Masaryk was lost mainly because they used utterly false propaganda to discredit the Slovak nation and its cause. In this case truth, which Thomas Masaryk liked to talk about so much, did not prevail, instead a neatly-bound pack of Czechoslovak lies doomed the Slovak people to domination by the Czechs again in the postwar era. Perseverance in I deals - Endurance in Combat Not even when the United Nations officially granted recognition to Czecho-Slovakia did the Slovak League throw in the towel. It retained its program intact and continued its fight for the Slovak nation's cause of freedom . Attorney Peter P. Jurcak, a writer and political leader from Pennsylvania, succeeded Msgr. Dubosh as president in 1945. He discussed at great length the Slovak League's program and ideals with Husek, Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh, all former presidents. Jozef Husek soon afterwards retired from public life because of illness. But both Dr. Hletko and Msgr. Dubosh remained at the side of Jurcak, the new president, and gave him their whole-hearted cooperation in the unending fight for the rights of the Slovak nation. Like a strong tree that looses its dry branches in 8, storm but continues to grow stronger, so the Slovak League of America thrives and grows taller and more mighty than ever before. The war that subjected the Slovak League to violent attacks only tested it and proved its vitality and power. It stands a living monument to the heroic courage of the stalwart sons of Slovakia and their unceasing fight for the sacred rights to justice, truth and liberty for their nation beneath the Tatras. Once more the Slovak League takes the offensive in 1946. It addresses an appeal to the President of the United 92 SLOVAKIA States and to Congress, as well as to the General Assembly of the United Nations. The appeal in behalf of the Slovak national cause of freedom reviews the history of the Slovaks, calls attention to their struggle for freedom and explains their sad experience of trying to live with the Czechs in one state. According to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, the Slovak League makes a request for a plebiscite in Slovakia under the supervision of the United Nations to give the Slovaks the opportunity to decide in a free election whether they wish to continue to live in a political union with the Czechs, or whether they want their own independent state; or if they prefer to be incorporated in a federation of free, self-governing states in central Europe. The State Department and Congressmen are kept well informed of the injustices suffered by the Slovaks in the past and present by the Slovak League's news agency and information in the nation's capital. Finally, the true facts about the Slovak Republic are available to American statesmen in Washington, D.C. For too long a time our American leaders in public life were kept shamelessly misinformed by Dr. Benes and his cohorts of false propagandists. Genuine information b now provided from first-hand experiences of Slovak emigrants who lived under the regime of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945. At long last, too, we know the true facts about the so-called Slovak revolt of 1944 and the distorted picture of wartime Slovakia is coming sharply into proper focus. Meantime, too, the Slovak League of America maintains a full-time political, cultural and social program. Culturally, the work begun by the Slovak Record quarterly is carried on by the Slovak Review and the Slovak Digest quarterlies. Moreover, President Jurcak has published his book The Slovaks-Their History and Traditions, which is doing good work in behalf of the Slovak nation by a concise review of the history of Slovakia. Slovak music is perhaps the best means to reach the young generation. In this field the Slovak League plans a score of concerts by Slovak artists. At the suggestion of Msgr. Dubosh, the Slovak League SLOVAKIA 93 is inaugurating a National Fund campaign to which every American Slovak is asked to contribute at least a quarter a year. During its struggle the past several years, the Slovak League administration discovered that finances are essential to carry on effective work for realizing high ideals. Perhaps the most urgent task at the present is the publication of books and periodicals about the Slovak nation in the English language . Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, the president of the Slovak League's ladies auxiliary, continues to inspire greater efforts in behalf of an extensive social and charitable program to help war-torn Slovakia as well as to provide necessary funds and help to Slovak emigrants who were forced to escape to the west. Under her dynamic leadership the Slovak 'Vcielky' - bees have accomplished an incredible amount of good work by providing for immediate needs of food, shelter and clothing for the people of Slovakia and for those who had to leave their homeland to save their very lives. Truly, the 'Vcielky' have shown themselves to be loving mothers by their dedication and devotion to their Slovak children in need. The Program approaches its zenith As we follow the ideological development of the Slovak League of America, from the year of its founding, 1907, to the present, we note that it passed through several phases that ran concurrently with the evolution of the idea of Slovak independent statehood. Three cities and a trio of Slovak League Congresses are historic milestones in the gradual development of an idea and an Ideal: Slovak national freedom. They are : Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit where nation-wide Congresses of American Slovak representatives took progressive strides towards the fulfilment of the Slovak ideal of political liberty. We are justified in declaring that the struggle of all Slovak generations has been the fight for a Slovak state as the highest fulfillment of the aspirations of an entire nation, namely, the achievement of national freedom . This idea was not born on March 14, 1939. It merely became a reality on that memorable day. It had first sprung to life 94 SLOVAKIA in Svatopluk's time in the 9th century, came back to life as an ideal in the era of Bernolak. Holly, stur and Hurban, during the early 19th century, was again very much alive during the struggle led by Andrej Hlinka before and during the era of the Czecho-Slovak Republic of World War I vintage, until the idea came ultimately to full maturity on March 14, 1939, with the founding of the Slovak Republic. Ideologically, the aim of the Slovak League was always in this direction because it invariably and reliably reflected the degree of Slovak aspirations for self-government in Slovakia itself. As a happy coincidence and consequence the Slovak League of America never presented a false image of the Slovak nation. Despite the temporary set-back inflicted on the Slovak League by Dr. Benes's false propagandists, the fact that the Slovak League stood firm in defense of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom and selfgoverning statehood only confirms the amazing similarity of objectives of the Slovak nation and its great champion overseas, the Slovak League of America. There never has been, therefore, any major divergence of views or objectives between the two. Detroit (Michigan) was host to the 28th Congress of the Slovak League on October 29, 1946. It proved to be a dramatic convention. All the cards were placed on the table at this historic Detroit Congress. Dr. Benes who had promised to make Czecho-Slovakia an island of democracy had just announced that he had placed the reorganized state into the hands of Moscow, and thereby surrendered central Europe to Communism. International developments reached a crisis soon so that there was an immediate cleavage between the East and West. Dr. Benes chose the East with communism and Soviet dictatorship that seized complete control of all countries under various pretexts in the Russian orbit. The Iron Curtain was about to come down and divide Europe into two hostile camps. In direct opposition to Dr. Benes, the Slovak League made its momentous decision. Moreover, the Slovak nation, too, in the May elections of 1946 cast more than a % democratic majority vote while the communist party in SLOVAKIA 95 Slovakia garnered considerably less than a third of the total vote in the country . Slovak statehood as the most responsible form of political organization had been cherished for ages by the Slovak nation. In modern times this ideal was upheld admirably by the Slovak League of America. At its 26th Congress in Detroit, the Slovak League unanimously adopted a declaration favoring independent statehood for the Slovaks in their historic homeland ( since the 5th century A.D . the Slovaks have lived in their present country ). Dr. Peter Hletko, M.D. headed the special committee that had drawn up this declaration: "The Committee of the future program has taken into consideration the whole world situation, and in relationship to it the present status of the Slovak nation's aspirations to liberty; also the mind of the American Slovaks. After much deliberation and discussion, therefore, this committee submits the following program with confidence that its ideas and proposals will win approval and adoption at this Congress so that all of the supreme officers, the various local officials and all the assemblies of the Slovak League throughout America will accept this program as its very own. "The proposed program for the future destiny of the Slovaks is designed to coordinate all of our efforts so that by unified action we can reach our common goal that will be of immense value to the Slovaks in their home country and to the American Slovaks, too. "Our stand in the Slovak League of America, therefore, requires that we clarify our policies on a number of issues. Consequently, we propose to express precisely what position we take in relationship to the following : The Czecho-Slovak R epublic " So far, the Slovak League of America never maintained a hostile attitude towards the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We admit we criticized the government and the representatives of that country, and we came to the aid of the Slovak nation in its struggle for a recognition of its just rights, and we condemned the injustices perpetrated on the Slovak people, but we never advocated nor took any ga SLOVAKIA steps to destroy the Republic of Czecho-Slovakia even when our detractors labelled us unjustly as the destroyers of this state. "Not even after the Slovaks established their own state six months before World War II, nor during the entire conflict when Czechoslovak adherents were busily planning to reconstruct Czecho-Slovakia, did the Slovak League in America declare itself in opposition to a renewal of that country, but it unequivocally maintained the right of selfdetermination for the Slovak nation and it openly fought for this right to be exercised by the Slovaks freely to determine what type of self-government they wished and what form of state administration they wanted as the will of the majority of the Slovak people. "We often repeated our views that if the Slovaks were granted the opportunity to express their will freely as to what form of government they wished to have, or what type of state or federation they preferred, and even if they should choose Czecho-Slovakia all over again, we said that we would be completely _satisfied and would not disagree or opposE: their choice. We insisted, however, and fought for the right of the Slovak nation during World War II that once Europe and the world would be reorganized after the conflict the Slovaks must be guaranteed a free vote, subject to no pressure, violence or force - in a word, complete freedom to express their own national will . "In spite of every assurance by the great powers, however, and contrary to various world declarations, by which all nations, particularly the small ones, were given high hopes of liberation, freedom and independence, and despite the Atlantic Charter which won the trust of all the small nations but which was discarded once the objectives for which it was proclaimed were secure, and in spite of all the promises for free expression and choice of the future destiny of the Slovaks, f:.bsolutely no opportunity was given to the Slovak nation for making a free choice at all. "Simply and definitely once more the Slovaks were thrown back into the Benes's pre-fabricated structure, namely, the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. It was explained that this was necessary in order to re-establish the pre- SLOVAKIA 97 Munich status quo but this was sheer deceit, for the restoration of the pre-Munich status quo was only done whenever and wherever it was to the advantage of a number of world-powers, if it was not to their advantage, there was simply no restoration at all. "Neither the so-called national revolt, nor the Kosice agreement were manifestations of the Slovak nation's will, and therefore there was no obligation on the part of the Slovaks to return to Czecho-Slovakia. No one asked the Slovaks their preference - all at once they found themselves back in the old, slightly-mended Czecho-Slovakia. "As we have noted on the very first occasion that the Slovaks had to manifest their will and they did so by an overwhelming majority of more than two-thirds against communism but this was not counted in any way-and the Slovak nation was retained as an oppressed nation under communist rule . . . and has remained under communist dictatorship since 1946. "Nevertheless, the Slovaks were not granted a choice to vote on the issue if they wanted to remain in the old Czecho-Slovak Republic or not. They were forced to accept the fait accompli situation with the Czechs again in power. This injustice is all the greater since we know and are firmly convinced that the Slovak nation been given an opportunity of free choice, it certainly would have voted overwhelmingly against being re-attached to Benes's postwar creation, Czecho-Slovakia III. "Apparently the Slovaks have a semblance of autonomy in postwar Czecho-Slovakia but this does not alter the fact that they were denied their freedom of choice. Moreover, the Republic is officially named Czechoslovakia and continues to be written without the controversial hyphen (it should be Czecho-Slovakia). As it is now, this jndicates that the new government is still imbued with the spirit of the false and artificial identity of a Czechoslovak nation. A return to the 'old sins' presages a gradual taking away of self-government from the Slovaks because Benes has reiterated his belief that the Slovaks must not be permitted to have 'wild dreams of self-rule.' "Czech centralism still rules, for Slovak administration is subject to Praha. For these, and other reasons not 98 SLOVAKIA mentioned, we are forced to come to the conclusion that inevitably we must restrain our tolerant policy and favorable attitude to the Czecho-Slovak state by abandoning what we American Slovaks for so many years held as proper and hopeful for the future. The present demands another policy, hence, we stand in opposition to the new, illegal Czecho-Slovakia and we now emphasize the fact that the Slovaks were wronged as a nation. We intend to inform the great powers and the whole world of this grave injustice because the Slovaks were forced into the postwar Czecho-Slovak Republic. " As free American Slovaks we further protest that the Slovak nation is held in political bondage in a state that leans away from western democracy and is helping to create an anti-democratic bloc while the Slovaks are truly democratic-minded as they surely indicated by the recent vote that left no doubt of their resistance to communist influence and infiltration from the East. The Slovak State "Many good and sound reasons would prompt the Slovaks to vote against re-attaching Slovakia to the newlyre-created Czecho-Slovakia, and that by a vast majority of votes against re-union, for while the Slovaks were discriminated against in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia, the same is true today. "Under their own regime in their own Slovak Republic the Slovaks were happy and prosperous, they worked and progressed economically, politically, culturally, they built, created and developed a new life of their own. Never before were the Slovaks so content with their lot. This good fortune not even the enemies of the Slovak State can deny . The record of the Slovak Republic speaks for itself. "World conditions in wartime brought temporary prosperity not only to America but to other countries, too. Nevertheless, prosperity for the Slovak state, though necessarily stimulated by the war, had as its permanent basis the industry, ingenuity and inspiration of the Slovak nation that was vitally interested in its destiny. The Slovak people cooperated splendidly and enthusiastically in the building of their own self-governing state. SLOVAKIA 99 "Dependence, to some extent, upon its powerful neighbor, Germany, was a natural relationship, for small nations always depend upon strong nations in time of peace or war. Here it must be noted, however, that neither England, the U.S. nor the USSR were of any assistance to the Slovak Republic . "Every small state seeks protection and security wherever it can. The Slovak state needed protection for national survival. Yet, it must be affirmed that the Slovak Republic was not a gift to the Slovaks from either the Germans or their leader, Hitler. Further, the Slovak state was not a German creation. On the contrary, the Slovaks had to defend their country against German machinations, and intrigues of other nations. The Slovak Republic was truly the result of the aspirations of the Slovak nation for freedom and their own state. A free state is the zenith and fulfillment of the highest and noblest ideals of every nation. "A return to limited rights, or a surrender of all rights of the Slovak nation by the involuntary incorporation of the Slovak people in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, is a step backwards and definitely contrary to sttir's motto: 'We cannot go backward - We must go forward.' "Our duty is to inform and influence the world in this direction, namely, the renewal of a free Slovak Republic, the existence of which is at the same time the obligation of all the nations of the world . "Unconditionally, the Slovak League of America urges the great powers to re-establish the Slovak Republic because in it the Slovak nation found its true destiny, enjoyed peace, prosperity and freedom, and made unpresedented progress in every phase of its national culture. The Slovak League and Dr. Tiso "Dr. Jozef Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic, had the welfare of the Slovak nation at heart. Not even his enemies can deny that he was sincere in his efforts to insure the national well-being of the Slovak people in their own, free and independent state. While many others fled to safety after resigning high positions, Dr. Tiso remained in his country to serve it in a grave crisis. To minimize 100 SLOVAKIA his virtues and magnify his faults, mistakes, methods, policies etc., is easy, but it will not change the facts that despite his real or imaginary administrative deficiencies he not only succeeded in saving the Slovak nation from destruction but supervised the Slovak state so admirably that the people in Slovakia enjoyed peace, prosperity and great cultural and economic progress. "Nobody can erase the true image of Dr. Tiso as a kind, just and wise president of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation reveres his memory today despite the attempts of the enemy to destroy that image by false propaganda spread throughout the world. We are horrified at the malice of our enemies who seek to brand President Tiso as a traitor to his Slovak nation and as such are planning to try him in a court-of-law ... the impending trial, of course, to be supervised by his enemies and the enemies of the Slovak nation. "To defend Dr. Tiso is our most solemn duty. We must arouse world opinion in his favor to offset the slanderous campaign against him. It is quite obvious that the efforts to discredit his good name is done with a vengeance, and H our enemies succeed in unjustly dishonoring him they will wreak their utmost revenge upon him. And it would be a great crime of gross injustice against a just man and the Slovak nation. "Dr. Tiso is not a war criminal. He did not torture anyone, he did not execute one person, or give orders to execute anyone. Father Tiso did not commit any crime. He was the great defender and benefactor of his country which he served with distinction and honor. The Slovak National Council "Much has been written and discussed about the socalled Slovak national council. Our position towards this organization remains unchanged. We still regard it as an agency that has usurped power and authority because it was not elected or authorized by the Slovaks, nor approved de facto by the Slovak nation, and consequently in a democratic system it is not a legal body and has no legal standing or jurisdiction. SLOVAKIA 101 The Slovak Liberation Committee "Against no one who wishes to work conscientiously for the liberation of the Slovak nation does the Slovak League of America have any arguments. In fact it welcomes any positive action. However, to achieve success there is need for a common united front - not a faction or several factions. "Assumption of definite rights and obligations is the prerogative of the Slovak League of America because it is recognized as the highest cultural-political organization of American Slovaks, and as such it wants to retain this preeminent position and prestige by the pursuit of a prudent policy and by its charitable activities . Therefore, if anyone desires to participate in a national program involving the Slovak League must, necessarily coordinate his efforts with the program of the Slovak League. He must never misuse the name of the League, nor use the name prematurely without being properly authorized to do so. "Our organization has experienced many crises but has ultimately taken the proper stand on many intricate problems and questions mainly because it has acted discretely, carefully, and always adopted a course of action only after a thorough study of all the problems involved. It has refrained from following the opinion of this or that 5ndividual and hence has avoided being influenced by the enthusiasm of individuals, often admirable, but too often erroneous. "We do not condemn the Slovak Action Committee, nor do we suspect its aims, but because this committee has committed a number of errors of judgment and because its program does not assure us of the successful liberation of the Slovak nation at this time, and finally, because as yet we have not come to any agreement with its spokesmen, the Slovak League of America maintains its friendly attitude but continues its traditional policy of watchful waiting towards this committee. "Never has the Slovak League in America lost out in much more serious affairs by 'watchful waiting,' and we believe it will not lose anything by keeping this policy. Be it noted well, that the use of sharp and bitter phrases l.02 SLOVAKIA against Slovak leaders in America or Europe, or the general attitude, which gives the impression that the Slovak Action Committee wants to by-pass, ignore or sabotage the action of the Slovak League of America, certainly does not constitute the best means of winning the friendship, confidence or cooperation of the League . "We are well informed that the Slovak Action Committee must come to friendly terms with other prominent persons in Europe who have the best interests of the Slovak nation at heart. These must not exclude each other by mutual disagreement or refusal to arrive at mutual understanding. "Until that time when all the responsible Slovak leaders meet and agree on a common program in behalf of the Slovak nation's fight for freedom and welfare, the Slovak League cannot give an unqualified endorsement to the Slovak Action Committee. What is far more important in this case is that the American government will not sanction our formal union with the activity of the Slovak Action Committee. The Three 'Isms "Against the trio of the present three 'isms: nazism, fascism, and communism, the Slovak League has gone on record long ago. The first two are vanquished. We, too, helped to crush them. But our stand against the third one, namely, communism, has not changed. We will not stop fighting until this one, too, is completely destroyed. "American public opinion is subject to various changes but we remain unchanged and unmoved in our position to communism. It is necessary to do everything possible in opposition to it because the sooner we get rid of this 'ism the sooner will Slovakia be liberated and the less will America suffer from its intrigues, plots and machinations. "Communism today has a death-grip on Slovakia, and the Slovaks are helpless. If it were not for this alien power, the Slovak nation would easily dispose of Benes, the Czechoslovaks and the Czech imperialists. And communist bayonets which escorted Benes to power in Praha keep the Slovaks imprisoned in their own country while they SLOVAKIA 103 keep Benes in his position as head of the post-war Czechoslovak satellite of the Soviet Union. "As loyal Americans, as true Slovaks, and as Christians, too, it is our sacred duty to fight communism no matter where it appears, except perhaps in Moscow, if they want it there let them keep it there." When at one of its very first sessions, Vice-President Pavol Jamriska, presiding chairman, gave a brief review of the above declaration and the position taken by the Slovak League of America, there was a spontaneous outburst of applause The vote was unanimously in approval and all the subsequent sessions were conducted in this spirit. Everyone present sensed the importance of this momentous decision and when Dr . Peter P. Hletko finished reading the detailed program of the Slovak League the approval was unanimous. The Canadian Slovak League, which was holding its convention simultaneously, adopted the American Slovak League's resolution and proclamation. Embattled in their homeland, the Slovaks have found a true champion in the Slovak League of America which once again supports their noble cause of political liberty, cultural freedom, economic opportunity and, in our day, the added sacred cause of religious freedom. These foregoing facts are merely segments from many pages of the illustrious history of the Slovak League. Its history will undoubtedly some day be enshrined as a glorious chapter in the history of the Slovak nation. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia Description An account of the resource Mikuláš Šprinc Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 63-103 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Šprinc, Mikuláš, 1914-1986 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8255f67ae9326bbaccfa1149b4eb8341.pdf 5dd7297cebc2e0a57e099b2be6b7a886 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- �138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- �SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense �140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the �SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- �142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he �SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- �138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- �SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense �140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the �SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- �142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he �SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 137 PETER V. ROVNIANEK (1867-1967) He sat in his room at St. Mary's College in Cleveland, Ohio, and looked upon groups of seminarians who were out for a bit of relaxation. Spring quickened the air. It was the spring of 1889 and memories thronged upon him, and prospects and promise burned in his soul. But problems lay heavy upon his heart. It is likely that you have never heard of him although he had been a striking personality and a powerful leader of men in his day. He was Peter Victor Rovnianek. God blessed him with many gifts: a mind that was keener than average, a strong body and distinguished appearance, noble idealism and energetic force, unusual qualities for leadership and organization, and apparently a vocation to the priesthood. He was born in Dolny Hricov, Trencin County, Slovakia, on June 27, 1867 and had come to America on September 5, 1888, one of many hopeful immigrants brought tram the port of Bremen, Germany, on the ship Adler (Eagle). Here he hoped to find freedom to assert his Slovak nationalism, the opportunity to complete his priestly studies without oppression or political interference, and a pastorate among Slovak immigrants. All this he wished to do, vibrant with patriotism and fortified by the religious training of a good Catholic mother and father. He seemed to be filled with eagerness almost beyond control. "Studying your lecture notes?" It was his friend Vaclav Panuska who addressed him. "Don't need to," Peter answered. "I've studied most of this before I reached America, so it comes easily. Besides, I think I've completed the prescribed studies." He had been terribly lonely in this new country but he had gradually adjusted himself. "You're gifted anyway," commented Vaclav with admiration. He knew of Peter's brilliant achievements in Europe, of his prizes for scholarship and writing and pub- 138 SLOVAKIA lie speaking. "Then what do you do with all your spare time?" Vaclav asked. "O, I follow the schedule of prayers and meditations, and then the rest of the time is for something like this," answered Peter as he pointed to his much loved collection of Slovak books. "I read, I think, and I write." Vaclav Panuska noticed that among the Slovak books there were other volumes, works by Dostojevsky, Lermontov, Turgenev, and Tolstoj. He may have commented that French writers were missing on the shelves, for Peter observed that he had studied French literature but considered it frivolous. Neither did he care for German literary influence because he found it materialistic in comparison with Slav culture. The Slavs respect the soul. He had long cultivated a taste for foreign writers and he was fond of translating stories from his favorite works. Often he sent translations out for newspaper publication, using the pen name of Rovinov. In this capacity of free lance writer he gradually became associated with several Catholic newspapers as well as with the non-sectarian Ndrodne Noviny abroad. In America he had made close connections with Novd Vlast' of Streator, Illinois, and even closer bonds with the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny founded by Julius Wolf and Janko Slovensky in Pittsburgh. Just at this moment Wolf and Slovensky were pleading with him for the benefit of his talents. For a moment Peter's racing thoughts turned to the past and he recalled that in the course of time he had, as Rovinov, varied the tone of his writings. His first contributions had been entertaining stories. Later he wrote essays of various sorts, then instructive and religious articles. As time went on, however, he became more and more carried away by nationalism. The spirit of freedom that America offered to all comers inspired him to work with unbounded energies in behalf of his countrymen living here in a land of opportunity. Now he began to envision the founding of a National Slovak Society in America and he planned to urge vehe- SLOVAKIA 139 mently that all creeds and classes of Slovaks should belong to this organization. It seemed to be such a wonderful enterprise and so necessary. His pen and all his gifts he would dedicate to this cause. He had great dreams and great energies, and he was in a land where no laws hindered their fulfillment. In his homeland he had suffered severe penalties for his devotion to Slovak interests. In spite of all, however, he had refused to renounce his Slovak language or to deny his nationality. Magyar students had mocked him and his professors openly showed their disfavor of his Slovak loyalty though they had to credit his brilliance and his scholastic achievements. While he was a student at the theological seminary in Budapest all this ferment mounted to a climax. Now in Cleveland he remembered distinctly how he had learned about the active literary club which an earlier generation of Slovak students had cultivated at this same Budapest seminary. He recalled how he had discovered a locked room in the library. He knew that it was the room where the Slovak books of this society were stored because the Magyar authorities had suppressed the organization and had put its library under ban. He was determined to reach that forbidden collection and to feast his spirit upon it. It was still exciting for him to recall how he had ingratiated himself with the seminary librarian who was a Czech; how he had won his sympathies and confidence and finally held in his hand the coveted key to that book treasure. A trusted ally was with him-Andrew Bielek. Secretly they explored this proscribed territory; very cautiously they ventured there once, twice, oftener. The risk was great but they felt that the rewards were greater. Here they had access to a wonderland of unparalleled beauty expressed in Slovak prose and poetry. Gradually they grew bolder, bold enough to hide some of these books under their coats, to smuggle them out on loan to their own rooms and to revel in the reading there. With utmost care they would lock these books into their trunks after the reading because it was a serious offense 140 SLOVAKIA to read Slovak books or to have them in one's possession here. Over two hundred Slovak students had been expelled from Hungarian schools for this reason, and the Magyar government would not allow the Slovaks to have any schools of their own. It was a case of obey the law, renege your Slovak loyalties, or else. Of course, the inevitable happened to Rovnianek and his colleagues. They were suspected; they were watched; they were reported. There followed an investigation of their rooms by the authorities and when the locks were wrenched off their trunks for an offcial searching, the contraband books were found and confiscated. Expulsion followed because this transgression was considered unpardonable . This was the sequence of events that had really made Rovnianek leave his homeland. He continued his studies in Austria where there was more freedom but finally the lure of America was irresistible and here he was. In this spring of 1889, Peter was about ready for ordination but his bishop felt that he was too young for the sacred oils and the aspiring seminarian himself realized that it was so. The impatience of youth, however, prompted him to wait no longer. He toyed with the idea that he would rather return to Europe than wait longer in an American seminary. Should he really do that? He sensed that the attraction for returning home grew upon him steadily. This was the problem with which he was troubled as he looked out upon the seminarians on the grounds of St. Mary's College as we opened our account. How did he decide? Did he leave or did he stay? No one interfered with his free choice. There was urgent need for priests among the Slovak people of America but no one would induce Peter to stay against his own will. He battled in spirit. All his life of twenty-two years he had been looking forward to the priesthood and preparing for it. By his own free choice he did not become a priest. Nor did he return to Europe as he had planned. On June 28, 1889, he left Cleveland and his life's dreams to follow the call of ambition through a journalistic career. He had the SLOVAKIA 141 capacities for leadership and he had a gifted and prolific pen. He easily set himself to become the teacher of thousands. He had many inborn virtues and ideal home training yet he did not attain the renown or the nobility for which he seemed to have been destined. He worked tirelesly and persistently but perhaps he was under some undesirable influence or in unwholesome surroundings which warped his natural goodness or stilled the workings of God's grace within him. It is pathetic to read in his memoirs that when he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, after twenty-three years of uninterrupted labors in behalf of nationalism, he was not only far poorer in material goods than he had been when he first entered that Pittsburgh newspaper office but he was also woefully impoverished in spiritual assets. We are not to conclude, however, that his whole life and efforts were just wasted. He did attain some of his goals. In the first place, he raised the tone, the literary standards, and the circulation of the Amerikansko-Slovenske Noviny, and in 1889 he launched the organization of the N<irodny Slovensky Spolok v Amerike. This was just three months before the Reverend Stephen Furdek founded the Katolicka Slovensk<i Jednota. Peter Rovnianek's ambition was to organize all the Slovaks in America, regardless of creed, for beneficial and national purposes whereas Father Furdek aimed to create a purely Catholic fraternal organization which would in the first place preserve moral and religious ideals and secondarily safeguard Slovak national culture and help Slovak immigrants living in America. Rovnianek did all in his power to gain Father Furdek's support in organizing the N<irodny Spolok, urging that one strongly organized body was the prime necessity but Father Furdek refused to be attracted by gilded values and by proffered honors, and he consistently declined association with Rovnianek's group . Father Furdek's priestly zeal made it a vital duty for him to shepherd the soul of his good people and he was convinced that once their spiritual interests were secure, it would naturally follow that the Slovak spirit in America would be preserved together with Slovakia's heritage, the Catholic faith . Father Furdek gener- 142 SLOVAKIA ously gave Rovnianek credit for his upright aims but he insisted that the things of God must come first. It was Rovnianek's tragic mistake to compromise and to capitalize on the interest of this world even at the cost of spiritual values. Consequently, the Slovak element in America seemed to be drawn into two great camps: Rovnianek's under the national emblem alone and Father Furdek's bearing the cause of nationalism under the symbol of the cross. Many Slovaks were members of both societies but the years eventually bred more or less rivalry between them. Both survived, however, and today Rovnianek's Ndrodny Spolok in America numbers over 30,000 members, Furdek's Katolicka Jednota has a membership of 105,000. Its counterpart for the ladies, the Katolicka zenskd Jednota numbers 103,000 members. Rovnianek at this time became an outstanding Slovak leader in America. He was noticed and honored in political circles. He was also very successful in the business of publication, was much in demand as a lecturer, and he was a capable editor. By 1901 his weekly Gazette had 30,000 subscribers and his Daily had 8,000. He began a literary magazine called Majak (Beacon) which showed great promise but survived only eighteen months. His humorous Rardsek (Puck) fared better. It continued to appear for eighteen years. Success smiled on Rovnianek and he enjoyed prosperity. People had very great confidence in him and entrusted their savings to him. He became a promising banker. If Rovnianek had died with these accomplishments in fraternalism and journalism and business to his credit, we might still look to him with a measure of undisguised admiration. Unfortunately he became involved in major business reverses and financial troubles which took on tragic proportions and affected hundreds of poor and middle class Slovak people. In 1902 he had reached the peak of his fame and he gloried in the fact that he had effected the cooperation of Catholics and atheists and mixed creeds in behalf of a national cause. But he did not reap joy in his accomplishment. Did his ambition reach too far? Did he SLOVAKIA 143 build on an unworthy foundation? Did he allow his own plans to become perverted? Or was he just victimized? We cannot judge. One after another his banking and business enterprises failed in the hard years around 1908. Then the fickle voices of acclaim that had once hailed him began to shout loud reproach and even hate. Rovnianek tasted of both the ambrosia of glory and the ashes of humiliation. He knew blackmail and fraud, lawsuits and scheming, and in the bitterness of his disillusion and frustration he walked the brink of near-despair as he left Pittsburgh on July 26, 1911, beggared both materially and spiritually. He set out for a secluded place in the open spaces of the West and tried to numb painful memories with hard work in Nevada and in California. From 1911 on, he lived in virtual exile and in 1916 he was even divested of membership of the N <irodny Spolok, the very organization he had founded. He did not regain recognition in his lifetime. He died on November 16, 1933, at Hornitos in California. He is buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago. Sister M. Martina, SS.CM. SOURCES: Peter V. Rovnianek, Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho . Kon~tantin Culen, Slovaci v Amerike. Narodny Kalendar, 1935. Dr. Jozef Pauco, 75 rokoi, Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Vincent Bolecek, Peter V . Rovnianek. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Peter V. Rovnianek (1867-1967) Description An account of the resource Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 137-143 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/fdb93e6ed9406306d8954d1dc629e5c0.pdf 24d8a956f6cc031275dec34b129b38c8 PDF Text Text 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical �SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village �146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical �SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: �148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- �SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak �150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this �SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) �152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. � 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical �SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village �146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical �SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: �148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- �SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak �150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this �SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) �152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 144 SLOVAKIA A POET IN EXILE ( Msgr. M . K. Mlynarovic celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967) Milos Klement Mlyna.rovic is a unique phenomenon of Slovak literature 1 in more than one respect. First of all, he is the oldest living Slovak poet. His literary contemporaries ( I. Grebac-Orlov, M. Razus, V. Roy, P. Kompis, K. F. Urbanovic ) have now all died and their work has been a closed chapter for the last two or three decades. Mlynarovic, on the other hand, has established himself as a mature and productive writer mainly in the last two decades. Secondly, all his literary output (amounting to 15 books of poetry, novels and religious writing) has been produced in exile, away from his native land. In spite of this physical and geographical separation Mlynarovic has maintained close and unbroken ties with the country of his birth. And finally, his poetry, as if untouched by the fashions and vicissitudes of the day, remains faithful to his three-pronged love: God, Church and nation. In this sense Mlynarovic is a traditional poet and a true son of his nation. These three themes (God, Church and nation) have dominated Slovak poetry since the time of the National Awakening (end of the 18th century) but never more intensely than in the time of national oppression which befell the Slovak nation after the Austro-Hungarian 'Ausgleich' (1867 ) and did not cease until 1918. For the generations of Slovak writers and poets living on hope and trusting in God's justice these three themes comprised a programme to which they faithfully adhered. Thus Andrej Truchly-Sytniansky proclaimed in the poem, "Kto som?": P<in Bah, cirkev, rod slovensky; srdca m6jho vz<icny predmet. Tymto tram ze vzdycky zijem, nedal by ch sa za eel'!} svet. 2 (God, Church and Slovak nation/ are precious themes of my heart./ I always live for these three/ and would not give them up for the whole world.) These three themes were passed on as a historical SLOVAKIA 145 message from fathers to sons. The form may have changed, but the content did not. Kraska, Roy, Razus - the pioneer of modern Slovak poetry - were echoing them in their verses on the eve of the First World War, 3 when the young Franciscan priest, Father Benedict Mlynarovic, OFM, left Slovakia for the U.S.A. In the strange new world, among a sizable Slovak emigration which he came to serve, these three themes acquired a new meaning and became the cornerstone of his pastoral, fraternalistic and literary activities. The new environment in which the young priest-poet found himself in the U.S .A. differed drastically from that which he had left behind. Back in old Hungary ( of which Slovakia was then a part) the aspiring poet and young priest-lecturer had moved in the intellectual milieu of Magyar culture. Towards the end of the 19th century Magyar culture and literature caught up with the West, while the oppressed and struggling Slovak literature was still lagging behind. For young ambitious intellectuals the adoption of the culture of the dominating Magyar nation had much more to offer not only intellectually but also materially. It required a strong conviction and even stronger devotion to one's own nation to resist Magyar lures, enticements and ever-mounting pressure. Many Slovak intellectuals were thus lost to their own nation. It was a doubly tragic loss since it strengthened and enriched the ranks of the oppressors of the Slovak nation. Even the greatest Slovak poet, Hviezdoslav, succumbed initially to these temptations and began to write his verses in Magyar. 4 In a similar way we find the first literary contributions of M. K. Mlynarovic in Magyar language periodicals ( Religio, Alkotmdny, etc.) . The poet has left us an autobiographic record of his struggle and victory. 5 A tempting voice called him : Pis bdsne mad'arsky a nie viac zobrdcky! (Write Magyar poems/ and nothing more of this beggar's language!) . But he overcame the temptation. He realized his indebtedness to his family, to his native village 146 SLOVAKIA and to his nation suffering under the lashes of the tyrant's whip. No, he would not "kiss the whip": Oprety o stip bulvdra hl'add si chlapec cestu spat a slzou si ju otvdra. (Leaning against the column of Budapest's boulevard/ the young lad looks for a road which will take him back/ and unlocks it with a tear.) At an important cross-road of his life the poet listened to the voice of his heart and made his irrevocable choice which was soon to bear precious fruit. During the war-years 1914-1918 the Slovaks in America were the most active section of the Slovak national community and it was largely through their efforts that in the postwar rearrangement of Central Europe Slovaks opted for a common state with the Czechs. The striving, sacrifices and other heroic deeds and splendid achievements of Slovak people in a free - though foreign - country were an eloquent testimony of the capabilities inherent in the Slovak nation. Through their accomplishments and experiences in the U.S.A. Slovaks were shedding their national inferiority complex and becoming confident and conscious citizens. And here among them the patriotism of a young priest-poet acquired a new dimension. His devotion to the Slovak national heritage deepened. Deprived of opportunities to study his native language and culture at home (where during his school-years the education was offered only in the Magyar language and spirit), he made up for it in America. Painstakingly and steadfastly he studied Slovak grammar, Slovak history and Slovak literature. From among the Slovak poets he developed a special affection for Hviezdoslav and Krasko, two of the brightest stars in the Slovak literary firmament. In 1919 he published his first book of verse, Sldvia. It was a small volume of warm patriotic poetry, expressing joy over the liberation of Slovakia, welcoming the new dawn of the freed nation and thanking God for the favours in which the dreams of generations had materialized. By its content the book fitted into the pattern of the poetical SLOVAKIA 147 production appearing in those days in Slovakia,6 but artistically the verse still lacked the force and refinement appropriate to the festive and hymnic message it tried to convey. In the following years Mlynarovic wrote several prose works and only occasionally published a poem here and there in Slovak journals and magazines. Then in 1934 there appeared his second book of poetry, Veliky Boh malych. (Great God of the little ones) It contained mainly meditative and religious poems of intense sincerity and Franciscan humility. In the lines one could detect the strong influence of Krasko, 7 but the poems bore the unmistakable imprint of Mlynarovic's individuality. Spiritual depth and heartfelt intimacy rank these poems with the best religious poetry written in the Slovak language. Especially moving is the poem, Vel' ky piatok, (Good Friday) the opening verses of which run: Beyond the stars now He doth dwell And I below, a shattered bell, Unworthy to ring out His name. Age-old, my heart cried out in pain, When my tongue moved, but all in vain To turn the evil when He came. Good Friday once again is here. The cross looks down from everywhere As Son unto His Father dies .. .8 The next volume of Mlynarovic's poetry, Boha hl'addm,9 was published in Slovakia shortly after the Second World War (1948). In a way it was a revelation: it was not only a voice from the other side of the Ocean but also from another era. In the immediate post-war years mankind was taking account of its misery and self-inflicted suffering. The Slovak poetry of the day was full of sadness, nostalgia, remorse and dissonant voices. Then in its unobtrusive whisper entered Mlynarovic's poetry to remind one of the overlooked honesty in human action, of the purposefulness of human life, and of the human heart's everlasting search for God: 148 SLOVAKIA Tisic rdz nasiel som 1'a, tisic rdz stratil, Veen'!}, bludickou budem v priestore kruzit' tulavym behom vzd'alovat' sa, blizit', a vzdy 1'a ndjdem, jak vtdk svoje hniezdo, ja maly prach Tvoj, satelit. 10 A thousand times I have found You, A thousand times I have lost You again, Everlasting One! As an errant star I will soar through the space, In roving course I get further, closer, But always I find You As a bird finds its nest, I, Your little speck of dust, Your satellite. It was indeed a tender, deeply human and humanistic kind of poetry. In delicate verses the poet records the reminiscences of his youth, identifies himself with the humble, suffering and downtrodden, pays homage to the memory of Father Damien de Veuster ( the missionary of the lepers' colony at Molokai) and meditates upon God's goodness and eternity: Chcem den. co neznd rdna, vecera nie, Zen poludnie; chcem vecne slnka Pdna, ziariace do mna, do studne. 11 I wish for a day which has no sunrise and no sunset, only a lasting noon; I crave for the Lord's sun which never sets but radiates into me as into a well. Prayer clothed in poetry was the central theme of Mlynarovic's book of poems, Testament krdl'a sfdc. 12 In meditative lyrical poetry the author "looks into secrets, investigates the world behind the veil, searches into mysteries of human existence." 13 It is, in a way, a continuation of the search for God undertaken in an earlier book, but this time the intensity of the spiritual quest is even more emphasized in reflective monologues of prayer-like sin- SLOVAKIA 149 cerity. The poems are grouped into five cycles: Broken Rhythm, Meditations at Holy Mass, Sayings of the Word Made Flesh, Seven Words and At the Sepulchre. Many poems are introduced with appropriate quotations taken from the Scriptures - not unlike antiphons preceding psalms in the Divine Office. The value of this poetry of pure spirituality is even more enhanced when one places it alongside the versifications produced at the same time in the poet's native count ry. There, under the compulsive guidance of the Communist Party, poetry and all arts were harnessed into the service of "the cause of Socialism." Only a "functional" poetry, that is a poetry helping the masses to build up Communism, was permitted; and what was not explicitly permitted was virtually outlawed. In those lean years of Slovak literature the good name and the artistic honour of Slovak poetry were saved by the writings of the emigre poets, Milos K. Mlynarovic being foremost among them. While in the previous books of verse Mlynarovic had repeatedly proclaimed his soaring devotion to God, in the book, z l'udu - za l'ud,14 he comes down to earth and the object of his inspiration is man. His warm sympathy extends to all people everywhere, but in particular two sections of mankind lie deep in his heart: the hard-pressed Slovak nation in Communist captivity and the struggling negro race both in Africa and the U.S.A. Eud a ja . . . zijem si s nim vzdy povedomy ja, diet'a domca, svatych prdv a borieb a dnes sa zakolisat', Boze m6j, nedaj mi! 15 My people and I . . . As a child of humble abode I live with them, constantly aware of their sacred rights and struggles; Do not ever let me, o my God, waver in this conviction. Here again - even more frequently than in the previous book - each poem is prefaced by one or more quotations. A brief glance at these quotations is a convenient key to the inspirational sources of Mlynarovic's poetry. They range from the Bible, classical authors and Slovak 150 SLOVAKIA poets to Shakespeare, Petofi, Mada.ch, Keats, Masefield, etc. The last poetical work of M. K. Mlynarovic is a slim volume of verse, entitled Dejiny srdca. 16 Some of the poems in this collection had been published earlier and here they reappear in a somewhat modified form. Some poems were written as early as 1911, others in the autum of the poet's fruitful life. Arranged in chronological order they represent a concise cross-section of Mlynarovic's creative activity and the poetical manifesto of a writer in exile. The poet equates himself to a tree transplanted to new ground, but the soil of the new environment failed "to change the tune of his heart" .17 In the last poem of the collection, Vlak (the Train), the poet with calm and resignation writes the last chapter of the history of his heart. The train of his life is approaching its terminus and he is preparing to alight. He sings in a melancholy strain: Pride tci stanica a vlak m6j pozastane; padne mi pero, stichne hlas a svetlo dohori. Vtedy mi bratia-sestry, zrobte po v6li : na mna si spomente, jak ja na vcis spominam/ 18 The station where my train will stop is already in sight; then the pen will fall from my fingers, my voice will be silenced, my light will go out. At that time, my brothers and sisters, grant me this wish: Remember me, as I am now remembering you! Difficult is the life of a poet in exile. The separation from his native soil - and especially when he is separated by an Iron Curtain - may be a source of nostalgic inspiration but then it denies the poet everything else: favourable working conditions, publishing opportunities, and above all - a sizable and appreciative audience. In spite of these difficulties the creative spark in the poet's bosom makes it "impossible not to write". And thanks to this compelling and driving force Slovak literature has been enriched by verses of lasting beauty. The creator of this SLOVAKIA 151 poetry never intended to be modern or fashionable yet he succeeded in making his presence in the Slovak literary field vividly felt and wrote his name across the pages of the histories of Slovak literature. F. Vnuk, Australia FOOTNOTES 1. Milos K. Mlynarovic was born on October 11, 1887 at Hasprunka (now called Studienka), near Malacky in West Slovakia. He attended High School at Trnava. Later he entered the Franciscan order and accepted the name Benedict. His theological studies were completed at Bratislava and in 1910 he was ordained. Shortly after his ordination he was appointed to lecture in Rhetoric and Biblical studies at a Franciscan seminary. In 1914 he left his native country and emigrated to the U.S.A. hoping to join the Slovak Franciscan Commissariate and to work among the Slovak settlers in the U.S.A. But owing <to the political pressure exercised by the anti-Slovak Magyars even within the monastic orders, he was prevented from realizing his youthful dreams. In order to stay in the U.S.A. and to work among the Slovak emigrants he had to become a secular priest. As an administrator of the Slovak Catholic parish of the Assumption of Our Lady at Indiana Harbor (now East Chicago), Ind., he spent 35 years in active pastoral service. He built a beautiful church, presbytery, school and convent. In addition to his parochial duties he took an active part in numerous Slovak fraternalistic associations. In 1950 he retired and since then he has lived with the Slovak Franciscan community (Seven Dolors Shrine) at Valparaiso, Indiana. This essay attempts to give a brief outline of his poetical work, leaving aside his prose writing, religious books and occasional journalistic activity. For a more comprehensive treatment of Mlynarovic's life and literary work the reader is advised <to consult J. E. Bor: Msgr. Milos K. Mlynarovic; osobnost', dielo a posolstvo (Whiting, Ind., 1957). 2. Sokol (literary monthly) , No. 7, 1869. 3. Of these only Kraska published his poems in two slim volumes of verse. The others contributed to various Slovak journals and periodicals such as Prudy (Roy, Razus) , Narodne noviny (Razus, GrebacOrlov), 13udove noviny ( Grebac-Orlov). 4. This lapse later led Hviezdoslav to a rhapsodic ode on the Slovak language: Mn.a kedys' zvadzal svet, mi hovoriac: Rec, ktoru z domu vies, o, jak je licha . .. 0, mojej matky rec je krasota, je milota, je rozko~, laska svata .. . (The world once tried to seduce me, saying: The language you learned at home, oh, how base it is .. ./ To which the poet makes this noble reply: / Oh, the language taught by my mother is loveliness, is tenderness, is delight and holy love ... ) 152 SLOVAKIA 5. See his poem Budapest', jun 1914 in Dejiny srdca (Story of a heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964, pp. 5-6) from which account of the poet's decision is reconstructed. 6. e.g. Martin Razus : Hoj, zem dralui (1919), Vladimir Roy: Ked' miznu hmly (1920), Stefan Krcmery: Ked' sa sloboda rodila (1920), Ignac Grebac-Orlov: V povichrici (1922), etc. 7. Even the title of Mlynarovic's book of verse, Vel'kiJ Boh malych, reminds one of the famous verses of I. Krasko: 0, Boze ubohych a ponizenych, modlitbu moju milosrdne prijmi! Ty vel'kiJ, pretoze Si Bohom malych ... (Oh God of poor and humble ones,/ graciously accept my prayer./ You the great One, because You deign to be the God of little ones .. . ) 8. Translation by Ivan J . Kramoris, published in his "Anthology of Slovak Poetry" (Scranton, Pa., 1947), p. 131. 9. Boha hl'adam (In search of God, Trnava 1948), 62 pages. 10. Boha hl'adam, p. 35. 11. Boha hl'adam, p . 50. 12. Testament kral'a sfdc (Testament of the King of Human Hearts, Buenos Aires, n.d.), 78 pages. 13. T estament kral'a sfdc, p. 9. 14. Z l'udu - za l'ud (From the People ,vhiting, Ind., 1956) , 67 pages. 15. Z l'udu - For the People, za l'ud, p. 12. 16. Dejiny srdca (Story of a Heart, Middletown, Pa., 1964), 39 pages. 17. Dejiny srdca, p. 11. 18. Dejiny srdca, p . 39. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA as a Christian and democratic organization, is resolutely against the domination and exploitation of the Slovak nation by any other nation or political state; the Slovaks did not want to be ruled over by the Magyars and, today, do not want to be subservient to the Czech nation.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Poet in Exile Description An account of the resource Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovič celebrates his 80th birthday on October 11, 1967 F. Vnuk Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 144-152 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vnuk, František, 1926- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/dd0f7cadc26f8f926b7874ebae07a808.pdf b26c6539621de46f28dc10f06ce5d47e PDF Text Text 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious �SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware �180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had �SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak �182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in �SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the �184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic �SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. �186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. �SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. �SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. �SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. �190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, �SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who �192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, �SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the �194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel �SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak �196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. �SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . �SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, �SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been �200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious �SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware �180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had �SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak �182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in �SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the �184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic �SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. �186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. �SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. �SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. �SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. �190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, �SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who �192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, �SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the �194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel �SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak �196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. �SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . �SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, �SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been �200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 �PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 178 SLOVAKIA CURRENT ISSUES PRESIDENT DR. JOSEPH TISO They died because they dared, and their daring was in behalf of the Slovak nation in whose behalf they dedicated their lives and fortunes. Slova1k leaders dared to proclaim Sloviak independence in the early spring of 1939 and they succeeded in establishing the Slov,a k Republic, which soon received official diiplomatic recognition by the countries of Europe--induding Germany, Russia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Italy. Founded in the days of peace-six months before the outbreak of World War II-the Slovak State was destined to flounder in the days of peace after the war in the summer of 1945. Thus, through no fault of its own, the Slovak Republic vanished because of the dictates of those who came disguised as liberators. Its destruction was actually, therefore, the end result of postwar dictatorship. Prime victims of postwar revenge at the hands of the commlllllist coalition in Moscow, Prague and Bratislava were President Tiso and his government officials who had guided the Slovak Republic safely through the storms of World War II, only to have the Slovak Ship of State torpedoed treacherously and dishonorably by the 'liberators'. The Captain went down heroically with his Ship, as did many of his loyal colleagues. Their names are indelibly emblazoned on the glorious pages of Slovak history. Nothing can erase their golden memories from the minds and hearts of their countrymen. Slovak exiles scattered throughout the free world willingly bear witness in behalf of the Slovak Republic. Their testimony shows how grave a:nd injustice was inflicted upon the Slovak people and its government by the so-called liberators of World War II. The only way to correct this act of gross injustice to a freedom-loving people. the Slovaks,. is the restoration of their own independent self-governing state. No one can denv the ever-present reality of religious SLOVAKIA 179 and political suppression of the Sloviaiks. How long a free world -can tolerate this situation is beyond comprehension, but it somehow indicates the moral bankruptcy of our age when so much injustice, oppression and persecution against so many goes on unchallenged in our times. Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. CLERGY WITH MORAL BLEMISH USED AS COMMUNIST TOOL The conclave of the"peace priests" in Prague has ended. Two active government ministers made very clear the desire of the Communist regime to open negotiations with the Vatican on a modus vivendi between church and state. Although contacts were made with Rome as far back as the last phase of Vatican II, they ran aground due to the failure to reach agreement on several questions. The final note of discord was the appearance of two Slovak bishops-in-exile, Hnilica and Rusnak, which caused keen resentment in Prague, since the two dignitaries openly demanded that the Council plenum brand Communism as the " scourge of the 20th century". Moreover, the three Council fathers from the cSSR did not contradict them. The agreement which the Vatican has meantime con- eluded with Hungary and Yugoslavia, and the relaxation perceptible in its relationship to R um an i a, is causing Prague to fear that Czecho-Slovakia could some day become the victim of isolation. That fear prompted Minister of Education, Hajek to use the forum of the "peace priests" conference to make an offer of reconciliation to the Vatican, in which he appealed to the Pope for "realism". What is probably meant, is that Rome should reward with the title of bishop, those persons who, in the fifties, were installed in office by the Communists as general vicars, although most of them were Communist underlings, not daring to protest again the anti-church discrimination or the imprisonment of their own bishops who were incarcerated without benefit of fair trial. The Holy See, well aware 180 SLOVAKIA of the precarious position of the Prague government, is in no hurry to take Prague up on its offer, especially as the agreement between Hungary and the C h u r c h has not brought the desired results. The bishops installed there proved too ineffective, and consequently were unable to broaden the Church's sphere of operation. Hence the Vatican has chosen to wait and see how the agreement with Yugoslavia - made against the wishes of the bishops there - turns out, before it takes on a new risk with Prague. Informed circles know that one of the conditions for negotiations with the Czech government would be the removal of the governmentempowered persons in all dioceses who, as laymen, are in possession of the episcopal seal, while the vicars, inst a 11 e d simultaneous ly, ( drawn from the ranks of the "peace priests") would have to restrict themselves to a figure-head function in the various parishes. Prague would be willing, if these "peace priests" were to be given official status as bishops, thereby assuring a further Communist hold on the Church. The top echelon "peace priests", it should be noted, have "moral shortcomings", such as having broken their vow of celibacy and caused scandal among their congregations . Priests of this kind are always open to blackmail by the Communist Party, hoping as it does that eventual Vatican approval of such "poor specimens" may lead many of the religious-min ded to desert the church. Heading the "peace priests" is Minister of Health Plojhar, who was excommunica ted some years ago and is hated not only by his co-religionists but even by the Communist Party. An example of this dislike for Plojhar is seen in a resolution drawn up last spring in Olomouc by that city's school of medicine, appealing to Prague's Central Committee to remove Plojhar from his ministerial post on the grounds of being "not qualified" and having recourse to "Stalinist methods of operations". The attempt was, of course, unsuccessful, since President Novotny still needs his faithful henchman to keep the clergy "under control". Plojhar's power has only come to light in the past weeks, with the return of the two "neutral" Slovak bishops, Lazik and Necsey, who had SLOVAKIA been in Rome for a long papal audience and were forced immediately upon their arrival at the Prague airport, to report to the general secretary of the "peace priests",one Mr. Benes. Prior to that, C a r d i n a 1 Konig, of Vienna, also had an audience with the Pope and reported to him on his impressions gained during a visit to Slovakia in September. According to his story, the bishops there are still under heavy emotional pressure, and after Konig's return to Austria they were immediately put through a thorough-going cross-examination by the secret police as to their conversations with the Viennese cardinal. It is also common knowledge that 181 the Prague "Ecclesiastical Office" forbade the reading of a pastoral letter at the beginning of the school year because it drew the attention of the faithful to the opportunity, under the constitution, for their children to get religious instruction. Should further proof of the Communist regime's hostility toward the church be desired, it can be seen in the fact that in the CSSR Gnly 35 new priests are ordained annually, compared with 300 before the war. The difficulties placed in the path of young people desiring to study theology today show more clearly than anything else that state-church coexistence is still a long way off. w.o. AS OTHERS SEE IT "Slovakia has always been a land of plenty, but never a land of long peace. Its people have been attacked from all sides. They have known the dread of encirclement and destruction by enemies who have looked with covetous eyes upon the Slovak rich land of the Danube Valley. "For more than 1,000 years, since the time St. Cyril and Methodius brought Christianity to the land of the Slovaks, it has been looked on as the birthplace of Christianity in Eastern Europe. In 830 the first Christian church was erected, in Nitra. It still stands today in Slo- vakia, if the Communists have not destroyed it. It is thus understandable that the Christian world witnesses the plight of the Slovak people today with deep concern. We pray that the Slovak people will soon attain their freedom from Soviet totalitarianism. "Nothing can be more harrowing to American citizens of Slovak birth, whose relatives still live in Slovakia, than the knowledge that their original homeland remains enslaved. Their heartstrings long to see them free. "Yet, beneath the iron rule of Slovakia's enslavement, the Slovak 182 SLOVAKIA spirit of independence still struggles against oppression. Under the very eyes of the Kremlin's agents, insurgents spread through the countryside ... "We who enjoy the freedom of the West have a sober lesson to learn from the unfortunate peoples of Slovakia who live under the Communist reign of terror. They have shown us that even in the darkest hours, the love of liberty need not die. Let us hope that the Slovaks are not resisting in vain, that with our help they shall one day be able to live in the atmosphere of freedom and dignity which is the right of all human beings . .. "American citizens of S 1 ova k descent and backround who are carrying on this vigorous battle against communism deserve the plaudits and continued support of all who believe in democracy." Extension of remarks of Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota in the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, April 1, 1953. "Hebrew, Latin, and Greek were the only languages approved for use in the liturgical services of the 9th century. SS. Cyril and Methodius authored and popularized a translation in the Slavonic language, at that time the vernacula r of the Slovaks, Croats, Bulgarians, Moravians, Serbians and Bohemians which is still in use today. They were pioneers centuries before Vatican II authorized the vernacular for all nations." - Rev. Paschal Boland, O.S.B. , S.T.D. "The great Christian historical background of the Slovak nation fitted well in this new country of ours. You may at times have found the task arduous but you can always tell you are on the rigth road if it is upgrade. " It is evident that the seed of Christianity planted in Slovakia more then a thousand years ago had a great influence on all citizens of central and eastern Europe radiating from what was then Great Moravia. It is a great credit to your nation that you have not only maintained the advantages derived from the teachings of the two great saints who evangelized your country but you have enriched a great many by furthering the cause of Christianity in a manner contagious to all other nations surrounding yours. " - Paul Tardif, M .P., Ottawa, Canada "So nationalistic are the Slovaks that they resent and deplore the official spelling of the name of that country. They would have it hyphenated - Czecho-Slovakia - to earn both separation and capitalization. Though they are blood relatives of the Czechs and speak a related language, they are militantly protective of their individuality and nationalism ... "Freedom loving peoples can admire the tenacity of the Slovaks. Slovakia, settled by the Slovaks _in the early middle ages, was dommated by invading Magyars for almost a thousand years. The Magyars who invaded that country in the year 906 forced the Slovaks to submit to cultural and political dominance. "But the Slovaks clung tenaciously and with bravery to their own ways, their own cultures and their own language and preserved them during a very long period when a lesser people would have been assimilated or destroyed as an entity. Pe ace loving, they have been exposed through all of history to wars, revolutions, and dissentions. It is little wonder that they fled their conquered land, where Slovakia was part of Hungary until 1918 ... "One does not willingly mistake a Czech for a Slovak nor a Slovak for a Czech because, despite kinship, both peoples have great pride in SLOVAKIA their own. The political marriage of the Czechs with the Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia is not a truly happy one. A militant Slovak once said, 'The Slovaks are neither Czechs nor Czechoslovakians, but Slovaks who intend to r e m a i n Slovaks' . . . the Slovaks have no real voice in the (Prague) government ... " - Charlie House, The Milwaukee Journal, December 11, 1966. "Despite their domination by the Soviets and their inferior relationship to their Czech neighbors, the Slovaks are a fiercely nationalistic people who make the most of their own language in their little corner of the Tatra mountains, having had to connive and struggle and die in order to keep their national identity alive. The Devin Fortress, west of the city, rising hundreds of feet above the Danube, is today a center of formal and informal activity as well as a tourist attraction. An amphitheater has been cut out of the slope of the hill running down to a stage platform on the shore of the Danube. In the ruins of this fortress, which N a p o l e o n had blown up in a moment of pique, the Slovak revolutionaries of the middle 1800s, led by I.:udovit Stur, used to gather in secret to sing national songs, to inflame each other to national consciousness, and adopted poetical Slovak names to knit them to their ideal of a free land of their own. Leaving the historic fort so closely identified with the freedom movement of the 19th century, we drove along a double barbed-wire fence separated by a raked 20-foot noman's-land, the 'Iron Cuvtain' dividing the unfree from the free world. "Today one could sense beneath the surface tension of life in a regulated society the sturdy stuborness of previous generations in a similar societal prison. The Czechs continue to distrust the Slovaks, even in the government and enforcement 183 of the Socialist regime. Though the Slovak youth serve in the army in numbers disproportionate to their population (Slovaks number about 25 percent), fewer than 1 percent of their number are officers. Though Socialist slogans adorn every square, red stars top factories and schools, and pictures of Communist le a d er s occupy the walls of public offices. I heard only one woman use the term 'Comrade,' and she was a petty government worker whose job no doubt depended on the use of the right terms. "As unyielding as their national consciousness is the Christian composition of Slovakia. The country is about 80 percent Roman Catholic and about 10 percent Lutheran. (Prior to the Counter-Reformation in the 17th century the ratio was reversed.) This historic division has not been healed completely in the past three centuries ... "And yet the almost total Christian composition of Slovakia has left its mark on the people in various ways. M o r a I i t y is on a higher level, the crime rate is lower, the home more respected than in some of the neighboring countries . . . "I sensed a feeling of resignation on the part of older people. They seemed to have lost trust in any power outside their own, with perhaps the exception of spiritual power. The United Nations is helpless to liberate them." - Rev. Jaroslav Vajda, Editor, This Day, St. Louis, Mo. "In Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary and every land under communist dictatorship re 1 i g ion is being put to death." - John Cardinal Heenan of Westminster. "Czecho-Slovakia's communist regime has refused to compromise on other points, especially those involving the 1949 law which restricts the Church. This law gives the government the right to judge the 184 SLOVAKIA qualifications of priests, to prevent a priest from performing his duties, to install pastors and chaplains, to check Church finances, and to hamper the activity of the Church in many other matters." - NCWC News Service, Washington, D.C. miration and respect for the fine inborn qualities of the Slovaks, especially their fighting spirit in defense of ideals and principles which are akin to those of our Confederation." - Paul M. Deac, Executive Vice President. "In this diocese 20 priests die each year; only two new ones have been ordained. Active parish priests average 66 years old. One can accurately judge exactly when there will be no priests here. This is why we constantly pray that God will give His Church liberty before we get too old. " - A priest-worker from Czecho-Slovakia, Petrusblatt, Berlin. "(But) the Czech's most important espionage work is done for the Russians. The Czechs usually surpass the Russians in the quality of 'semi-overt' agents such as accredited diplomats, trade representatives, and journalists, many of whom double as intelligence operatives ... "The Czechoslovak Intelligence Service's work on Cyprus is a good example of how the Czechs serve the Russians. Politics in Cyprus involves a melange of Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Communists, non-Communists, Greeks, and Turks. In this complex situation, the Russians must tread cautiously because there are so many toes that can easily be stepped on. In the summer of 1963, before the civil war broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the Czech embassy in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia was staffed by only three full-time career dtplomats. Today, 32 Czech foreign-service officers are attached to the embassy along with numerous trade representatives, journalists, airline officials, and undefined 'visitors'. This is true also at other Czech embassies in the Middle East." -Leo Heiman. The National Observer, March 13, 1967. " ... the Slovak government, under the reign of Msgr Tiso, did for the Jews what no other statesman dared to do in the Europe controlled by Hitler. During that time, no less than 85 % of Slovakia's Jews were saved from extermination." - J. T. Ryan, Jr., The Tablet, Brooklyn, N. Y. "Father Tiso, as he was best known to his countrymen, was hung for his failure to submit the Slovak nation to Communist ideology after that country had been taken over by the Soviets following World War II. Slovak Independence had been declared in March 1939 and Father Tiso was elected first president by an overwhelming majority in October of that year." - Webster (Mass.) Time, March 22, 1967. "When the American and English films are shown (in Slovakia), the hall is filled with people, mostly younger folks. But when the Russian or Czech films are shown, just a handful of people show up." (Gary, Indiana ) Post-Tribune. "Now you of the second, third, and fourth generations must keep up the faith , customs, and traditions of your forefathers here in this country and for the hope of your opressed people in Slovakia . . Don't abandon any of the past, rather draw on it to preserve the "National Confederation of Amer- treasures of your strong faith, your ican Ethnic Groups have a deep ad- culture, your language, and civic SLOVAKIA 185 pride handed down by your fore- ism and that complete freedom f at hers." - Most Rev. Joseph and liberty are not evident in their McShea, Bishop of Allentown. home 1 and. " - George Romney, Governor of the State of Michigan. "The Slovaks in America have Jong demonstrated their deep and "Memorandum adopted by the abiding loyalties toward this na- 40th Congress of the Slovak League tion's institutions and ideals. They of America is an absolutely splenhave f o s t e re d brotherhood and did statement of the right of selfshown strong moral conviction for determination pledged in the Atlanmany years in their adopted coun- tic Charter as it applies to the try. Captive Nation Slovakia_ It is also " It is sad to note that their be- a model statement for all the other loved native country is still shack- Captive Nations. " - Prof. A . J . led under the bonds of totalitarian- App, Ph.D ., LaSalle College. CONTRIBUTOR S DR. FRANCIS HRUSOVSKY (September 7, 1903 September 9, 1956) Slovakia's eminent historian who was the first to complete a history of the Slovak people and their historic homeland over a span of 15 centuries, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, was born in Dolne Lovcice, Trnava district, Slovakia. His historical studies took him to Cracow in Poland and Praha in Bohemia. Upon his return home he was named director of the famed KlMtor nad Znievom private school for young men on the junior college level. Here from 1931 to 1945 he established a nationwide reiputation of an excellent educator and administrator as the school prepared hundreds of young Slovaks for successful careers in life. His fame won for him a seat in the Slovak parliament and a professorship at the University of Bratislava_ He was also a member of the board of directors in the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Sv_ Martin. After World War II he spent two years in historical research in Rome before going to America. In exile because of the postwar communist regime in his native country, he became actively occupied in Slovak affairs designed primarily to keep the hope of liberation alive. Accordingly, he was elected president of the Slovak National Council Abroad upon the death of Karol Sidor in 1953. In Cleveland, Ohio, with Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. of St. Andrew's Abbey he established the Slovak Institute in 1952 and became its first director_ Moreover, he was a teacher of the Slovak language, literature and history at Benedictine High School from 1947 to 1956, editor of the Slovenske Noviny weekly from 1949 to 1952, a regular speaker on the Cleveland Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, and the recording secretary of the Slovak League of America. Shortly before his premature death at 53 he completed a history of the Slovak Religious Orders in America ( Slovenske re hole v Amerike). He was also the author of a number of other historical works and many articles for Slovak periodicals. Surviving is his widow, Mrs. Adele Hrusovsky. 186 SLOVAK.IA CONSTANTINE CULEN (February 26, 1904 April 7, 1964) Sixty years marked the span of life for the renowned Constantine Culen, Slovak journalist, publicist, author of 35 books and many political, historical and literary articles, and above all, one of Slovakia's leading patriots whose career in life was to serve his Slovak people with loyalty and devotion until his death. A native of Brodske in western Slovakia, Culen completed his education in Skalica. Then for a short while he was employed in the insurance business in Bratislava before receiving appointment to a position in the railways department. Soon, however, he plunged into the journalistic field in which he was destined to remain for the rest of his extremely active life. Acquaintance with the American Slovaks came firsthand when he came to the U.S. with the delegation of the Matica Slovenska in 1936. It was this visit that inspired him to write a history of the American Slovaks that won for him a national award in 1942. He was also made a Knight of the Order of Prince Pribina. Moreover, his popularity won for him election to the Slovak parliament in 1938. Culen's escape to freedom from his communist-ru led homeland af. ter World War II was followed by the editorship of the Kanadsky Slovak weekly from 1949 to 1956. As director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland he served for two years before going to New York City where he died after suffering from an ailment for several years. Surviving are his wife, daughter and grandchildre n. Praha but interrupted his studies for a doctorate because of the urgency of the times when the Slovaks needed a leader in their struggle for autonomy inside Czecho-Slovakia. As Hlinka's righthand man, Sidor's dynamic leadership inspired the Slovak nation to carry on its fight for self-government until victory in the fall of 1938. His fearless defense of the rights of the Slovak nation was especially effective in his role as editor of the popular siovak daily in Bratislava and as member of the parliament in Praha. Because of his uncompromis ing stand in behalf of the Slovak nation, he was imprisoned by the Czech centralist regime, which only increased his great popularity at home. When the Slovak Republic was established in the spring of 1939 Sidor was named Minister of Interior but was soon afterwards sent to the Vatican as the representative of the newly-establi shed Slovak state. Here he remained until the end of the war in 1945. His most notable work is recorded in Sidor's book, Sest' rokov pri Vatikane, but only his intimate friends discovered that he had spent himself and his personal fortune (modest by any standards) in taking care of thousands of refugees who came to him for help. In exile from his native homeland , Sidor, though broken in health, continued his activity in behalf of the liberation of his communist-ruled postwar Slovakia which was forced back into the Czecho-Slovak Republic after World War II. He remained president of the Slovak National Council Abroad until his premature death at 52 in KAROL SIDOR Montreal, Que., Canada. Surviving (July 16,1901 - October 20,1953) are his widow, Mrs. Angela Sidor, Karol Sidor, a native of Ruzom- 4 sons, 2 daughters and grandberok, Slovakia, studied law in children. SLOVAKIA NICHOLAS SPRINC (November 30, 1914 Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, a teacher of modern languages (French, Spanish) and Latin at Borromeo Seminary, Wickliffe, Ohio, finds time to edit the influential cultural S 1 o v a k quarterly, M O ST (Bridge). A priest, poet and patriot, Father Sprinc is known throughout the free world as a fearless defender of the Slovak nation's rights to freedom, self-government and statehood. A native of Krompachy, Spis district, Slovakia, Father Sprinc was a priest in the Spis diocese of the immortal Bishop Jan Vojtassak. His escape to freedom from his postwar communist-ruled S 1 o v a k i a brought him to America. After more than a decade as teacher of Latin, French and Spanish at Benedictine High School in Cleveland he was named to the faculty at Borromeo Seminary and College of the diocese. Father Sprinc received his master's degree in French literature from Western Reserve University. 187 FRANCIS VNUK (April 8, 1926 - ) A native son of Slovakia who was born in Veresvar (Cerveny Hradok, near Zlate Mor av c e), Francis Vnuk at 41 is perhaps the most promising versatile writer of the young generation of Slovaks. He interrupted his mining engineering studies in Ostrava to escape to freedom in 1949. The youthful Slovak emigrant spent two years in a foundry in Australia before enrolling at the Institute of Technology of South Australia. Upon completing his course in metallurgy he became a mernber of the faculty there and continued graduate studies in Physics and Mathematics. Then in his spare time he pursued special studies in political science and history at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1960. A decade ago Vnuk's name began appearing in the Jednota and Slovak v Amerike as the author of stimulating historical and literary reviews. Since then he has been the s o u r c e of a never-ending s tr ea m of informative, critical works. The torrent of an invigorating current of words has continued in three languages (Slovak, German and English). His views are based solidly, on facts, presenting them in a vigorous, sparing-no-punches style. His contributions have aroused great interest and merit serious analysis. Primarily a poet he has, nevertheless, written works in prose, notably, K slobodnym pobreziam (To the Shores of Freedom) and has edited several worth w hi 1 e publications, eg., Nadej vit'azna (Triumphant Hope), Sviity Andrej Svorad {a biography of St. Andrew Svorad), Slovenska Republika (Slovak Republic) and Slovenska Liga (1947). He is the author of several volumes of poems, among them His books: Neuveritel'ne sprisaTvarou proti slnku (Facing the hanie (Inc red i b 1 e Conspiracy) , Sun), Mladost' orla (The Youth of Middletown, Pa., 1964; Sedemnast' the Eagle), Oci moje putnice (The neurodnych r o k o v (Seventeen Eyes My Pilgrims) and others. He Barren Years), Middletown, Pa., is a chapter member of the Slovak I 1965, and Slovakia's Six Eventful Institute in Cleveland, Ohio. Months, Rome, 1964. SLOVAKIA 188 REV. ANDREW PfR, O.S.B. (December 26, 1909 - ) A native of Blandburg, Pennsylvania, he completed his elementary and high school education in the local public schols and enrolled at St. Procopius College, Lisle, Illinois, in the fall of 1926. He worked for two years for Harbison Walker Refractories Company (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pa.) in his home town before becoming a Benedictine monk in 1930. Since 1931, he has been a teacher of History, English, Slovak, Christian Instruction, Civics, Sociology and other courses at Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. He was ordained in 1937 and received a master's degree in history from Western Reserve University in 1943. radio talks on the Slovak radio program sponsored by the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club, he makes no secret of his pride of ancestry. He is an American Slovak whose love of our common sacred heritage of faith and freedom is in the proper perspective. MARYAGNES KRAJSA At the age of 17, this young student at St. Cyril's Academy, Danville, Pa., has shown an interest in writing about the history, culture and personalities of Slovaks. She was born in Allentown, Pa., and is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Joseph C. Krajsa, now living in Middletown, Pa. Her father is the Editor of the Catholic weekly, JEDNOTA. Maryagnes Krajsa had an article appear in the Jed not a Annual FURDEK-1967; wrote an analogy of Slovakia's Hlinka and Rome's Cicero; and this spring won first prize in an essay contest on Slovak Culture and Heritage sponsored by the Slovak Catholic Federation of America. Inspired from early youth by his father and friends who were active in the Slovak League of America and the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Pir has maintained a lifelong interest in the history of the Slovak nation and its emigrants to America. As a member of a number of Slovak fraternal organiAbout the other contributors see zations, co-editor of the Ave Maria last year's edition of Slovakia. magazine, a contributor of articles and a writer of feature columns in several Slovak periodicals the past three decades, director of the Slovak Institute, this youthful Benedictine priest considers himself fortunate to have been associated with many leading Slovak personaAnnual StOV AKIA is publities in the course of his busy life. Perhaps this is another reason for hts willingness to indulge himself in his spare time in a number of translations, among them the translation of the history of the Slovak nation and its historic homeland (Slovenske dejiny) by Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. For this issue of Slovakia, he translated Hrusovsky's, l'.:ulen's, Sidor's and Sprinc's studies. In his articles and occasional lished by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Avenue, Middletown, Pennsylvania. Subscription $2.00. Editor: Dr. Joseph Paufo. SLOVAKIA BOOK 189 REVIEWS Slovak Literature in the New Catholic Encyclopedia (McGraw-Hill ), 15 vol. , 15,300 p. , 7,500 ill. Price $550.00. After seven years of work by hundreds of scholars the Catholic University of America published 15 volumes of The New Catholic Encyclopedia which will replace the Catholic Encyclopedia of 19071915. The new work has been received by critics as a masterpiece and favorable recensions were published even by non-Catholic press. Accustomed to misrepresentations of Slovakia, of its history and literature in American encyclopedias and symposia, we are agreeably surprised that the editors of The New Catholic Encyclopedia looked for contributors who would avoid old cliches and treat the subject without bias and prejudice. This is at least our impression about the presentation of the Slovak language and literature as well as of individual Slovak writers. The contributions on these subjects were written by professor J . M. Kirschbaum , who for several years lectured on Slovak literature, history and culture at the Department of Slavic Studies, at the University of Montreal, and delivered numerous addresses on the prominent Slovak poets and philologists at the Congresses of the Canadian Association of Slavists. The accounts on Slovak language as well as on Slovak literature in the Encyclopedia are marked by his knowledge of the subject, clear formulations and a genuine attempt at an unbiased presentation of the Slovak cultural past. According to the rules, only the writers who are no more alive, have been included in the Encyclopedia. The editors also determined the size of articles and the number of poets and writers to be included. As a result, there is an account on the Slovak language and literature which presents the development of the Slovak language and literature , their place among Slavic languages and literatures and their main characteristics. Without arguing with misconceptions, Dr. Kirschbaum presented Slovak literature and language in an objective light and put into the 3000 words, he was allowed to write, as much basic information as possible. It is perhaps for the first time that any Encyclopedia published an account on Slovak language and literature with such impartiality and without fundamental errors. Separately are treated in some 2000 words the following writers : Anton Bernolak, Jan Holly. ~udovit Stur, Andrej Sladkovic, P. 0 . Hviezdoslav, S. H. Vajansky, Martin Kukucin and J. C. Hronsky. In a concise form and selected vocabulary Dr. Kirschbaum presented each of these writers and their main works with references to Slovak, German, English and French sources. Selection of bibliography for the Slovak language and literature seems to be also good and comprehensive. The contributions were written over four years ago and therefore some books, especially F . Vnuk's work on Slovak post-World War II literature are missing. Slovak writers in exile are also mentioned, but only in proportion to the Slovak literature as a whole. Who had a glance at the articles on Slovakia in other American or European encyclopedias, will certainly welcome prof. Kirschbaum's contribution on Slovak literature and language in The New Catholic Encyclopedia. It is not only comprehensive, but also without the usual bias with which Slovakia has been presented to the World by non-Slovak J . Pauco scholars. 190 SLOVAKIA Jozef Pauco, Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike 1967 (Literary Almanac of the Slovak in America). Middletown, Pa., pp. 254. The 1967 Literarny Almanach, published by ,the Slovak v Amerike under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, may be compared to a door which opens into the surprisingly broad field of recent Slovak literary and cultural production in the free world. Already a fleeting glance from the threshold reveals that the field is marvelously fertile and productive, exhibiting a wealth and variety of blooms, colorful in their diversity, charming in their beauty, and attractive in their composition. What is most striking about this flourishing garden is that one encounters here both the producer and the finished product. The garden is portioned off into three areas, the smallest of which is labeled " A Glance at Slovak Literary Creativity in the Free World." Competent authors here present a panoramic view of the conditions under which Slovak culture has expressed itself in recent years in the fields of literature, religion, the arts and nationalism. Poignant in the extreme are the observations of Dr. Joseph Kirschoaum, which are by no means limited in their application to the literary phase of which he writes. The author points out that in fleeing from Slovakia her sons were indeed escaping from hostile forces enveloping their country. But many of them were unable to find refuge even in the West, which was bound especially in those years by political if not friendly ties with their enemies. The Slovaks in exile became marked men. Their enemies, Czech agents in particular, missed no opportunity to make life miserable for them. Doors were closed against them . They experienced harassment, suspicion, false accusations, smear campaigns, denunciations, and outright cruelty and injustice. The marvel is that they were able to accomplish anything at all. Moreover, a distressing lack of research facilities created special difficulties for them and they had no means or very limited ones for the publication of their works. Yet within the past 20 years they have succeeded in catching the ear of the world. Never before, we are told , has the truth about Slovakia been propagated so widely in all the major languages of rthe world. These Slovak writers have become the voice of Slovakia, its conscience and its truest defenders. The second portion of the garden is labeled " Communications from Authors and Poets." In this area the writers show some of their harvestings. Their proven talent is exemplified here in well-constructed, warmly human stories and in lyrics, epigrams, and narrative poems in which the authors reveal their thoughts and share their hopes and yearnings with the reader. The last and by far the largest portion of the garden is marked "Representatives of Slovak Cultural Creativity." Upon entering this area the r eader finds himself in the company of literary scores of eminently distinguished persons, all highly educated, scholarly, and compertent in their respective fields. One beholds them almost with awe- the kind of awe experienced by those who were privileged in 1963 to paiiticipate in the week-long centennial celebrations of the SS. Cyril and Methodius Jubilee in Rome. From the four quarters of the globe Slovaks had assembled in the heart of Christendom to pay tribute to their apostles. In that noble company one recognized prelates and priests, statesmen, writers, artists, missionaries, all of them heroes and leaders, many of whom had for God and country suffered agony, SLOVAKIA 191 torture, family separation, exile, imprisonment, persecution, starvation, homelessness. To see these people, to meet and talk with them, to be associated with them in prayer was an honor. Something of the same kind of impression is created by the Almanach. Here we not only see this band of leaders, gathered from all the continents of the world, but we are accorded the privilege of a formal introduction to each one by name and, I might add, by pseudonym. In the vicissitudes of flight, exile and adjustment, some of them h&ve assumed a whole series of pseudonyms, interesting to trace and identify. Now we are meeting them, as it were, face to face. We come to know when and where they were born, where they received their education, the manner in which they devote their energies on behalf of Slovakia, how they fared in its downfall, how they wandered from country to country, where they finally settled in the hope of earning a living. Above all, we are informed of the prodigious amount of writing they did "in the interests of truth" in the fields of religion, the arts, history, politics, science and industry. Representative among many in their respective fields are Charles Strmen, poet; Joseph !>uris, musician; Joseph Satin, artist; Michael Gerdelan, novelist; Dr. Joseph A. Mikus, diplomat; Dr. Stanislaus Meciar, literary critic; Eugene Urban, librarian ; Dr. Ferdinand t,urcansky, statesman; Rudolph Petrak, opera singer; Dr. Bonaventure Bue, O.F.M., linguist; Dr. Ivan A. Getting, scientist; Dr. Stephen Polakovic, philosopher; Stephen B. Roman, industrialist; Rudolph Kalencik, businessman; Philip A. Hrobak, journalist; Frico Motoska, sculptor; Rev. Jaroslav J. Vajda, translator; Jaroslav J. Pelikan, Protestant theologian; Boris Gaspar, illustrator; Rev. Julius Gasparik, composer; Francis Vnuk, metallurgist; Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, historian; Felix S. Gula, achitect; Dr. Joseph Stojkovic, physician; Rev. Louis Luzbetak, S.V.D., anthropologist; John Fabianek, biologist; John M. Dafcik, film critic; Mary Michna, pianist; Dr. Francis Zeman, biblical scholar; Dr. Heinrich Bartek, philologist. The list is merely typical; it was by no means easy to omit other names in each category. A survey of the list of works of these men is quite overwhelming. Indeed, if all the books, monographs, articles, works of art, music, paintings, sculpture, scientific studies produced by this group of professionals, were brought together into one collection, the resulting library would be precious beyond measure. In the preface to the Almanach, the renowned poet, Andrej .Zarnov, states that this listing of Slovak intellectuals and writers and the compilation of their representative works is long overdue. One is in for a surprise, he says, because the survey is remarkably revealing and the result tremendously inspiring. A final word from the editor is contained in the Epilogue. Dr. Pauco writes in substance: "It is an honor for us to place this Almanach in the hands of Slovaks wherever they may be. Like its predecessors it has its roots in a genuine love for and intense interest in the flowering of Slovak culture1in a free world. "In its compilation two circumstances brought us uncommon joy: 1) Whereas Americans regard a 10% response to a questionnaire as notably successful, our effort brought an overwhelming 95% response. 2) We have in effect produced here the nucleus of a Who's Who 192 SLOVAKIA Among the Slovaks, an undertaking long recognized as both desirable and necessary. "The two persons responsible for the compilation of personal data for the WHO'S WHO were the editor and, separated from him in faraway Australia, Francis Vnuk, who tackled this gigantic task with truly marvelous zeal and initiative. "In conducting the survey all religious and political dividing lines were disregarded. Beginners and veterans alike were invited to make themselves known, provided they had made some contribution to the treasury of Slovak self-identity and national consciousness." " Our aim," continues Dr. Pauco, "was to bear indisputable histurical witness to the native ability, resourcefulness, talent, energy and aspirations of the Slovaks in a free world; to the wholesomeness and durability of their Slovak culture; and to their determination to cling to and fight for their rights. Indeed, one can pose the question: If this is the output of men living in adverse circumstances, what would it have been in circumstances ideally set up in a free and independent Slovakia?" This ALMAN ACH, therefore, is a manifestation of Slovak talent and Slovak genius, yes, and a confrontation with Slovakia's indomitable courage. Sister M . Tarcisia Gregorovic, SS.C.M. Kalendar Jednota 1967: The 70th edition of the Jednota annual in the Slovak language. Jednota Press, 1967; 232 pp., Middletown, Pa. Ed. By Jozef C. Krajsa. Although the current Jednota annual follows the traditional pattern, it is an up-to-date publication that contains a variety of articles of interest to a wide circle of readers even outside the Jednota membership. Featured in this volume are John Sabol, supreme secretary, who by reason of his many years of devoted service merits the coveted title of 'Mr. Jednota,' and the late Jozef Rusek, who was editor of the Jednota weekly for more than three decades. Moreover, the ecumenical spirit is quite in evidence in the articles about Martin Razus by J. Dend'ur and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky by J . Bor. Many photos from Jednota affairs and Slovak life in general add to the attraction of a highly readable edition. Perhaps the most historical of the articles is the analysis of the view of communistic historians toward the Slovak Republic (1939-1945) by Jozef Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph.D. As customary, the extensive list of addresses of Slovak clergy and Religious is a valuable asset, but it needs to be A . P. revised and supplemented. Jednota Annual Furdek 1967: This current edition published by the First Catholic Slovak Union, Middletown, Pa., in the English language continues to fulfill its original purpose, ie., to reach the younger set inside and outside the Jednota family. (Jednota Press, Middletown, Pa., 1967, 192 pp.) True to its design, namely, to arouse the interest of the youth, the Furdek features a striking pictorial review of the last year's Jednota college scholarship winners. The articles are, however, of general interest to people interested in American Slovak activities. No doubt the panel of biographies introduced by the editor, Joseph C. Krajsa, SLOVAKIA 193 promises to inspire a complete series of life sketches of American Slovak leaders in various fields of activity throughout the country. We have something to look forward to next year and in the years to come. A. P, Diamond Jubilee Issue. Published by the 2ivena, Pittsburgh, Pa. Edited by Maria Mravec. 128 pp. in the Slovak language, brief supplements in English. Zivena Beneficial Society of the U.S.A . ( 1891 -1966) - This unusual volume follows an informal and original pattern but is historically valuable for its contents that cover a period of 75 years in the life of this fraternal organization for American Slovak women (also a minority of male members). Brief histories of various assemblies greatly enhance the overall value of the volume. Tributes paid to the founders and prominent leaders of the organization give us a true picture of the 2ivena family in our American Slovak fraternal life. A .P. Ncirodny A mericko -Slov ensky KALEND A R 1967 : 75th edition of the official annual published by the National Slovak Society of the U.S. of America, Pittsburgh, Pa., 224 pp. , 153 pp. in the Slovak language, 48 pp. in English and the rest advertizing. Ed. by Jan Mihal. Dedicated to the memory of Peter P . Rovnianek, founder of the NSS, this oldest of Slovak annuals in America, seeks to convey the old and new spirit of the American Slovak life : a) ,t he old, by recalling the inspiring leadership of our Slovak pioneers who organized our fraternal societies, b) the new, by peering into the future in an ecumenical mood to grasp the spirit of a new age. There are perhaps a number of controversial subjects touched upon here and there, but the spirit of Christian charity bids us to treat these in the spirit of the new ecumenism in an effort to arrive at a common understanding in the hope of Slovak unity that will help our Slovak nation win its struggle against the forces of evil let loose upon the hallowed land of Slovak forefathers. Here in a free land we must cherish our freedom not only in words but in deeds, and we can do no better than follow the shining example of Slovak pioneers who blazed a trail for us to follow, particularly in Slovak fraternal organizations in America. A . P. 1967 - Zi on Calendar: A jubilee issue marking the 450th anniversary of the Reformation. 160 pp. Published by the Slovak Zion Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Edited by Rev. John Kalny, Rev. John Kovacik and Rev. John Adam. Kalendcir Sion - Although Martin Luther is naturally the centerpiece of this volume in Slovak (80 pp.) and English (50 pp.) , advertizing 30 pp, the history of the Slovak Lutheran parishes is of special interest to those of Slovak origin. The history, too, of Dr. Jozef M. Hurban with accompanying pictures to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the birth of this great 19th century Slovak patriot and religious leader is of great interest to all Slovaks, here or in Slovakia. The names of Slovak Lutheran parishes and their pastors in America are invaluable to the 194 SLOVAKlA historian in search of facts and statistics for a complete history of the Slovaks in America. A. P. Bohemia, Yearbook of the Collegium Carolinum, Munich, Vol. 6, Robert Lerche Verlag, Munich, 1964, DM 45. Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium Carolinum in Mtinchen-Grtinwald, V. 1 to 3. August 1962. Verlag Robert Lerche, Munich 1965, 235 pp., DM 22.- (cloth bound) DM 19.(cardboard). The Collegium Carolinum, research center on the Bohemian countries, has again published two new volumes: the Bohemia Yearbook (Volume 6) and the papers delivered at a symposium of the Collegium in August 1962 in Grunwald near Munich on "Slovakia as a Central European Problem in Past and Present. " Because of the wealth of material and research findings the Bohemia Yearbooks are not only well-known but practically indispensable to readers especially interested in history. Once again it is difficult to select from the large number of treatises and book reviews a representative extract and although they would deserve mention, lack of space makes it impossible to include all the papers under review. Heribert Sturm, known not only to the people of Eger as an indefatigable researcher of his home area, examined - in a paper delivered in May 1964 in Nuremberg - the mutual relationships between Eger, Nuremberg and Prague in the high and late medieval periods. Also contained herein is Friedrich Prinz' lecture of January 1965 on Bohemia's historical problems between 1848 and 1918 plus his important confrontation of ideology and reality in the national controversy on both sides. By reading and rethinking the issues presented, one spontaneously feels grateful to the publisher for letting important words become printed witnesses to the efforts on behalf of historic trnth and reality. The same might be said of the talks on the Slovak question. Milan Stanislav Durica's contribution on "Slovakia during the March Crisis of 1939" offers valuable new material toward destroying the "Slovak legend": only undifferentiated, black-white presentations of " contemporary history" could and can see Slovakia as a stolid ally of National Socialist Greater Germany. To the historian prone to weigh and balance his material, this work offers a dovetailed mosaic of alliance under international law, ideological (partial) aversion, and power-political weighing of interests. One can only hope that Durica's voluminous tome: "La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la Germania 1938-1945" (Padua 1964, lire 4,000) will soon be available in translation. A number of these works should, however, be made available for broader circles, especially the youth. The Collegium Carolinum has assumed the task of "objectively fostering the tradition of the venerable Charles University .. . for the young." One could visualize in connection with the youth organizations well-suited to the task, such as the Sudeten German Youth and the German Youth of the East, a series of publications that would present the selected works of this kind at a price within reach, in greater number. Fritz Peter Habel SLOVAKIA 195 DO ·N ' T CO U NT US OUT! A COUNTRY WHICH YOU MAY NOT KNOW SLOVAK I A (18,921 square miles, population 4,400,000) is a separate country and the SLOVAK NATION is an individual member of the European family of nations. Though Slovakia lies in the very center of Europe, its name is not heard of in the world. The reason for that is the fate of this country which, for ages, has not been able to emerge in history under its own name, and is not even today an independent country on the map of Europe. The SLOVAKS occupied this country at the end of the 4th century, when it belonged to no one. The ancestors of the Slovak people attached to this country the destiny of all the succeeding Slovak generations, who in turn, established their claim to this land by the1 fact that during their more than thousand year history they never deserted or renounced it. Out of the tiny Slovak principalities a united Slovak State came into existence already in the first half of the 9th century. It was the first organized state in Central Europe. By the year 830 during the reign of Prince Pribina, a Christian church was standing in the ancient home of the Slovak princes of Nitra. It was the first Christian church in the entire territory of the western Slavs. The King Svatopluk (870-894), whom contemporary sources consider "the most glorious of the Slavonic rulers almost as mighty as an emperor" e.lQtended his domain to include the neighboring Czech and Polish tribes. He waged successful wars against his Western neighbors, maintained diplomatic relations and concluded diplomatic peace treaties with neighboring rulers, and safeguarded the independent status of his country. By the end of the 10th century, after the Danube basin was invaded by the Magyars, Slovakia lost the conditions necessary for independent development. Sometime around the year 1000 it became a part of the Hungarian State. A great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended, but neither its inspiring memory, nor the right of the Slovak nation to liberty and independence, ever faded. The addition into the heritage Slovaks did not enter the Hungarian State empty-handed. In to the territory of their own country, the Slovaks brought budding Hungarian State their entire material and spiritual and they became a participant in this new phase of history. For a century and a half (from 1540 until the end of the 17th century) Slovakia served as a bastion in the bulwark that defended Christian Europe against the danger from the East-against the attacks of the Turks. The new ideas which later, under the slogan "Liberty, Equality and Fraiternity," resulted in the French Revolution, made their way into the Danube basin and affected also the nations of that region, Slovak 196 SLOVAKIA national consciousness developed and, under the pressure of the subjugation exerted upon the Slovaks by the Magyars, became strongly rooted in Slovak life itself. Soon the Slovaks began to cultivate their own language. Anton Bernolak, in the year 1787 wrote a grammar of literary Slovak. In the year 1843, under I.!udovit Stur, who was the cultural and political leader of his generation, definitive rules of Slovak grammar were established and these became the instrument of an independent literature. In the spring of 1861 the Slovaks called a general assembly to Turciansky Sv. Martin where the prominent attorney Stefan Marko Daxner formulated Slovak policy in the comprehensive Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Pointing to the conditions which had developed in Hungary, they asked that the Slovak nation be recognized by a special edict, that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary, and that the Slovak people in their own territory be given the right to develop their own life without restriction. The Magyars opposed the petitions of the Slovak nation. They outlawed the assembling Slovaks and treated their political leaders as traitors. When World War I was nearing its end, the leaders of ,t he Slovaks saw that the military defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would give them the opportunity to attain the goals they were not able to achieve in Hungary. Slovaks took a stand for the right of self-determination On May 30, 1918, representatives of the Slovak League of America met with representatives of Czech organizations and with the President of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, T. G. Masaryk, in Pittsburgh, Pa., and drew up an agreement which guaranteed political and cultural autonomy to Slovakia in the new common State. The Slovaks in the homeland met on October 30, 1918, in Turciansky Sv. Martin, where they organized a Slovak National Council and in separate declaration proclaimed that the Slovaks once and for all were separating themselves from Hungary and were of their own accord joining the Czecho-Slovak State. The Slovak people welcomed the Czecho-Slovak Republic with open joy and sincere hope. But the relaitionship between the Slovak and Czech nations was dimmed :&om the very beginning of their union. On May 4, 1919, the outstanding representative of the Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak National Council, general Milan Rastislav Stefanik, was murdered by a secret order of the Prague Government. But the most important reason why the early enthusiasm of the Slovaks ended in rapid and complete disillusionment was that the Czechs were trying to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic on the same kind of foundation which the Magyars had laid for the creation of an united greater Hungary. The President of the Hungarian Government, Stephen Tisza, declared: "There is no Slovak nation ... " The President of Czecho-Slovakia, T. G. Masaryk, said the same. Magyarization was replaced with Czechization, and the undemocratic centralization by Budapest with the undemocratic centralization by Prague. Slovakia was treated as a colony of the Czechs. SLOVAKIA 197 Rev. Andrej Hlinka, a fearless political fighter of the Slovaks during the Hungarian regime, renewed the relentless struggle for the honor and rights of his own nation. The policy of his Slovak People's Party was based on the Pittsburgh Agreement. It was drawn up and signed by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, T. G. Masaryk, who later declared iit null and void. The disappointed Slovaks united themselves in the predominantly Catholic Slovak People's Party, led by A. Hlinka, and in the Slovak National Party, which had a majority of Lutheran members, headed by Martin Razus, a leading Slovak poet whom the Slovaks called the '' conscience of .the Slovak nation." The Czechs, like the Magyars, did not want to give up their imperialistic plans for Slovakia until they were forced to under the pressure of the international developments. The Czecho-Slovak Republic, preparing to celebrate its 20th anniversary, found itself in the midst of a serious internal crisis and was shaken to its foundations by strong German pressure. After the Allies of the Czecho-Slovak Government dis-associated themselves from the policy of President Benes, the days of Czecho-Slovakia came to an end. Circumstances left .the Slovaks no choice but to shift for themselves. After a great manifestation in Bratislava, on June 5, 1938, where a delegation of the Slovak League of America, led by its president Dr. Peter Hletko, brought along the original of the Pittsburgh Pact, after lengthy and fruitless consultations with representatives of the Prague regime, the Executive Committee of the Slovak People's Party met in 2ilina, on the 6th of October, 1938, and suggested that all power in Slovakia be seized by the Slovaks. This resolution of the Slovak People's Party was accepted and approved in all its parts by delegates of all the remaining non-leftist Slovak parties. According to the declaration of Slovak autonomy, elections for seats in the Slovak Parliament were held as early as December 18, 1938. The Slovak Parliament, elected according to the decree of Slovak autonomy, was called into extraordinary session by the President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, Dr. Emil Hacha, and on March 14, 1939, it dedared Slovakia an independent and self-gov erning state by unanimous resoh.1,tion. This step was the only refuge for Slovakia against the storm threatening 1t in the tense international situation. The independent State of Slovakia was recognized either de jure or de facto by 27 nations. These states included great powers and small countries, neutrals as well as belligerents in the Second World War. On October 26, 1939, Dr. Jozef Tiso was elected the first president of the Slovak Republic and was recognized by the Slovak nation as the successor of the 9th-century Slovak princes. After six years, a great and glorious chapter of Slovak history was ended. On the heels of the Soviet army's divisions and their unspeakable atrocities, came Dr. Eduard Benes with the government of a resurrected Czecho-Slovak Republic. The Slovak nation arrived, against its will and contrary to all the principles of natural and selfdetermining rights, at a position in which it did not care to live at any price, with nothing but slavery staring it in the face . SLOVAKIA 198 The Slovak nation became a victim of revenge because it waged to declare and to build its own state. The execution of the President of Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, on April 18, 1947, was the condemnation of whole Slovak people. The gallows on which Dr. Jozef Tiso and' the other representatives of the Slovak Republic died a martyr's death, and the time bomb which killed the prominent exilefighter of Slovakia, Matu~ Cernak, in Munich on June 5, 1955, stand above the chasm whica once and for all obliterated any form of Czecho-Slovak state. The spirit and form of the Communist people's democracy are foreign , repulsive and unacceptable to the Slovak nation. With persistent and remarkable consistency, the Slovaks are rejecting everything that the government of Czecho-Slovakia, as a servant of Moscow, is forcing upon them. And they are defending and fighting with heroic courage everything that feeds and strengthens their own life. They will never surrender their claim to a free life in their own state, but insist on an independent position in the great family of nations in Europe. The struggle for this goal is led not just by the Slovak nation behind the Iron Curtain, but by its members in the free world. The Slovaks, through the Slovak League of America, do not cease to call for FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE for SLOVAKIA . SLOVAK STATE - A DREAM OF THOUSAND YEARS Atty. John F. Spacek March 14, 1939. A thousand years old Slovak dream of self-government realized on this date. The yearnings, wishes and prayers of a courageous people were answered on this date. Slovaks - the " Irish of Central Europe" as they are often called, joined the family of nations. Their freedom, cultural identity, free expression of thought were now a political reality. Let us, for a brief moment, go into history, to the year 1938 and trace the birth and growth of the Slovak state. It was at this time that the avarious eyes of Hitler cast themselves upon the Sudetenland ; his demands were to assimilate the Sudeten Germans into the Third Reich. Fearing the advent of a war the English and the French recommended appeasing Hitler by agreeing to his demands. However, at this time, it was not only -the German that was avarious. The Pole and the Magyar also cast their eyes on Slovakia. It was at this time, it must be remembered, that the thought and dream of an independent Slovakia was nurtured. Faced with the possibility of total digestion by the German and occupation by the Magyar and/or Pole, a decision by Father Dr. Tiso had to be made. It must be remembered that the decision was made reluctantly, since the original intention of those in power was to participate with the Czechs as a part of a federated state of Czechs and Slovaks. This, SLOVAKIA 199 however, could not be. Condition in the Czecho-Slovakia deteriorated to a point where total occupation by the German army was inevitable. Pressed by the demands of Hitler, the fear of Czech duplicity (again), a fear of occupation by the Magyars together with the centuries old dream of self-government, Slovakia was born. The birth of the Slovak Republic did not come without fanfare. Diplomatic recognition and relations were exchanged by almost every European power, including seventeen (17) who fought on the side of allies or were neutral. Congratulatory notes and wishes were received from every corner of the globe. A constitution was formed. A memorable document embodying every .p rinciple of Christian Law and social justice. A representative. government was adopted. A house consisting of one representative for every 20,000 people. It became a haven for Jews escaping from Poland. Pro-German functionaries were dismissed from office. It became known as a "Christian Oasis" in a Nazi desert - and the "Ireland of Central Europe". However, this dream, this yearning and desire for self-govern• ment was not to last. It became apparent that a Russian occupation was eminent. Various efforts were made to prevent a destruction of the country by the ravages of war and to continue their freedom thereafter. However, communist infiltrators and traitors were not to permit a free Slovakia, causing distrust, turmoils and disorder. The communists now took hold of the country not by the rule of law, but by the rule of force, not by self-determination, but by fear. In history's haste to re-establish Czecho-Slovakia and with a generous assistance of communists and combined with total disregard to the Slovaks' own destiny, the control over Slovakia was once more moved back to Prague. The 1000 years' dream ended after six years. Six years of what? Six years of freedom from fear, freedom from want, six years of economic and cultural development, and of educational advances beyond anyone's dream. - And it ended. It was a dream worth fighting for. It is for this dream that the Slovak League of America exists and continues in the struggle for self-determination and the cause of Slovak freedom. Some historians will criticize this short-lived Slovak Republic for accepting some measure of assistance from the Germans. I say to these: "You are naive . .. From whom was this freedom that had been so long sought to come? From the Russians? The Czechs? The Magyars? What other course was open?" If we criticize Father Tiso, should we not also criticize De Valera of Ireland and Gandhi of India and many others? This struggle is mankind's struggle for self-determination. family of nations at the United Nations began with a handful result of the rights of mankind to determine their own destiny. the family has grown. Has not the philosophy of the Slovaks proven to be correct? The as a And been 200 SLOVAKIA Contents American Democracy and Slovak Life - Hrusovsky - Dr. Francis 1 Constantine Beginnings of The Slovak League of America - Culen - 18 The Slovak League of America and the Slovak Nation's Struggle for Autonomy - Karol Sidor - 29 Slovak League of America and Independent Slovakia - Mikulas Sprinc - 63 Under Dynamic Leadership Peter V. Rovnianek - Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M. - F . Vnuk - A Poet in Exile - Prof. Dr. F . Durcansky - The Slovaks in America - J.M. Kirschbaum - P . V. Rovnianek - 181 As Others See It - 185 189 A Country Which You May Not Know Slovak State - Atty. John F . Spacek - 153 161 178 Current Issues - Book Reviews - 144 Maryagnes Krajsa - Andrej Hlinka - Contributors - Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. - 195 198 173 104 137 PRI NTI D IN U.S. A. JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y, MID DLli TOW N, PA.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40) Description An account of the resource includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Contributors; Book Reviews; A Country Which You May Not Know; Slovak State - A Dream of Thousand Years Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a78e714cca0cdd112ee1d3f2ec76c6d9.pdf b440d6b5898cd1f993452bcda3640610 PDF Text Text � � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967